Tag: Whats

  • Michael McCaul is threatening to hold Antony Blinken in contempt of Congress over an Afghanistan withdrawal document. Here’s what’s happening.

    Michael McCaul is threatening to hold Antony Blinken in contempt of Congress over an Afghanistan withdrawal document. Here’s what’s happening.

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    gettyimages 1231633909 1
    Rep. Michael McCaul doesn’t believe the Secretary of State has properly complied with a subpoena.

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    #Michael #McCaul #threatening #hold #Antony #Blinken #contempt #Congress #Afghanistan #withdrawal #document #Heres #whats #happening
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • What’s Really Behind the Release of Tucker Carlson’s Texts

    What’s Really Behind the Release of Tucker Carlson’s Texts

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    The point of this inquiry isn’t to provide Carlson any relief — he deserves all the scrutiny his firing has brought him — but to examine the motives of the unnamed sources who have risen against him in recent days. Why have so many powerful actors chosen this moment to slag Carlson, when none of the behaviors described clash with the way he’s carried on for years? One possibility is that people who are working for Fox have assembled a PR campaign to discredit the network’s former star that will throw the press pack off doing additional coverage on the Dominion case. It’s like a fighter jet releasing a flare to fool an enemy’s heat-seeking missile. Why theorize in this direction? Because the story that’s currently being put out there just doesn’t add up.

    According to the Times and the Post, the Fox board got spooked when it saw the unredacted message (Exhibit 276 from the case) in which Carlson texted about his reaction to the beating of a purported Antifa member. Writes the Times, “The text alarmed the Fox board, which saw the message a day before Fox was set to defend itself against Dominion Voting Systems before a jury. The board grew concerned that the message could become public at trial when Mr. Carlson was on the stand, creating a sensational and damaging moment that would raise broader questions about the company.”

    Why should this text message “alarm” the Fox board, which includes Rupert Murdoch, Lachlan Murdoch, William A. Burck, Chase Carey, Anne Dias, Roland A. Hernandez, Jacques Nasser and Paul Ryan, when Carlson routinely said much more inflammatory things on his program? Perhaps the board has never tuned in to hear Carlson’s gems about the “great replacement theory” or about immigrants making the country “poorer, and dirtier and more divided” or know about his blatant white nationalist sentiments or viewed the episode in which he argued the January 6 Capitol riot was a largely peaceful demonstration. Perhaps board members missed these salient facts about Carlson because they don’t even own televisions. This might explain why their hair turned white when they read what was, by Carlson standards, a fairly anodyne text. But who wants to give the board this sort of slack?

    You can believe the board was troubled by the Carlson text, and you can believe that Fox might have fretted about the board-ordered investigation of Carlson that the Times reports, without taking the leap that the board was intervening at this late date to limit Fox’s exposure in the Dominion case. As the Times piece itself reported, “It was not guaranteed that the text would have been revealed in open court.” That sounds right. As juicy as Exhibit 276 might be, it doesn’t have any immediate relevance to the Dominion case, so why would Dominion lawyers, who assembled a wealth of damning stuff pertinent to their case, wander off the fairway into the rough with the Carlson comment?

    Additionally, even though Carlson permitted stolen-election claims to be aired on his show, he was not the worst offender at Fox. Lou Dobbs, Maria Bartiromo and Jeanine Pirro broadcast more of the claims, something Fox mogul Rupert Murdoch admitted. It’s not apparent at all that Carlson was the prime focus of Fox’s legal worries in the Dominion case. (Though he faced specific exposure in a separate workplace harassment case filed by a woman who had formerly worked on his show.) So can we really believe that his firing was connected to the Dominion case when Fox hosts like Pirro and Bartiromo still work for the network?

    No evidence exists that proves the extended coverage of Carlson is designed to move the discussion off of Fox and onto its erstwhile anchor. But the steady flow of leaked material — including the Times and Post stories as well as a series of embarrassing off-air recordings uncovered by the activist site Media Matters for America — point to the possibility of an after-the-firing campaign to make Carlson the personification of the network’s rot when the infection goes much deeper.

    People connected to the Fox case might be leaking information on Carlson to burn him before he burns them. If that’s true, they should beware. As Ben Smith wrote in his Times column in June 2021, Carlson has been a good source for political reporters in the past. “It’s so unknown in the general public how much he plays both sides,” one unnamed reporter for a prominent publication told Smith.

    Dominion vs. Fox may have been settled, but Fox vs. Carlson will rage on.

    ******

    Name your anonymous sources in an email to [email protected]. No new email alert subscriptions are being honored at this time. My Twitter feed wants to leak. I haven’t visited my Mastodon and Post accounts in weeks. My Substack Notes account is not worth following. My RSS feed wants to be sued.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • What’s a woman? Check Kansas law.

    What’s a woman? Check Kansas law.

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    The measure is the culmination of a long-running messaging campaign Republicans have built across the country directed at passing a “Women’s Bill of Rights.” And the GOP’s victory in Kansas may signal the success of their tactics as similar proposals get introduced or advance in Oklahoma, South Carolina, North Dakota and Tennessee.

    Kansas House Republicans touted their override as a win for protecting women’s rights.

    The chamber’s top lawmakers said in a statement that they “stand with women and girls in Kansas and their right to privacy, safety and dignity in single-sex spaces. Trading one group’s rights for another’s is never okay.”

    Montana, where both chambers of the statehouse have cleared a bill that would also codify a definition of sex into law, is expected to join Kansas in the next few days.

    “We saw they began with sports bans, but we know that the goal of the people targeting the trans community was never about sports — it was about eradicating trans people from public life,” Montana Rep. Zooey Zephyr, the first transgender woman elected to the state legislature, said in an interview.

