Bengaluru: The Karnataka High Court has ruled that the marriage of a woman that has taken place before her attaining 18 years of age cannot be annulled. The bench also quashed the earlier order in this regard by a Family Court.
The division bench comprising Chief Justice P.B. Varale and Justice S. Vishvajith Shetty gave the order, while looking into the petition in this regard by a woman recently.
According to the Hindu Marriage Act Section 5 (3), the age of bridegroom should be 21 years and bride should be 18 years. The rule specifying 18 years of age for marriage is being kept out of Section 11 of the Act, the bench said. Besides for cancellation of marriage, the facts have to be in contravention to the Section 5 and rule 1, 4 and 5. Hence, the annulment of marriage won’t apply to this case, the bench said.
Petitioner Susheela from Mandya district had married Manjunath on June 15, 2012. Susheela was minor at the time of marriage. The husband came to know about this fact later and he submitted a petition to the Family Court demanding cancellation of his marriage.
The Family Court had accepted the petition and stated according to the Hindu Marriage Act the age has to be 18 years for the bride and at the time of marriage the age of the bride in this case was 16 years, 11 months and 8 days. The court had stated that the marriage won’t stand under the Section 11 of the Hindu Marriage Act.
The order was given by the Family Court on January 8, 2015 regarding the cancellation of marriage. The wife, Susheela, had appealed against the order in the High Court.
A dozen Republican-governed states have implemented sweeping bans on abortion, and several others seek to do the same. But those moves have been offset by gains on the other side.
Abortion opponents were defeated in votes on ballot measures in Kansas, Michigan and Kentucky. State courts have blocked several bans from taking effect. Myriad efforts are underway to help patients travel to states that allow abortions or use medication for self-managed abortions. And some Democratic-led states have taken steps to shield patients and providers from lawsuits originating in states where the procedure is banned.
Organizers with the Women’s March said their strategy moving forward will focus largely on measures at the state level. But freshly energized anti-abortion activists are increasingly turning their attention to Congress, with the aim of pushing for a potential national abortion restriction down the line.
Sunday’s main march was held in Wisconsin, where upcoming elections could determine the state Supreme Court’s power balance and future abortion rights. But rallies took place in dozens of cities, including Florida’s state capital of Tallahassee, where Vice President Kamala Harris gave a fiery speech before a boisterous crowd.
“Can we truly be free if families cannot make intimate decisions about the course of their own lives?” Harris said. In Madison, thousands of abortion rights supporters donned coats and gloves to march in below-freezing temperatures through downtown to the state Capitol.
“It’s just basic human rights at this point,” said Alaina Gato, a Wisconsin resident who joined her mother, Meg Wheeler, on the Capitol steps to protest.
They said they plan to vote in the April Supreme Court election. Wheeler also said she hoped to volunteer as a poll worker and canvass for Democrats, despite identifying as an independent voter.
“This is my daughter. I want to make sure she has the right to choose whether she wants to have a child,” Wheeler said.
Buses of protesters streamed into the Wisconsin capital from Chicago and Milwaukee, armed with banners and signs calling for the Legislature to repeal the state’s ban.
Eliza Bennett, a Wisconsin OBGYN who said she had to stop offering abortion services to her patients after Roe was overturned, called on lawmakers to put the choice back in the hands of women. “They should be making decisions about what’s best for their health, not state legislatures,” she said.
Abortions are unavailable in Wisconsin due to legal uncertainties faced by abortion clinics over whether an 1849 law banning the procedure is in effect. The law, which prohibits abortion except to save the patient’s life, is being challenged in court.
Some also carried weapons. Lilith K., who declined to provide their last name, stood on the sidewalk alongside protestors, holding an assault rifle and wearing a tactical vest with a holstered handgun.
“With everything going on with women and other people losing their rights, and with the recent shootings at Club Q and other LGBTQ night clubs, it’s just a message that we’re not going to take this sitting down,” Lilith said.
The march also drew counter-protesters. Most held signs raising religious objections to abortion rights. “I don’t really want to get involved with politics. I’m more interested in what the law of God says,” John Goeke, a Wisconsin resident, said.
In the absence of Roe v. Wade’s federal protections, abortion rights have become a state-by-state patchwork.