    Zephyr gained national attention this month for telling her GOP colleagues they would have blood on their hands for supporting bills that prohibit youth gender-affirming care. She was censured by the Montana state Legislature Wednesday after refusing to apologize for her remarks and hundreds of people protested her silencing at the state Capitol. The restrictions prevent her from speaking on the floor for the rest of the legislative session, though she will be able to vote remotely.

    “Trans people exist,” Zephyr, a Democrat, told POLITICO. “Non-binary people exist, intersex people exist and you cannot legislate us out of existence.”

    After being shut out of power in Washington, conservative women’s groups quickly turned their attention to state capitals, most of which are run by GOP majorities or supermajorities, having tested gender issues in a number of 2022 campaigns. These statehouse fights over codifying a binary definition of sex will also likely rattle school districts caught between conflicting state and federal laws that dictate which bathrooms and sports teams transgender students can access.

    More than 20 states have laws restricting transgender students from playing on sports teams consistent with their gender identity, at least seven states block them from using facilities and more than 15 states bar transgender minors from accessing gender-affirming care.

    The Kansas measure defines a female as someone “whose biological reproductive system is developed to produce ova.” It also specifies other terms, including “girl,” “woman,” and “mother.” A similar proposal backed by several conservative women’s groups was first introduced in May 2022 on the federal level and reintroduced this Congress in February.

    “The Kansas bill would certainly be among the most restrictive ones that we’ve seen in the country — one of the most expansive, one of the most extreme and really just one of the most mean spirited and hurtful,” ACLU of Kansas Executive Director Micah Kubic said before the House vote. “School districts are probably one of the very first places where this bill and all of the other ones like it will show up.”

    Republicans nationwide have been increasingly targeting transgender issues to rally their base, message on Capitol Hill and attract moderate women voters ahead of the 2024 elections.

    Education Secretary Miguel Cardona was pressed by Rep. Andrew Clyde (R-Ga.) to answer “what is a woman” during an April hearing about the Education Department’s fiscal 2024 budget. Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) led the same line of questioning against Ketanji Brown Jackson during her nomination for the Supreme Court last year.

    And in Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders’ rebuttal to President Joe Biden’s State of the Union Address, she described the president as “the first man to surrender his presidency to a woke mob that can’t even tell you what a woman is.”

    House Republicans also used their slim majority to pass a bill to restrict transgender students from playing on women’s sports teams — a rebuke to the Biden administration’s Title IX athletics proposal unveiled in April.

    The new rule would make categorical transgender sports bans illegal and allow transgender girls to play on girls sports teams, but with some limitations. The rule acknowledges competition levels, fairness and a school’s interest in preventing injuries especially in contact sports.

    “Even if you look at Biden’s Title IX proposed rule on sports, there is a recognition that there are differences between men and women,” said May Mailman, senior legal fellow at the Independent Women’s Law Center, which has pushed for federal bills and the one in Kansas. “You can’t say women are deserving of protection, but we don’t know what women are.”

    Women’s groups and conservative political leaders say the “bill of rights” laws are needed to protect sex-separated spaces like prisons and domestic violence shelters.

    Lauren Bone, who served as legal director for the Women’s Liberation Front, which is backing the measures, said they are not meant to ostracize or harm people. She said there is a pressing need for definitions of sex and gender identity that people struggle to define, especially as lawmakers present legislation with the terms.

    “This is codifying everybody’s definition that they already have in their head,” Bone said.

    A similar bill is advancing in Montana, where the state legislature is finishing some procedural hurdles for the measure before sending it to Republican Gov. Greg Gianforte, who is expected to sign it over the objections of one of his sons who identifies as nonbinary.

    Unlike Kansas’ proposal, the Montana bill is not rooted in the argument of protecting sex-separated spaces. Instead, LGBTQ advocates say the bill looks to advance and make permanent restrictions on transgender, nonbinary and intersex people that started with 2021 legislation from GOP state Sen. Carl Glimm that made it onerous for them to change their sex designation on their birth certificate. Glimm has said the bill is necessary because people conflate sex and gender.

    Medical associations, including the American Academy of Pediatrics and the American Medical Association, support gender-affirming care for adolescents, which rarely, if ever, includes surgery for children. But Gianforte has pressed for legislation that would ban the use of public funds for gender-affirming care for minors, preferring they make the decision as adults.

    If the state clears a binary definition of sex, the Montana ACLU said school districts and other agencies caught between conflicting state and federal laws could risk their federal funding.

    “This bill would likely jeopardize $7.5 billion of federal funds — which is about half of Montana’s budget — because these definitions do not comport with federal regulations and the existing Civil Rights Act,” said Keegan Medrano, ACLU Montana’s director of policy and advocacy. “This impacts universities, schools and other elements where federal funds are currently being accessed by Montana.”

    Civil rights organizations say if the legislation continues to spread across the country, transgender, nonbinary and intersex people’s existence is at risk, according to Liz King, senior education program director at the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, which represents more than 200 groups.

    “There has been an effort to capitalize on fear mongering around otherness for a very long time,” King said. “And this is only the latest manifestation.”



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    #Whats #woman #Check #Kansas #law
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Tucker Carlson leaves a toxic legacy at Fox News. What’s next?

    Tucker Carlson leaves a toxic legacy at Fox News. What’s next?

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    Tucker Carlson, the far-right TV host whose embrace of racist conspiracy theories came to signify a shift further towards the right at Fox News, leaves behind a legacy of mainstreaming extremism after exiting the channel, and speculation is turning to any next step in an incendiary career.

    The departure of Carlson, Fox News’ most-watched and highest-profile host, came as a shock. It is the second seismic moment at the news channel in a matter of days, after Fox News agreed to pay a $787.5m settlement to Dominion Voting Systems last week after airing election conspiracy theories.