Since June, near-total bans on abortion have been implemented in Alabama, Arkansas, Idaho, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas and West Virginia. Legal challenges are pending against several of those bans. The lone clinic in North Dakota relocated across state lines to Minnesota.
Bans passed by lawmakers in Ohio, Indiana and Wyoming have been blocked by state courts while legal challenges are pending. And in South Carolina, the state Supreme Court on Jan. 5 struck down a ban on abortion after six weeks, ruling the restriction violates a state constitutional right to privacy.
Wisconsin’s conservative-controlled Supreme Court, which for decades has issued consequential rulings in favor of Republicans, will likely hear the challenge to the 1849 ban filed in June by the state’s attorney general, Josh Kaul. Races for the court are officially nonpartisan, but candidates for years have aligned with either conservatives or liberals as the contests have become expensive partisan battles.
Women’s rallies were expected to be held in nearly every state on Sunday.
The eldest daughter of Norma McCorvey, whose legal challenge under the pseudonym “Jane Roe” led to the landmark Roe v. Wade decision, was set to attend the rally in Long Beach, California. Melissa Mills said it was her first Women’s March.
“It’s just unbelievable that we’re here again, doing the same thing my mom did,” Mills told The Associated Press. “We’ve lost 50 years of hard work.”
The Women’s March has become a regular event — although interrupted by the coronavirus pandemic — since millions rallied in the United States and around the world the day after Trump’s January 2017 inauguration.
Trump made the appointment of conservative judges a mission of his presidency. The three conservative justices he appointed to the U.S. Supreme Court — Justices Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett — all voted to overturn Roe v. Wade.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
Mumbai: As the mythological drama ‘RadhaKrishn’ has concluded after completing 1,145 episodes. Lead actors Sumedh Mudhgalkar and Mallika Singh, who played the lead roles of Lord Krishna and Radha, shared their experience of working for almost five years.
Sumedh said: “It has been a privilege to play the character of Lord Krishna as several popular actors have enacted this character. Initially, it was a mammoth task to crack the assignment, but eventually, I realised that it was my journey and it was a competition against myself.”
“It’s been almost five years, I have been associated with the show. Now the perceptions are changing, everything right from the set to the environment is changing. And suddenly you realise that you won’t be able to see these things again and thus you start appreciating them more. You suddenly feel emotional, I really cannot imagine my life after the show.”
The mythological show based on the story of Lord Krishna and Radha, which premiered on October 1, 2018, was considered among the longest-running shows and a prequel to it also started, titled ‘Jai Kanhaiya Lal Ki’ in 2021 and ended in July 2022.
Mallika, who played Radha recalled how tough it was initially for her to get into the skin of the character: “It was a wonderful experience to play the part of Radha, and I was overjoyed when I was offered the role in the TV series ‘RadhaKrishn’. At the initial stage, I found it a bit hard to cope but then gradually we had to multitask while getting into character, and I realised it was my journey where I learned a lot and adapted myself to all the challenges.”
“Now the long journey has come to an end where I am emotional but also happy that I’ve made innumerable memories as well as good experiences. Though it is difficult to accept the fact that the show has come to an end, we will miss the set and crew members of the show since each and every person of the show has put their best to make this show a success,” she concluded.
New Delhi: The Congress alleged on Sunday that debt, unemployment and inequality have risen in the country under the Narendra Modi government and the debt on every Indian has increased by 2.53 times in the last nine years.
Congress spokesperson Gourav Vallabh said the astronomical increase in the government’s debt due to “Modinomics” has crushed the common people as the debt per Indian has increased from Rs 43,124 to Rs 1,09,373 since 2014.
Former Congress president Rahul Gandhi alleged that the “friends” of Prime Minister Modi kept “picking pockets” as the media diverted public attention.
“How did the wealth of the prime minister’s ‘favourite friend’ increase by eight times during the pandemic? How did the wealth of the prime minister’s ‘favourite friend’ increase by 46 per cent in one year? “The media kept diverting the attention of the public, while the ‘friends’ of the prime minister kept picking pockets. The earnings of the poor were stolen by ‘friends’,” Gandhi said in a tweet in Hindi.
Vallabh alleged that the economy has witnessed a K-shaped recovery under the BJP-led regime and asked why the debt per Indian saw a 2.53-time jump in the last nine years.
“From 1947 till March 31, 2014, the total debt of the Indian government increased to Rs 55.87 lakh crore. Why, in the last nine years, it grew to Rs 155.31 lakh crore, a jump of 2.77 times? “Why is the money borrowed just helping in a K-shaped recovery, with 50 per cent of the population owning three per cent of the country’s total wealth and ending up paying 64 per cent of the GST collected?” he asked at a press conference here.
“The Modi government is burying our future generations in debt. The debt per Indian increased from Rs 43,124 to Rs 1,09,373 in the last nine years. The debt per Indian has become 2.53 times higher than what it was in 2014, in the last nine years of the Modi government,” Vallabh alleged.
He said in absolute terms, the debt per Indian has increased by Rs 66,249 in the last nine years.
According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for 2022, India’s debt to GDP was 83 per cent, far above other emerging markets and developing economies that have an average debt of 64.5 per cent, the Congress leader said.
He cited figures of the outstanding internal and external debt and other liabilities of the Indian government.
Vallabh said according to the Oxfam report, the wealthiest five per cent in India own more than 60 per cent of the country’s wealth, while the bottom half of the population (50 per cent) together share just three per cent of the wealth.
On the other side, 64 per cent of the Rs 14.83 lakh crore collected in Goods and Services Tax (GST) came from the bottom 50 per cent of the population, with only three per cent of the amount coming from the top 10 per cent.
“The above borrowing is just helping in a K-shaped recovery, with some sectors doing well but not others. The (COVID-19) pandemic hit the middle-and-low-income groups and small and medium industries harder. As a result, the growth in consumption (Private Final Consumption Expenditure or PFCE) fell from 25.9 per cent in the first quarter (Q1) of financial year 2022-23 to 9.7 per cent in the second quarter (Q2).
To a question on the government blocking access to a BBC documentary on the 2002 Godhra riots, Vallabh said, “There is a scheme of the government of India called ‘Block in India’, like ‘Make in India’, ‘Startup India’. The government does not want difficult questions to be asked. If the BBC headquarters were in Delhi, the ED (Enforcement Directorate) might have been at their doorsteps by now.”
At 8.20am last Monday, Andrea Bonafede was queueing at the check-in of a private medical clinic in Palermo, Sicily. Suffering from colon cancer and thought to be 59, he had already undergone two operations and chemotherapy at the clinic, often bringing the staff presents of olive oil and exchanging phone numbers, and text messages, with his fellow patients. He was known to dress in flashy clothes: that morning he was wearing a sheepskin coat, a white hat, Ray-Ban shades and an expensive Franck Muller watch.
Waiting for his Covid test, he went outside and walked towards the Fiat Brava, and the driver, that had brought him there. The undercover officers watching him worried that he had realised he was under surveillance and that he might be about to bolt. A colonel from the Carabinieri, Italy’s militarised police, decided to move in: “Are you Matteo Messina Denaro?”
“You know who I am,” came the weary reply.
A police composite photo of mafia top boss Matteo Messina Denaro, left; and, right, as he looks today. Photograph: AP
The 150 police and Carabinieri who had been in position inside and outside the clinic suddenly sprang into action. Totò Schillaci, the former international footballer from Palermo, was caught up in the blitz, later comparing it to “a madhouse, a wild west”. Armed forces in balaclavas burst out of unmarked vehicles and blocked exit routes and streets. After 30 years on the run, Italy’s most wanted man – nicknamed U Siccu, or “Skinny” – had finally been captured.
Realising what was happening, members of the public began to applaud. Some high-fived the men in balaclavas. In less than an hour, the arrest of Messina Denaro was front-page news across the globe. The Italian president, Sergio Mattarella (whose brother, Piersanti, was murdered by the mafia in 1980 when he was governor of Sicily) thanked the police and prosecutors. The prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, immediately flew to Palermo to congratulate the special forces on capturing the man who had helped plan a terrorist-style bombing campaign across Italy in 1992 and 1993.