    Fox News announced the split in a terse statement on Monday, stating that the channel and Carlson had “agreed to part ways”. But the pithiness of the statement barely hinted at the dubious repercussions of Carlson’s seven-year tenure as a regular host: a spell in which he seemed to grow into a force that Fox News wouldn’t, or couldn’t, control.

    “Tucker Carlson basically leaves a superhighway to the rightwing fever swamps,” said Angelo Carusone, president of Media Matters for America, an organization that monitors rightwing media.

    “Tucker took things from what otherwise would have been considered the fringes: Infowars [a far-right conspiracy theory website], these white nationalist communities online, he took that content and laundered it into the Fox News ecosystem, and basically built up an appetite for this amongst the Fox News audience.

    “And once they sort of got a taste for blood, that’s all they wanted. That’s going to be a challenge for Fox moving forward, but what’s his legacy? His legacy is bloodthirstiness and bigotry.”

    Carlson’s eponymous show, which aired at 8pm ET, averaged more than 3 million viewers a night, and was generally the most watched cable news program.

    The 53-year-old might have been an unlikely hero to Fox News’ coastal-elite loathing audience. A multimillionaire who was privately educated in California, Switzerland and the Waspy environs of New England, Carlson hosted most of his shows from a specially built studio in Maine, where he spends much of the year (he also has a home in Florida).

    Yet night after night, millions tuned in to watch Carlson’s furious, reddening face, under a neatly parted, country club hairstyle, as he fed viewers a daily dose of fury and victimhood and painted a dystopian picture of America.

    Among Carlson’s most passionately pursued topics was the idea – contrary to all able evidence – that white people were being persecuted in the US.

    rupert murdoch
    Rupert Murdoch reportedly forced Carlson out in connection with a discrimination lawsuit. Photograph: Mary Altaffer/AP

    Across his tenure at Fox News, Carlson pushed the concept of the great replacement theory – which states that a range of liberals, Democrats and Jewish people are working to replace white voters in western countries with people of color, in an effort to achieve political aims – in more than 400 of his shows, a New York Times analysis found.

    “No singular voice in rightwing media has done more to elevate this racist conspiracy theory than Tucker,” Joy Reid, a MSNBC host, said in 2022, and his peddling of the claim brought multiple calls for him to be fired across the years, all of which Fox News ignored.

    “Carlson positioned himself as the voice of the Maga base of the party and really leaned into the kinds of conspiracy theories, the white nationalist ideas that he thought would appeal to that base,” said Nicole Hemmer, a political historian at Vanderbilt University and author of Messengers of the Right: Conservative Media and the Transformation of American Politics.

    “He really was able to give a voice to this kind of grievance that Donald Trump was so good at tapping into. It was Tucker Carlson who was out there saying: ‘They’re coming for you, white people.’”

    Far-right host Tucker Carlson leaves Fox News in surprise announcement – video report

    Fox News gave no indication as to the reason for splitting with Carlson, but on Monday the Los Angeles Times reported that Rupert Murdoch, the omnipotent chairman of Fox Corporation – the parent company of Fox News – had forced Carlson out of the news channel in relation to a looming discrimination lawsuit.

    Another thing that may not have helped were the embarrassing disclosures of Carlson’s text messages and emails, published as part of the Dominion lawsuit. Those messages revealed that privately Carlson held very different views from those he espoused on air, including about Donald Trump.

    “I hate him passionately,” Carlson said of the former president, describing Trump’s behavior in the weeks following the 2020 election as “disgusting”.

    In another text, Carlson said of “the last four years” under Trump: “We’re all pretending we’ve got a lot to show for it, because admitting what a disaster it’s been is too tough to digest. But come on. There isn’t really an upside to Trump.”

    It is difficult to say what comes next for Carlson. Newsmax and One America News Network, two other rightwing cable news channels, could be possible homes, but they have a much smaller audience, and would probably be unable to match Fox News’ salary.

    “I don’t think he goes to a competing cable network,” Carusone said.

    “He’s too sensitive to ratings and that would be an embarrassment – they could never match the ratings, they could never give him the reach.”

    One thing that is likely, however, is that Carlson “attacks Fox”, Carusone said.

    “He wasn’t shy about attacking his colleagues and management when he was at a company – he’s certainly not going to be shy about attacking them now,” Carusone said.

    The idea of an aggressive response is “tightly tied into his brand”, Carusone said “And he’s also just a venomous, spiteful guy, so the reflex will be to take a shot.”

    Carlson’s unexpected departure meant he had no opportunity to say goodbye to his viewers. On Friday, in what turned out to be his last show, he had once more voiced that issue which is so close to his heart: the great replacement theory.

    “The defining strategic insight of the modern Democratic party is they don’t really need to convince anyone of anything,” Carlson said in his monologue on Friday’s show.

    “What matters is demographics. To import enough people from elsewhere, people who are financially dependent on you in order to live.”

    Perhaps Carlson can take some comfort in knowing that his persona on Fox died as he lived: sitting in a TV studio, looking upset, and pushing a racist conspiracy theory to an increasingly rabid rightwing audience.

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    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )

  • What’s in store for Paigah Palace in Hyderabad: Museum or heritage hotel?

    What’s in store for Paigah Palace in Hyderabad: Museum or heritage hotel?

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    Hyderabad: Paigah Palace in Hyderabad, which served as the US Consulate in Hyderabad since 2009, will soon see a change in its identity.

    With the US Consulate officially ending its lease of Paigah Palace, the fate of the building will now be decided by the state government.

    Telangana state museum or heritage hotel in Hyderabad?

    While the tourism and other departments had earlier proposed to convert the building into a heritage hotel on the lines of Falaknuma Palace, it now looks like the palace is likely to be converted into a state museum.

    MS Education Academy

    According to a report by TOI, Telangana Municipal Administration Minister KT Rama Rao is believed to have informed HMDA officials about Chief Minister K Chandrashekar Rao’s plan to convert it into a state museum.

    History of Paigah Palace in Hyderabad

    Paigah Palace was built by Sir Vicar-ul-Umra, a Paigah nobleman. It is spread over four acres of land and is a double-storied building.

    The palace premises consist of the main building (G+1), annexure-I building (G+3), and annexure-II (G+3) with a total built-up area of 6,211 square meters.

    The US Consulate office in Hyderabad was the first US diplomatic office to open in India after 1947. Until March 15, it was housed in Paigah Palace, Chiran Fort Lane, Hyderabad.

    In the past 14 years, the US Consulate approved over 16 lakh visas and processed 42511 citizenship services. However, on March 20, the US Consulate in Hyderabad began its operation at a new facility in Nanakramguda, which is the largest US diplomatic mission in South Asia, built with an investment of USD 297 million. The new consulate office, constructed on a 12.2-acre site, has many new features, including 54 visa procession windows.

    Paigah Palace in Hyderabad has a rich history and cultural significance. The building’s architectural marvels and historical significance make it a valuable asset for the state of Telangana.

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    #Whats #store #Paigah #Palace #Hyderabad #Museum #heritage #hotel

    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • No One Should Be That Shocked by What’s Happening in Tennessee

    No One Should Be That Shocked by What’s Happening in Tennessee

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    When I covered the Tennessee Capitol from 2018 to 2021, the family-values espousing Republican House speaker had to explain why his text message trail included discussions of pole-dancing women and his chief of staff’s sexual encounters in the bathroom of a hot chicken restaurant.

    After a Republican lawmaker was accused of sexually assaulting 15- and 16-year-old girls he had taught and coached, he was made chairman of the House education committee.

    Protesters filled the halls week after week, year after year, calling for the removal of the bust of the Ku Klux Klan’s first Grand Wizard, a piece of art featured prominently between the House and Senate chambers. Democrats pushed for its removal, while Republicans resisted.

    A Democrat who declined to support the current speaker’s reelection had her office moved into a small, windowless room. In a twist of fate, that same Democrat, Rep. Gloria Johnson, a white woman, narrowly escaped expulsion on Thursday. (Reps. Justin Jones and Justin Pearce fared differently.)

    And then, of course, there was the famous peeing incident, where a legislator’s office chair was urinated on in an act of intraparty retribution over shitposting. The actual identity of the Republican urinator is a closely-held secret among a small group of operatives who have bragged about witnessing it. But it’s generally accepted that former state Rep. Rick Tillis, a Republican and the brother of U.S. Sen. Thom Tillis, did indeed have his chair peed on in the Cordell Hull legislative office building.

    It wasn’t always quite like this.

    There was a time before when one-upmanship wasn’t the organizing principle inside the Tennessee statehouse. Not so long ago, there was more balance in power and, with that, more comity in the chamber. But as Republicans have made bigger gains, they’ve also become more politically confrontational.

    The modern Tennessee Republican Party was forged by Howard Baker and others in the 1960s and 70s by tapping into a bipartisan coalition of voters — bringing the GOP from near irrelevance within the state to soon producing some of the nation’s top Republican talent.

    “This kind of scene Thursday was the last thing they would have wanted to see happen,” said Keel Hunt, an author of books on Tennessee politics who worked as an aide to then-Gov. Lamar Alexander, a Republican.

    I’m reminded of an evening I was sitting in the House press corps box in April 2021, when the House honored Alexander — a Republican and champion of civility, now remembered for his moderate flavor of politics — after his recent retirement from the Senate. Moments later, Republican leadership brought far-right conservative commentator and MAGA firebrand Candace Owens onto the floor, describing her as one of the party’s leading thought leaders of the day, fighting against “creeping socialism and leftist political tyranny.” The Tennessee House passed a resolution thanking her for moving to the state.

    The state party knows that it’s drifting. Some openly and proudly admit it. It’s also evidenced by Sen. Bob Corker’s decision not to seek reelection in 2018, and Gov. Bill Haslam’s opting out of running for Alexander’s open seat in 2020. Both Corker and Haslam know they were unlikely to have survived a primary in the state, had they stayed true to their own brands of more moderate conservatism. Corker’s Senate seat ended up going to Marsha Blackburn, a Trump loyalist, and Bill Hagerty, now in Alexander’s seat, handily won the GOP primary after securing his own endorsement from Trump.

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    #Shocked #Whats #Happening #Tennessee
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • What’s the Matter With Mike Pence?

    What’s the Matter With Mike Pence?

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    Now, Trump’s valet wants to be president. Pence hasn’t announced his candidacy yet — that would be too assertive, too direct, too scrutable. Instead, he’s tracking the presidential campaign scent with visits to Iowa and New Hampshire, and his staff is complaining about the good press Nikki Haley’s campaign is getting. If he really covets more press, let’s give it to him.

    And if he really wants to be president, let’s learn a little more about when he was one heartbeat from that office, and the ways he assisted and accommodated Trump.

    Yet Pence won’t even cooperate smoothly with the special counsel seeking to investigate the effort to overturn the 2020 election; he’s forcing a judge to compel his testimony.

    For the past 15 months, Pence has acted as if bound by some non-disparagement agreement from speaking his mind about the Trump presidency. In the interim, Trump has continued to blast Pence. In January 2022, he excoriated Pence for not overturning the election. In June 2022, he ripped Pence for not having “the courage to act.” In November 2022, when ABC News reporter Jon Karl asked Trump about the “Hang Mike Pence” chant, Trump defended the vitriol, saying, “It’s common sense, Jon. It’s common sense that you’re supposed to protect.” As recently as three weeks ago, Trump was still targeting Pence, telling reporters, “In many ways you can blame him for Jan. 6.”

    Pence has every right to get a little hot at being painted as a traitor who might be worthy of execution and is even at fault for the events that could have killed him.