In those years, as the certainties of the First Republic disintegrated, the standoff between the Italian state and Cosa Nostra had turned into violent confrontation. Two dogged investigators, Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino, had persuaded a former mobster, Tommaso Buscetta, to turn state’s witness. The mafia’s secretive organisation and political connections were, for the first time, clearly revealed. In mass trials, 338 mafiosi were convicted.
When those sentences were upheld on appeal, the mafia took its brutal revenge: their political protector, Salvo Lima, was executed in March 1992 and later that year both investigators were killed in very public bombings on the island. Falcone, his wife and three bodyguards were murdered on the road between the airport and Palermo in May; Borsellino was murdered in Palermo in July, along with five bodyguards, as he visited his sister and mother. Messina Denaro was involved in the operational planning of both bombings.
The following year the terror campaign turned to the mainland. At 1.04am on 27May 1993, a bomb exploded outside the Uffizi gallery, in Via dei Georgofili in Florence, destroying various works of art and killing five people, including a nine-year-old girl, Nadia, and her two-month-old sister. Two months later, on 27July, a bomb outside a contemporary art gallery in Milan killed five; the next day, there were two further bombs in Rome, this time without victims. Messina Denaro was convicted, in absentia, of having also ordered and planned the mainland bombing campaign.
The scene outside the Uffizi art gallery after the 1993 bombing, in which five people were killed. Photograph: Sipa/REX/Shutterstock
Born in 1962 in the province of Trapani, Matteo Messina Denaro is the son of a convicted mobster who had worked for the wealthy D’Alì family. He became the protege of Totò Riina, the boss of bosses, and was renowned for being both a party-loving womaniser and a ruthless killer. He fell in love with an Austrian woman working in a hotel in Selinunte and when her manager, Nicola Consales, was overheard complaining about the “little mafiosi” who were lounging around the hotel, he was – in Palermo in 1991 – shot dead.
A year later, another mobster complained about Riina’s strategy of a frontal assault on the Italian state. Messina Denaro invited Vincenzo Milazzo to a meeting, shot him, and strangled his pregnant partner, Antonella Bonomo. Later that year, he was part of the group that attempted to murder a policeman, Calogero Germanà. When one mafioso turned state’s witness, Messina Denaro was part of the cupola – the group of top mafia bosses – that ordered the kidnap of his 12-year-old son, Giuseppe di Matteo. The boy was held captive for 779 days before being strangled and dissolved in acid. Messina Denaro once boasted that he had killed enough people to fill a cemetery.
But during his three decades in hiding, Messina Denaro also took the mafia in a new direction. Drive-by executions and semtex bombings guaranteed only crackdowns and bad headlines, and U Siccu had seen how the Calabrian mafia, the ‘Ndrangheta, had enriched itself by quietly infiltrating and investing in legitimate businesses. Messina Denaro put his dirty money into clean energy, using an unknown electrician as a front to build a wind-power empire worth €1.5bn. He created a €700m chain of 83 shops through another frontman.
Investigators became suspicious about various builders and salami-makers who were suddenly making millions through slot machines, stolen archaeological treasures, transport hubs, building companies and tourist resorts and so they began arresting those they suspected of being fronts for the Sicilian “Scarlet Pimpernel”. In 2011 alone, they arrested 140 suspected sidekicks and frontmen, a few of whom flipped and gave investigators insights into Messina Denaro’s business empire.
But the man himself remained elusive. Investigators didn’t even know what he looked like. There was only a photograph from 1993 which had been artificially aged. The operation to locate him was called Tramonto (“sunset”), named after a poem written by the nine-year-old Nadia who had been killed in Florence. The breakthrough came when wiretaps of his relatives revealed Messina Denaro had colon cancer. Investigators obtained lists of all patients aged over 55 undergoing oncological treatment for the disease in the provinces of Agrigento, Palermo and Trapani.
Giuseppe di Matteo, who was murdered on Messina Denaro’s watch.
Of the possible matches, one stood out: Andrea Bonafede was the name of a man on the fringes of the mafia and it emerged that when he was supposed to be on the operating table in Palermo, his phone actually revealed his presence in Campobello di Mazara, near Trapani. The obvious conclusion was that Bonafede had lent his identity to someone who couldn’t reveal their own. On 29December, “Bonafede” booked an appointment in the Palermo clinic for 16January and when, last Monday morning, the real Bonafede remained at home, the authorities decided to act.