    So how has he answered Trump? With the grandest turn-the-other cheek mewling you have ever heard. In June 2021, Pence called Jan. 6 a “dark day,” but didn’t elaborate beyond saying the riot was quelled. Speaking on Fox News in October 2021, Pence called continuing media coverage of Jan. 6 a way to “distract from the Biden administration’s failed agenda.” In May 2022, Pence acknowledged that Trump was “wrong” for saying he could block ratification of the election but was mute on Trump endangering him. By November 2022, he was ready to call Trump “reckless” and to say he was “angry” after the riot, but is silent about who he was angry with.

    In mid-March of this year, Pence seemed ready to give Trump a dressing down, saying, “History will hold Donald Trump accountable” at the Gridiron Dinner. But a couple of weeks later, he was as docile as a sloth when CNN’s Wolf Blitzer gave Pence a free shot at Trump. Blitzer asked whether he was “comfortable” with a recording of Jan. 6 prisoners singing the National Anthem at a Trump rally. Pence agreed that the perps belonged in jail but shared no harsh words about Trump, even saying the Trump prosecution in Manhattan over a hush money payment to Stormy Daniels was an “outrage.”

    For Pence, the fact that the president supported a violent crowd against his own vice president is a personal thing, not an issue that rises to the political. In a November 2022 interview with ABC News’ David Muir, Pence says Trump never apologized, but five days after the riots did express a sentiment that Pence interpreted as an apology. What a pushover.

    In writing his memoir, So Help Me God, published almost two years after the riots, Pence could have dipped into his four-plus year-long dossier on Trump and given readers an honest look at the administration. But he balked. Instead, he still called Trump his “friend.” With friends like that … Pence wants you to believe that Trump is a good man, that his cause was just. Pence does, however, criticize Trump’s response to the neo-Nazi rally in Charlottesville, he does acknowledge a degree of Russian meddling in the 2016 election, and he calls Trump’s conversation with Volodymyr Zelenskyy as something less than the “perfect” call Trump made it out to be.

    But he never lifts the screen of loyalty he extended in 2016 to protect and defend Trump against all comers. “Pence surely has thoughts on Trump beyond the book’s carefully crafted, made-for-promotional-material talking points, but he won’t give them to us,” Tim Alberta writes in his insightful Atlantic review of the memoir.

    Even now, months after the book’s release, Pence avoids discussing his agreements and disagreements with Trump, tossing this line to Bret Baier recently: “I have debated Donald Trump before,” he said. “Just not with the cameras on.”

    Former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, who knows from experience how associating with Trump can blur one’s ethical vision, sees through the Pence pose. Speaking on ABC News’ This Week on Sunday, he unloaded on Pence’s speak-no-evil cowardice. “I was very disappointed … when [Pence] was asked about Trump saying that it’s OK to suspend the Constitution if you feel like an election’s being stolen, and whether that’s disqualifying. And Mike said, that’s up to the American people,” Christie said. “If you’re offering yourself for high public office, you have an obligation to tell people if someone is knowingly advocating for violating their oath.”

    For Pence, the political is the personal, something to be tucked away like a breakable family heirloom in a bottom drawer. Dark days seem just to happen and aren’t caused by anybody. Perhaps that’s because to trace any of the madness of that day back to its roots would require him to confess that he stood totem pole still while Trump raved on — or worse, that he was Trump’s willing co-conspirator until Jan. 6 when he actually did the right thing.

    This being politics, Pence wouldn’t need to dump Trump into some fiery hole to prove that he’s his own man. Neither does he have to walk a tightrope, ever-worrying that he might say something that would offend Trump or his acolytes. There’s no escaping the fact that any 2024 Republican presidential candidacy other than Trump’s is an anti-Trump move, so if he’s if he’s going to run he has to accept that he’s turned against Trump. If it’s Pence’s view that Trump is not that bad, then why not just endorse him instead of running against him?

    Pence’s passivity, which ignited the day he signed on as Trump’s running mate and ran full bore until the end of Trump administration, got another boost when the pair left office. As he gathers kindling for his own presidential run, Pence remains tethered to the Trump leash politically, unable to speak his own mind, moving toward 2024 with all the groveling and purpose you might expect from a sloth.

    ******

    Unfair to sloths, I know. Send your animal crackers to [email protected]. No new email alert subscriptions are being honored at this time. My Twitter feed doesn’t believe in political hangings. My Mastodon account is a haunted house. My Post account couldn’t get arrested if it walked naked through the Rotunda. My RSS feed will never write a memoir. Or a novel. Or a cookbook. Or a children’s book.



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    #Whats #Matter #Mike #Pence
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • What’s not in Ron DeSantis’ new book

    What’s not in Ron DeSantis’ new book

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    The 250-plus page volume, like many political autobiographies, is selective with parts of his political ascent. DeSantis, who is expected to launch a bid for president in the spring, recounts door-to-door campaigning during his first bid for Congress but he doesn’t reference his decision to briefly run for U.S. Senate in 2016.

    And while he notes that former President Donald Trump boosted his campaign in December 2017 when he praised him as a little-known congressman, DeSantis doesn’t include Trump’s crucial full endorsement in June 2018 that propelled DeSantis to victory in the Republican primary and ultimately to the governor’s mansion. The two men will likely be rivals for the GOP presidential nomination.

    Political autobiographies are often considered routine assignments for ambitious politicians seeking higher office, a way for a White House hopeful to highlight their achievements and successes unchallenged. Even by those standards, DeSantis’ book stands out for the limited amount of personal information he gives readers, especially in the era of oversharing.

    The book, however, provides DeSantis with an opportunity to tour multiple cities in Florida and as far away as California to boost book sales — and himself. The New York Times also reports that DeSantis will soon be traveling to New Hampshire, Iowa and Nevada, all early primary states.