But despite the initial euphoria at the capture of the famous fugitive, details of his life on the run have shocked the country in the last week. Looking surprisingly similar to the artificially aged photograph, Messina Denaro was living openly in Campobello di Mazara, next to his birthplace in Castelvetrano. He used to go regularly to the local bar, pizzeria and even, according to reports, to Palermo’s football stadium. The Viagra found in his flat suggests he had company. One doctor who was treating him took selfies as if he knew he was in the presence of a star. In a town of just over 11,000 people, Messina Denaro was referred for treatment by a GP (known to be a member of a local masonic lodge) who presumably knew the real Bonafede.
“He was hiding in plain sight,” says Federico Varese, a professor of criminology at the University of Oxford, and author of Mafia Life. “It is extraordinary and disconcerting that it took 30 years to arrest this man and that speaks to one fact: there was no help from local informants because of a deep mistrust of people in this part of Italy towards institutions of the state.” Another former fugitive, mafia boss Bernardo Provenzano, was able to elude capture for 43 years.
But more than just the passive omertà, or silence, of the local community, many investigators spoke last week about active collusion. Pasquale Angelosanto, the commander of the elite troops behind the Tramonto operation, lamented how the long hunt had been “marked by politicians, law enforcement officers and state officials being arrested or investigated for warning the boss that the circle was closing in”. Repeatedly authorities thought an arrest was imminent, only to be foiled at the last minute: on one occasion, police burst into the suspected meeting place in Bagheria where Messina Denaro was thought to be meeting one of his lovers, Maria Masi. They found only fresh caviar, a scarf, a bracelet, Merit cigarettes and a jigsaw, all hastily abandoned.
The suspicion of an overlap between institutional figures and organised crime has deepened in recent months: in December last year, Antonio D’Alì – a former under-secretary at the interior ministry during Silvio Berlusconi’s 2001-06 government – was convicted for “external complicity with the mafia”. Both Messina Denaro and his father had worked for the D’Alì family. In September 2022, Totò Cuffaro, a former governor of the island who spent almost five years in prison for “aiding and abetting” Cosa Nostra and breaching investigative secrecy, stood for re-election. His party or “list” won five seats in the regional assembly. In an on-going trial, many other politicians stand accused of negotiating with the mafia in those crisis years of 1992-93.
The faint hope that the captured man might collaborate with the authorities and reveal some of the secrets of that dark period has also receded. The decision to appoint his niece, a notorious defender of mafiosi, as his lawyer suggests he will not make any revelations or confessions. Nor is there much hope that the organisation will be significantly weakened. “Mafias are not reducible to their ‘bosses’,” wrote Luigi Ciotti, a lifelong anti-mafia campaigner, last week: “[they have] developed into a lattice of organisations capable of making up for the disappearance of one individual through the strength of the system.”
“The longevity of this criminal organisation is extraordinary,” says Varese. “It has been around since the 1830s, far longer than most businesses. We need to ask what is being done to get rid us not just of the head, but of the root causes of the mafia.”
Tobias Jones lives in Parma. His most recent book isThe Po: An Elegy for Italy’s Longest River
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( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )
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A financial fraudster who lured students at an elite New York liberal arts college into a cult-like world of sexual, physical and emotional abuse was sentenced on Friday to 60 years in federal prison.
Larry Ray, born Lawrence Grecco, was found guilty in April of sex trafficking and racketeering, among other related charges, stemming from the psychological manipulation – and ensuing physical violence – against his daughter’s roommates at Sarah Lawrence College.
“It was sadism, pure and simple,” Judge Lewis Liman said in handing down the sentence, shortly after saying that Ray, 63, used his “evil genius” to torment his victims.
Authorities became aware of his criminal behavior following an explosive New York magazine feature.
During Ray’s four-week Manhattan federal court trial – during which he had several medical episodes – prosecutors laid out a chilling chronology of events that started when Ray moved into his daughter’s dorm room around late 2010. Ray engaged in “therapy” sessions with some of her roommates under the false pretense of helping them navigate psychological issues.
Ray cast himself as a “father figure”, and several of the roommates moved into an apartment in Manhattan’s Upper East Side neighborhood the following summer. The one-bedroom flat devolved into a house of horrors, they said in their indictment against him.