    DeSantis does recount several vignettes about his life, including his time on the Yale baseball team, where he got to meet and talk to with former President George H.W. Bush, who like DeSantis was captain of the university’s baseball team. He depicts his initial meeting with his wife Casey DeSantis on a golf course and their eventual wedding at Disney World that included a scramble to get his U.S. Navy dress whites prepared ahead of the ceremony. DeSantis also discusses his wife’s 2021 breast cancer diagnosis.

    DeSantis, who told Fox News’ Mark Levin last weekend that he wrote the entire book himself, also details in-depth some of his interactions and decisions, including a chapter focused on his battle with Disney over legislation that bans teachers from leading classroom lessons on gender identity or sexual orientation for students in kindergarten through third grade. DeSantis describes his conversation with then-CEO Bob Chapek, where he told the Disney executive that the outrage over the legislation would quickly pass and that he shouldn’t oppose it.

    There are several passages with interactions with Trump, including when DeSantis pressed him for extra federal hurricane relief funding despite the objections of White House staff. DeSantis contends that the Trump administration was angered by his decision to publicize the decision.

    But the book contains no real hints of the growing divide between the two men. He has no response to Trump’s framing of the president’s crucial endorsement, including during a recent interview with Hugh Hewitt where Trump contended that DeSantis had “begged” him for the endorsement and that he was “dead” and prepared to leave the governor’s race. “He said, ‘If you endorse me, I’ll win’ and there were tears coming down from his eyes,” asserted Trump.

    During a Tuesday radio interview with Brian Kilmeade to discuss the book, DeSantis said that Trump’s attacks were part of the “silly season” that comes with campaigns. But he added that when it came to his book, “I wasn’t really into throwing potshots.”

    “He can say what he wants about me,” DeSantis said. “I will also give him credit for the things that he did that were positive. I’m appreciative of a lot of things he did. It doesn’t mean I agree with everything he’s doing lately.”

    Yet when DeSantis appeared on Fox News on Tuesday night, he struck a less generous tone: “He used to say how great of a governor I was. Then I win a big victory and all of a sudden, you know, he had different opinions. So you can take that for what it’s worth.”

    DeSantis in several interviews promoting the book sidestepped questions about whether he wrote it to outline a potential platform for a presidential campaign, stressing that he wants it serve as a framework and “blueprint” for other states to confront what’s going on in Washington, D.C.

    One of the longer sections in the book deals with DeSantis handling of the Covid-19 response, where he resisted lockdowns and vaccine mandates and pushed to open schools in the fall of 2020. DeSantis acknowledges he initially went along with some restrictions in the early days of the pandemic, but he delves into his growing skepticism at the advice being offered by federal authorities and how he began to dive into studies and reports about the virus from other countries.

    DeSantis, however, does not go into the behind-the-scenes debate that occurred in his own administration over whether to impose a statewide mask mandate, a move that the governor rejected.

    In his book, DeSantis lamented that the first book that he wrote in 2011, “Dreams from Our Founding Fathers: First Principles in the Age of Obama,” “did not garner much attention, and it never hit the best seller list.”

    During a promotional stop on Tuesday night in the GOP enclave of The Villages, DeSantis remarked that his new book was now topping the Amazon book sales chart.

    “Just think every book that’s sold is going to annoy CNN a little bit more and a little bit more,” he quipped.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Matt Gaetz had a hell of a month. What’s next for the Florida Republican?

    Matt Gaetz had a hell of a month. What’s next for the Florida Republican?

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    20230201 judiciary 7 francis 2

    So what’s next for the congressman with a seemingly endless capacity for drawing attention?

    Several colleagues and those in Florida Republican circles anticipate Gaetz could run for governor of the Sunshine State in 2026 after Gov. Ron DeSantis leaves office. DeSantis is expected to run for the White House in 2024.

    GOP state Rep. Alex Andrade said this week’s news that Gaetz won’t face federal charges is “as close to vindicated to a politician can be” and, along with Gaetz’s recent tangle with McCarthy, could make him a formidable foe in a contested Florida GOP gubernatorial primary.

    “His ability to win a larger primary I think is as strong as anyone,” Andrade said. “I think he’s a serious candidate for any Republican primary for any race he wants to get into.”

    It would be an impressive turnaround for the 40-year-old Republican, who just a year ago was facing a barrage of salacious headlines. Gaetz, who denied wrongdoing throughout the probe, now has key positions in the GOP-controlled House and could take advantage of Florida’s seeming transformation into a red state — all fuel for him if he seeks higher office.

    Gaetz on Thursday declined to comment on his political future.

    Some of the calculus depends also on what DeSantis will do. The Florida governor is widely expected to announce that he’s running for president in the spring, and one former Republican lawmaker familiar with Gaetz’s thinking predicted that if DeSantis becomes president, current Lt. Gov. Jeanette Nuñez would finish out his term and run unopposed. But that path changes if DeSantis remains governor and other statewide elected Republicans run to succeed him.

    “If DeSantis finishes his term, you can imagine one or multiple current [Florida] Cabinet members in a crowded primary, or you can imagine an anointing,” said the Republican, who was granted anonymity to speak freely about the dynamics of the race. “Either way, it’s not hard to see how Gaetz comes out of the primary.”

    While Gaetz was once part of DeSantis’s inner circle and served on his transition team before his first term, he has endorsed Trump in the 2024 race.

    The serious allegations against Gaetz — centering on whether he had sex with a minor — could play a pivotal role in any future statewide campaign. But the accusations didn’t stop voters in his district from giving him another overwhelming victory in 2022 even though his GOP primary opponent aired television ads in northwest Florida about the allegations.

    But 2026 is still far away. For now, Gaetz remains an energized member of the House’s slim majority.

    Gaetz was critical to McCarthy’s ascent to speaker — even though he didn’t vote for him. After helping deny the California Republican the gavel through a historic 14 rounds of voting, including almost coming to blows with Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Ala.), Gaetz and his five allied holdouts all voted “present” on the 15th round. That allowed McCarthy to secure enough votes to win the speakership with just 216 votes, without Gaetz technically voting for McCarthy.

    That vote came after McCarthy had agreed to many of the concessions Gaetz and his group of hardliners asked for, including the ability for any one member to try to oust the speaker, which the Florida Republican compared to a “straitjacket” to the speakership.

    Despite nearly thwarting McCarthy’s dreams of becoming speaker, Gaetz has seen his stock in the House rise.

    In addition to Gaetz keeping his seat on the high-profile Judiciary Committee, he also secured a spot on a subcommittee that will probe Republicans’ claims of a government weaponized against conservatives. The panel, led by Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), will lead a sweeping probe into some of the party’s favorite targets, including the FBI, Justice Department and intelligence community. That perch will undoubtably provide Gaetz a steady stream of publicity.

    “I think Kevin McCarthy won and I think Matt Gaetz won,” said Rep. Tim Burchett (R-Tenn.), who is friends with Gaetz.

    Burchett added: “I feel like his role has increased.”

    John Roberts, chair of the Escambia County Republican Party, said that some GOP members in Gaetz’s home district were “upset” about Gaetz’s opposition to McCarthy and “weren’t happy with the name-calling.”

    Roberts, however, predicted the storm would pass and Gaetz could always stick hang around in Congress if he decides against running for higher office.

    “It’s a strong safe Republican seat,” Roberts said. “I think he could hold it for a long time if he chooses.”

    Matt Dixon contributed to this report.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • What’s it like when your job involves wading through others’ suffering? I was left weeping and hopeless

    What’s it like when your job involves wading through others’ suffering? I was left weeping and hopeless

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    If I had been told that my dream career could end up affecting my mental health, I might have thought twice about pursuing it. Or perhaps I wouldn’t have. After all, trauma is not new in journalism – “if it bleeds, it leads” is the adage.

    But while crime and war correspondents know the risks they run, I fell into covering harrowing stories accidentally. I spent more than a decade on and off in the BBC newsroom, mostly in the user-generated content (UGC) hub team, dealing directly with the audience – finding case studies and trends, and tackling disinformation early by verifying stories before they were broadcast. Sometimes it was the best job ever, when the stories we covered could change people’s lives. Other times, the job meant scouring through racist and xenophobic missives, and exposure to pornography and graphic images of human remains. I would weep and feel hopeless about the world we inhabit, as we found ourselves mapping the geographies of murder, deconstructing images of beheadings, or cross-referencing atrocities on social media videos and open-source intelligence from far-flung places.

    Increasingly, these tears were not isolated incidents. I couldn’t switch off after my 10-hour shifts and would keep tabs on stories that I was not on rota to cover – just wanting to help if I could, finding case studies in my “real life” and sending in tips. There was no balance. I kept checking social media in case I had missed something. When trolls messaged my team’s public WhatsApp number, I would reply to remind them there was a human behind that screen. I have always been sensitive: it is what made me good at the job. But it also made me more vulnerable. I lost weight because of the stress and sadness – what was the point in eating? In my head, I would keep replaying images of dead bodies, or stories of murdered children, wondering if anything could have been done.

    The tube at rush hour.
    ‘I found I could no longer handle the tube at rush hour.’ Photograph: Jeffrey Blackler/Alamy

    I found I could no longer handle the tube at rush hour. I was no longer me – the girl who liked wolves and biscuits and was capable of finding light and ridiculous things to counterbalance the sad stuff. I felt so lonely and guilty, so disappointed that the world was such a broken place, and I no longer knew what I could do to help fix it. I wanted to stop feeling so much and so empty at the same time. It was this alien experience that made me seek professional help, which is how I first heard about vicarious trauma.

    The word trauma derives from the Greek word traumatikos, meaning pertaining to a wound, while vicarious comes from Latin, and means to substitute. But it was clinical psychologists Lisa McCann and Laurie Anne Pearlman who coined the term vicarious traumatisation in 1990, while investigating how therapists were affected by what they were exposed to in the course of their work.

    Vicarious trauma usually involves a cumulative effect. It is not just one event but many things that someone is exposed to over time, which lead to a cognitive shift in the way that person interacts with the world. Symptoms differ from person to person, but can involve flashbacks, intrusive thoughts and nightmares. Those affected can feel emotionally numb or hyper-aroused; they might engage in destructive and addictive behaviours, or feel as though they have lost a sense of meaning.

    While the term was initially applied to therapists, it is widely recognised that people in a range of professions can be affected. There are studies looking at vicarious trauma and PTSD in drone operators, in healthcare professionals, in social work and among social media content moderators. Legal professionals run this risk, as do people in more informal situations, such as carers.

    Drone operators
    ‘There are studies looking at vicarious trauma and PTSD in drone operators, in healthcare professionals, in social work, and of course, among social media content moderators.’ Photograph: David Parker/Alamy

    Stories about traumatised content moderators are emerging around TikTok and associated contractors globally, and in the US a class action federal court case is underway against it and parent company ByteDance. So far, the public statements issued by TikTok in response to various content moderators’ allegations have focused on the company’s trust and safety team and how it partners with third-party firms on the “critical work” of helping to protect the platform and community. Spokespeople have also said the company continues to develop ways to “help moderators feel supported mentally and emotionally”.