Ray engaged in still more spurious “therapy” sessions with students, convincing them to reveal deeply “intimate” details about their lives. He subsequently “alienated” several of his victims from their parents and convinced some that they were “broken” and “in need of fixing” – by him, charging papers said
After securing these students’ trust, Ray commenced “interrogation sessions” that mostly involved physical and verbal abuse. He made false allegations against the students during these sessions, including claims of property damage and, in one preposterous instance, accusations that one victim tried to poison him.
Ray once put a knife against one male victim’s throat until he confessed to wrongdoing, and placed a chokehold around another male victim’s neck, making him lose consciousness.
He slammed one female victim against the ground after she returned home with food that became cold. Ray also forced three female victims to work on a family property in North Carolina, where he kept food under lock and key – forcing them to work “in the middle of the night” and sleep outside despite the summer heat, prosecutors said in court papers.
Four years after Ray entered these students’ lives, he told one female victim that she should engage in prostitution to repay him for purported property damage. The victim, Claudia Drury, did so from about 2014 to 2018.
“I became a prostitute,” Drury testified and, according to the New York Times, said. “It was Larry’s suggestion.” Ray, who had sexually groomed Drury for several years prior, then pocketed more than $500,000 she had made from prostitution.
Drury also told jurors that Ray became livid after she told one of her clients about parts of her life. He threatened to waterboard her.
Drury provided a victim-impact statement to the court that was read by her friend.
“It was unrelenting sadism,” Drury’s statement said.
“It was hell – it was a deliberate, educated, and sustained campaign to break me,” Drury added. “Every time I was forced to prostitute myself … I felt myself getting more numb.”
“I barely have the energy to exist day to day,” Drury also said of the ongoing emotional impact.
Santos Rosario, who was also victimized by Ray, gave a victim-impact statement in court. “He drove me to attempt suicide more than once and at one point, I was contemplating it daily,” Rosario said.
As Ray’s victims provided statements, he looked at them attentively, though showed no sign of emotion. When Ray entered his sentencing hearing, he walked with a limp, and wore headphones throughout the proceeding.
In pushing for a life sentence, prosecutors said that “over a period of years, he intentionally inflicted brutal and life-long harm on innocent victims that he groomed and abused into submission”.
“While the defendant’s victims descended into self-hatred, self-harm, and suicidal attempts under his coercive control, the evidence showed that the defendant took sadistic pleasure in their pain, and enjoyed the fruits of their suffering,” they argued in court papers.
Prosectors vehemently argued that lust for money was not Ray’s only motivation. “He also enjoyed being cruel,” they argued.
“It is obvious, for example, that his victims, without any experience with physical labor or construction equipment, had no real chance of making productive financial improvements to the property in North Carolina – and yet the defendant forced them to toil senselessly under punishing conditions for weeks on end simply to revel in their Sisyphean struggle,” they said.
“When his victims expressed anguish or guilt, he feigned sympathy and twisted the knife in deeper.
“He baited his victims to attempt suicide and then stymied their recoveries, while pretending to be the only one concerned with their wellbeing.” Their arguments in court echoed their sentencing paperwork.
Ray’s defense, on the other hand, contended in court papers that any sentence exceeding 15 years would be “unnecessary”. They also claimed that Ray himself grew up in an abusive home.
Ray’s grandmother hit him with a cat o’ nine tails, a “whip intended for severe physical punishment”. And, as Ray was forced to sleep on top of a pile of blankets in his grandmother’s basement, his grandfather sexually assaulted him, they said.
When Ray’s lawyers had their chance to argue in favor of a less-than-life sentence, they extensively discussed his purported suffering. Ray didn’t have anyone at court to support him which, they said, “speaks volumes” – namely, that he is alone in the world following the recent deaths of his father, stepfather and stepmother.
Ray also had the chance to address Liman and when he did so, largely cast himself as a victim, even appearing to choke up. “These three years I’ve spent in jail have been hell,” Ray said.
Ray rattled off a list of alleged health maladies – numbing and tingling in his extremities, ear-ringing, “very frightening” lesions – and the many medical specialists who have not been able to determine what is wrong. “Being in jail has been horrible,” he said.
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( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )
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