    In the US, Facebook (now Meta) recently agreed a $52m settlement to moderators who were diagnosed with mental health disorders, including PTSD, following a class action lawsuit led by Selena Scola. Chris Gray, who is based in Dublin, is pursuing legal action against Facebook Ireland and contractors CPL over his PTSD. He has just published an account of his experiences, The Moderator: Inside Facebook’s Dirty Work in Ireland, and tells me it wasn’t just the graphic imagery that affected him, but also having to deal with complaints, generally without any context, where people would report bullying or arguments playing out on the platform. “It’s like ‘you’re a bad parent’, ‘you’re a junkie’, ‘you’re a slut’ and then somebody’s mother joins in and they are arguing about their sad, awful lives. And then somebody thinks to use the reporting tool as a weapon and they start reporting each other,” he says.

    Yelena McCafferty, a Russian interpreter and translator from Lincolnshire, says her job working in public service settings with the police and in courtrooms means she often can’t talk to anyone about what she hears because the material, which can range from petty theft to child abuse, is confidential. “Sometimes you just want to unburden it on to someone, but you can’t,” she says. She has accepted that sometimes she will have flashbacks about certain cases, adding: “Interpreters are neutral. We are there to facilitate communication, but we are not robots. Everything that the person says physically goes through us and comes out in the first person.” Now, she says, there is a growing openness in her industry about the traumatic elements of the job, with training and webinars offered to raise awareness.

    Pearlman, who is now partly retired, says her understanding and development of the concept of vicarious trauma emerged directly from her own personal experiences. Speaking to me from her home in Sarasota, Florida, she recalls a conversation one Christmas with McCann and other therapists about how she was not feeling her usual self. She knew it was not depression, but what was it? “We began to understand, in talking with our colleagues, that we were taking on the trauma experiences of our clients, and that we were feeling deeply affected in ways that changed our outlook on life and our experience of ourselves as people in the world, and also our ability to manage our feelings in a constructive way,” she says.

    “I was always a very trusting person,” says Pearlman, “but I started to feel like questioning ‘What is that guy doing over there in that park with that young girl and is that a healthy relationship?’ and so on.”

    How permanent such a shift can be is still unknown. It is something that my BBC journalist friend Alex Murray and I often discuss. As one-time colleagues in the UGC hub, we worked on many stories together, from the Arab spring to multiple terror attacks, school shootings, beheadings, war and more. But as Murray, who at one point was deeply immersed in the reporting of jihadi movements, says: “There was a group of us who were really good at it and we were really fast. And part of our vicarious trauma was that we felt because we were good at it and fast, it was easier for us to carry the burden and get it done quickly than watch other people, who found it more difficult, struggle with it.”

    The work affected the two of us, but in different ways. I was afraid of the world, of building relationships, of trusting people in all aspects of my life. Murray says he stopped enjoying things that he used to find pleasurable – such as cycling – and he became irritable with his loved ones. When even his dog started to annoy him, he realised something was not right.

    Elana Newman, a professor of psychology at the University of Tulsa, and research director for the Dart Center for Journalism and Trauma, has extensive experience of working with journalists and lawyers. She says it is important to remember that vicarious trauma can lead to positive as well as negative cognitive shifts. Practically speaking, for example: “If you work with people who were hurt in a fire, you’re looking for exit signs.” Or a person may become more aware of all the beauty and courage in the world around them. This is something that Murray and I understand well.

    Both of us have used our experiences at the BBC to try to help others, including taking part in several studies – one a groundbreaking 2014 investigation into reporting on user-generated content, which revealed that frequency of exposure to images of graphic violence was a risk factor for psychological injuries.

    And to be fair to the BBC, when some of us in the team who had been having quiet conversations with each other about our worsening moods and feelings of guilt and anger eventually raised our concerns, we were introduced to our amazing colleagues at BBC Monitoring, who had far more experience of dealing with horrific stories. They shared coping strategies with us, such as turning off audio while watching graphic material and taking time to watch joyful cartoons. However, it did take a few years for more formal protocols to be implemented, and a significant industry-wide cultural shift had to occur before our teams understood that we did not always have to be the person to watch or work on stories or videos emerging from terror attacks, natural disasters or anything that could cause additional distress. Being diagnosed with vicarious trauma was not a condition for such consideration, either. The intent was to protect people from being at risk in the first place.

    ‘You may become more aware of all the beauty and courage in the world’ … Dhruti Shah.
    ‘You may become more aware of all the beauty and courage in the world’ … Dhruti Shah. Photograph: Courtesy of Dhruti Shah

    I first came across Sam Dubberley, a former newsroom manager at the European Broadcasting Union, when he, together with Haluk Mert Bal and Liz Griffin, was researching the effects of vicarious trauma on journalists, humanitarians and human rights workers. He is now managing director of the digital investigations lab at Human Rights Watch. He speaks regularly to his team about what they feel comfortable with investigating, and focuses on reducing the risk of vicarious trauma before it happens. He is especially concerned to include everyone who might be exposed to distressing material on a cumulative basis, such as receptionists responsible for monitoring an email address, archivists, video producers or IT support.

    Newman says it is important to remember that being moved or upset by interacting with someone who is experiencing something terrible is part of “being a healthy functional person”. She stresses that there is a significant difference between having an emotional response that is “adaptive, proactive and socially and morally responsible” and having a psychological disorder. But if such a disorder occurs, it is important to act. Pearlman says connection with others, and deliberately building a sense of community, can be helpful. During the pandemic, and even now, she regularly has a group of other clinicians she checks in with. Eye movement desensitisation and reprocessing (a trauma therapy for reducing distress caused by memories) and cognitive behavioural therapy can help some people.

    McCafferty says she visualises a waterfall whenever she needs to build a bit of distance between herself and a case she is working on. Like me and Murray, Chris Gray has written and speaks widely about his experiences at Facebook Ireland. We have all discovered that the global community that has built up around the awareness of vicarious trauma is very welcoming.

    As for me, I eventually left the BBC Newsroom to re-find that curious soul who loved sharing tales of the wild and wonderful. I know I can no longer cover certain stories, but I am hopeful about what the future will bring.

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    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )