Tag: Trump

  • The Real Reason Trump Might Win the Nomination

    The Real Reason Trump Might Win the Nomination

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    For almost seven years, Donald Trump has dwelled on a plane so far beyond the political norms that it’s almost impossible to analyze him through the traditional frames of reference. But if we can put aside the sheer otherworldliness of his conduct — John Kelly, his former chief of staff, called him “the most flawed individual I have ever met” — there’s an aspect of Trump’s candidacy that would be eye-opening all by itself. Trump is the first ex-president in more than 130 years who is seeking a rematch against his victorious rival.

    There are plenty of nations where combatants go up against each other again and again. In France, Emmanuel Macron and Marine LePen were electoral foes last year, five years after their first encounter, with similar results; such rematches are commonplace in parliamentary systems. But here?

    The great populist William Jennings Bryan faced off against President William McKinley in 1896 and 1900 and lost both times; the next rematch was Dwight Eisenhower vs. Adlai Stevenson; Ike was victorious in 1952 and 1956. Not since Grover Cleveland took the White House back from Benjamin Harrison in 1892 has a defeated president sought to oust the president who ousted him. (When Theodore Roosevelt ran against William Howard Taft in 1912, that was an intraparty battle between former allies. In 1940, Herbert Hoover tried to mount a comeback against FDR that was met with less than enthusiastic support among Republicans and he didn’t win the nomination). The prospect of an ex-president actively campaigning for the White House is something no one alive today has ever seen.

    What makes this even more unprecedented is the way Republicans regard the 45th president. In modern times before the 2020 election, every defeated incumbent but one (Gerald Ford) lost the White House decisively. Taft in 1912 finished third behind Woodrow Wilson and Teddy Roosevelt, winning a grand total of eight electoral votes. Hoover in 1932 won only six states, losing by 18 points in the popular vote. Jimmy Carter lost the electoral vote 489-89, winning only six states. With these results, defeated presidents would have faced a steep climb in trying to convince their party to give them another chance. They were, as Trump might put it, losers.

    Trump’s standing with Republicans is very different. Sure, Trump lost the 2020 popular vote by seven million votes, but Republicans can look at the razor-thin margins in the (also decisive) Electoral College count; a shift of 44,000 votes in three states — Georgia, Wisconsin and Arizona — would have meant a 269-269 tie, throwing the election into the House of Representatives, where a majority of delegations would likely have given Trump the presidency.

    That’s only part of the picture; by a nearly two-to-one margin, Republicans believe that the election was stolen — that Trump is in fact the rightful president. Even as his approval ratings sink below 30 percent among all voters, his favorability rating among Republicans remains at or near 80 percent.

    In a sense, then, the Republican base sees Trump less as a candidate for president than as the real president, deprived of office by fraud. That’s despite the clear lack of evidence of fraud in the election, a fact that even many Fox commentators acknowledged privately despite what they told their viewers, as the Dominion lawsuit made clear.

    Moreover, history shows that political parties simply do not jettison their presidents, even when their prospects for victory are slim. The last time the country’s chief executive was denied renomination was Chester Arthur in 1884 (Ronald Reagan came close to unseating Ford in 1976; Ford, like Arthur, was an unelected president). Given the Bizarro World quality of the Trump era, it almost seems normal for Republicans to be standing behind their “president,” who they regard as the candidate who really won last time out.

    All that said, is it really necessary to note this does not qualify as a prediction for who will win the GOP nomination? It’s entirely possible that one or two or three indictments — about matters more serious than hush money to a porn star — might change Republican minds. Perhaps so would a widespread campaign among GOP officials that a Trump nomination would doom the party to November defeat (though this would require Trump’s foes actually having the fortitude to mention his name when they are making that case).

    For now, however, many Republicans appear to see Donald Trump as not simply their voice or their champion, but their president as well.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Trump defends his efforts to combat abortion

    Trump defends his efforts to combat abortion

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    Trump also said he had fulfilled his promises when it came to Iowans and also to conservative values.

    “Together we achieved more for our values than any other administration in the history of our country, and it is not even close,“ he said, saying he took “historic action to protect the unborn.“ He also touted his support for “religious liberty“ and Israel.

    On Thursday, Trump had been criticized by the Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America organization for saying abortion “is an issue that should be decided at the state level,” instead of being subject to a national ban. “President Trump’s assertion that the Supreme Court returned the issue of abortion solely to the states is a completely inaccurate reading of the Dobbs decision and is a morally indefensible position for a self-proclaimed pro-life presidential candidate to hold,” President Marjorie Dannenfelser said in a statement.

    It’s not clear when Trump made his remarks, but he didn’t directly address Dannenfelser’s criticism.

    Former Vice President Mike Pence, who is expected to enter the 2024 presidential race, addressed the group in person in Clive, Iowa. In remarks that focused heavily on his own faith and devotion, Pence commended Trump for his Supreme Court appointments and explained his rationale for supporting American aid to Ukraine.

    Other 2024 contenders who addressed the group included former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson, Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) and entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Bragg drops bid to block former Trump investigator from testifying to Congress

    Bragg drops bid to block former Trump investigator from testifying to Congress

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    The filing to dismiss the case does not describe the terms of the arrangement, simply calling it a settlement agreement. “[A]ll parties have agreed that the … appeals should be dismissed,” it says.

    While Dye characterized the development as the district attorney’s office having withdrawn its appeal of the district court’s decision, a spokesperson for Bragg described it as a “successful” effort to wrest a concession from the committee: the presence of Bragg’s general counsel during the Pomerantz interview. Bragg’s office called it an “agreement that protects the District Attorney’s privileges and interests.”

    House deposition rules typically prohibit government counsel from participating, but committees routinely sidestep those rules to reach agreements with otherwise reluctant current and former government officials. In recent years, lawmakers have permitted lawyers for various federal agencies to appear in order to assert any privileges.

    The House Judiciary Committee issued the subpoena to Pomerantz in the wake of Bragg filing criminal charges against Trump late last month. Bragg then sued Jordan and the Judiciary panel, seeking a court order preventing the House from enforcing the subpoena.

    The Judiciary committee claimed it wants to study the potential effects that the threat of a future prosecution could have on a president while he is in office. Bragg’s office argued, however, that the House had no legitimate legislative purpose in issuing the subpoena and instead intends to examine the district attorney’s internal deliberations regarding the Trump indictment.

    A federal judge rejected Bragg’s position. “The subpoena was issued with a ‘valid legislative purpose’ in connection with the ‘broad’ and ‘indispensable’ congressional power to ‘conduct investigations,’” U.S. District Judge Mary Kay Vyskocil wrote.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Trump storms into Florida to oust rival DeSantis from 2024 race

    Trump storms into Florida to oust rival DeSantis from 2024 race

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    Washington: Even as the Republican Party is still weighing in options between former US President Donald Trump and Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, Trump is wasting no time to oust his rival DeSantis from the race in the 2024 primaries drumming up support for himself on the Governor’s home turf.

    Republican Congressman Michael Waltz, who replaced DeSantis in the House, made it clear on Thursday that he won’t be supporting his predecessor’s expected run for the White House. He has endorsed Trump.

    The Combat-decorated Green Beret Waltz has virtually waltzed his way to join as many as 11 of the 20-member Florida Republican delegation that has backed Trump.

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    Trump has also unveiled the endorsements of Representatives Gus Bilirakis and Carlos Gimenez in a fundraising email on Wednesday shaking DeSantis out of his comfort zone.

    Waltz, media reports said, has over the years carefully threaded the needle when it comes to Trump, avoiding any criticism of Trump, simultaneously rejecting and voting against policies pushed by his administration. But he announced he was backing Trump in 2024 on Thursday morning.

    “We need bold & experienced leadership back in the White House. That’s why I’m proud to endorse Donald J. Trump for president,” Waltz tweeted.

    Meanwhile, DeSantis reached Washington to network with influential Republicans prior to an expected presidential run, but the former President has methodically racked up endorsements from Florida in a major blow to the Governor’s 2024 prospects.

    Trump has pre-empted DeSaantish even before he could get his campaign off the ground, political observers said in their analysis of fast paced political developments. .

    “I generally don’t put a lot of weight on endorsements. At the same time though, when your calling card is Florida like it is for Ron, and your folks are defecting in your own backyard, that’s never a good sign,” Ford O’Connell, a Florida-based GOP strategist, said.

    It’s quite apparent that Trump’s campaign aimed at knocking out the plank from under DeSantis’s legs before he can be really up and running.

    The sole Florida member, Laurel Lee, the governor’s former secretary of state, endorsed DeSantis at his Capitol Hill event this week.

    “As Ron DeSantis Secretary of State, I had the honour of witnessing first hand his unparalleled leadership under pressure, his chapter and his commitment to core conservative principles,” Lee said in a statement.

    “It was my honour to serve in his administration and it is my honour today to endorse him for president of the US.”

    Republican sources claimed Trump is scheduled to host a dinner at his Mar-a-Lago resort Thursday night for all Florida Republicans, who have endorsed his White House bid, soon after DeSantis held his reception in Washington, D.C.

    Byron Donalds, the closest to DeSantis of any Republican in the House delegation, has literally dropped a bomb over DeSantis while endorsing Trump.

    At one stage, the DeSantis loyalist had called him “America’s governor”.

    The governor also appointed Donalds’ wife to the Florida Gulf University board of trustees in March 2022.

    “It felt like a small little bomb detonated in our state here when some within DeSantis’s operation, not the governor himself, started frantically reaching out to other Florida members who had yet to endorse,” a Republican political strategist said.

    While DeSantis’ political strategist Ron Tyson was reaching out to the Florida Republicans for support, most of them were offended.

    DeSantis did not approach them directly, even as Trump took the trouble of personally meeting the Florida members to garner support, which he has managed to get, reports said.

    When DeSantis was in Congress, he was a loner, with not much of a network with the politicians inWashington D.C.

    “I think the way I’d describe Governor DeSantis is transactional. He is only out for himself, and that has rubbed many of my colleagues and myself the wrong way,” a Florida Republican who recently endorsed Trump but desired anonymity.

    Aides working with Republicans in the delegation claimed they found it difficult to get the Governor on the phone to discuss key issues in their districts.

    A poll from Yahoo News/YouGov, conducted April 14-17, showed Trump leading DeSantis by 16 percentage points (52 per cent to 36 per cent).

    But two weeks ago, the former president led DeSantis by 26 percentage points (57 per cent to 31 per cent). A recent University of New Hampshire poll, which found DeSantis leading Trump by 12 points in January, now finds Trump leading DeSantis by 20 points in April, Politico reported.

    There are still a number of Florida lawmakers who are keeping their options open such as Representatives Kat Cammack, Maria Elvira Salazar, and Mario Diaz-Balart.

    A number of political strategists and consultants in the state are doing the same, The Washington Examiner said.

    Some Republicans in the state are alarmed over Trump’s endorsements and wanted members to set aside their personal feelings and assess which of the two candidates is most likely to win the general election in 2024.

    Former Representative Francis Rooney, a known Trump critic retired in 2021, said: “Trump cannot win the general election. It’s not going to happen. It didn’t work in the midterms. We had a bunch of defective candidates, election deniers, they didn’t win. What we should have had was a 20-seat majority, and that’s not what happened.”

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    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • Trump killed the ‘values voter’ wing of the GOP. It isn’t coming back in 2024.

    Trump killed the ‘values voter’ wing of the GOP. It isn’t coming back in 2024.

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    Unlike in Republican presidential primaries past, just two candidates — Pence, the former Catholic turned evangelical, and Scott, who speaks of finding a “God Solution” to the country’s racial divide — stand alone in making explicit appeals to Evangelical voters. Trump and DeSantis, meanwhile, are relying solely on their reputations as brute-force brawlers in the culture wars.

    Their success — and the difficulties Pence and Scott are having courting voters, according to recent polls — reflects a major change in the evangelical bloc of the GOP electorate in the Trump era. When five GOP presidential candidates take the stage at Iowa’s Faith & Freedom Coalition in Clive on Saturday, vowing to take on the woke left will likely mean more than reciting the Apostles’ Creed.

    “Evangelicals have changed and have become more populist and more renegade and wanting to fight more and engage in Christian culture,” said David Brody, the chief political analyst for Christian Broadcasting Network, who wrote the “The Faith of Donald J. Trump.” “Trump has a following who wants to fight because they see culture going to hell in a handbasket, and that’s what’s winning the day in politics. And that’s why he is winning with them.”

    Kristin Kobes Du Mez, a historian at evangelical Calvin University in Michigan and the author of “Jesus and John Wayne,” referenced DeSantis’ “God Made a Fighter” ad as an example of the shifting evangelical soil.

    “That’s what evangelicals are looking for now — any personal testimony is kind of a bonus, but not necessary,” Du Mez said. “What matters to evangelicals is they are looking for the best candidate to further their agenda.”

    In previous presidential campaigns, GOP candidates like George W. Bush, Mike Huckabee, Ted Cruz and Ben Carson made explicit appeals to values voters. They regaled them with their personal testimonies and, in the case of Cruz, worked stages in the style of a megachurch pastor.

    Though evangelicals were initially skeptical of Trump, he slowly gained their trust. His running mate in 2016, Pence, gave them permission to look past his crude remarks and reputation for philandering, among other concerns, and embrace Trump as an unlikely but effective champion of their top moral causes.

    With Trump’s election as someone only glancingly familiar with the faith, evangelicals no longer rely on kicking a candidate’s theological tires.

    “Evangelicals support Trump because of his policies. He doesn’t pretend to be pious, which is refreshing. He doesn’t pretend to be something he is not, but he has been the most pro-life, pro-religious liberty, pro-Israel president in history,” said Robert Jeffress, pastor at the First Baptist Church in Dallas and an evangelical ally of Trump who is in regular contact with the ex-president.

    Trump has the critical Republican voting bloc of white evangelical Christians — about 14 percent of the voting population — to thank for propelling him to the White House in 2016. In 2020, eight of 10 evangelical voters cast a ballot for Trump.

    And the church-going crowd is largely still standing with him, polling shows. A Monmouth University survey last month — in a four-way matchup between Trump, DeSantis, Pence and former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley — found Trump with 47 percent support among self-described evangelicals, compared to DeSantis with 35 percent. Pence and Haley registered in the single digits.

    But Trump’s relationship with evangelical voters has largely been transactional. He promised to stack the Supreme Court with conservative judges who would topple Roe v. Wade and protect religious liberties — and it happened. After the Supreme Court overturned federal abortion rights, Trump lashed out at Christian leaders who weren’t automatically lining up for him in 2024.

    “There’s great disloyalty in the world of politics, and that’s a sign of disloyalty because nobody … has ever done more for ‘right to life’ than Donald Trump,” he told the Christian Broadcasting Network.

    Despite the occasional tensions between some evangelical leaders and Trump, Jeffress predicted that evangelical voters will coalesce around the former president again in 2024.

    “I don’t see anyone who has announced so far who has a chance of capturing the vote of evangelicals other than Trump,” he said.

    “No Republican can win the primary without self-identified evangelicals,” said Michael Wear, the former evangelical outreach adviser to President Barack Obama’s 2012 campaign and founder, CEO and president of the Center for Christianity & Public Life. “What Trump showed is that there are ways to get self-identified evangelicals that do not include directly Christian appeals, particularly the kind of the kind of extensive offering of one’s personal testimony that was so important to George W. Bush’s rise.”

    Following Saturday’s forum, Pence will head south to Atlanta, where he’ll speak at The Church of The Apostles. He’s expected to release his second book later this year, which will center on his faith journey. For two decades as an elected official, he kept a copy of the Bible and Constitution on his desk and held prayer meetings while in the White House.

    “Evangelical leaders appreciate him and his sincerity,” Du Mez said of Pence, “And at the same time, they would prefer him not to be in charge of the country.”

    Scott regularly talks about his personal Bible studies — including in a video featured Wednesday on the Christian Broadcasting Network, a tribute to the late Rev. Charles Stanley, a giant of the Southern Baptist Convention. Scott advisers told POLITICO his strategy involves making a direct appeal to evangelical voters in Iowa.

    Besides DeSantis, Haley is another notable name sitting out this weekend’s faith forum in Iowa. Rather than convening ministers and church groups, the former governor has instead organized meetings in Iowa with farmers and women’s groups, a sign that Haley is counting less on the evangelical vote.

    Despite not making as overt an appeal to evangelicals, DeSantis and Haley are still being embraced by parts of the Christian right. Each has been tapped to give speeches at two of the country’s top evangelical colleges — DeSantis last week at a Liberty University convocation, and Haley early next month at Regent University’s convocation.

    Bob Vander Plaats, Huckabee’s former 2008 campaign chair and president and CEO of The Family Leader, an influential conservative Christian organization in Iowa, said some of his constituents support DeSantis, who grew up in a Catholic family and writes in his memoir that it was “nonnegotiable that I would have my rear end in church every Sunday morning.”

    “He’s very much your constitutional conservative who is a man of deep faith, but that’s not what he’s going to reference as he’s applying it to leadership,” Vander Plaats said. “He’s going to go back to basic conservative principles and constitutional foundations versus inserting a lot of Scripture.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Twitter removes verification badges of Trump, Soros, Gates, and Hillary Clinton

    Twitter removes verification badges of Trump, Soros, Gates, and Hillary Clinton

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    Twitter recently removed the verification badges of several high-profile individuals, including former President Donald Trump, billionaire philanthropist George Soros, Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates, and former First Lady Hillary Clinton. The move has sparked controversy and speculation about Twitter’s motives, with some users criticizing the company’s lack of transparency and consistency in its verification process.

    Twitter’s verification badge is meant to identify accounts belonging to public figures, journalists, and other notable individuals, and is a highly coveted symbol of credibility and authenticity on the platform. However, the company has faced criticism in the past for its opaque and inconsistent verification process, which has led to confusion and frustration among users.

    Twitter recently introduced a paid verification system, allowing users to apply for a verification badge for a fee. However, the move has been met with skepticism and criticism from some, who argue that it will only exacerbate existing inequalities on the platform.

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    The recent removal of the verification badges of high-profile figures like Trump, Soros, Gates, and Clinton has added fuel to this controversy. Twitter has not provided an official explanation for the removal of these badges, which has only added to the controversy and confusion surrounding the issue.

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    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • Appeals court presses pause on House GOP subpoena to former Trump prosecutor

    Appeals court presses pause on House GOP subpoena to former Trump prosecutor

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    Bragg then sued Jordan and the Judiciary panel, seeking a court order preventing the House from enforcing the subpoena.

    While the Judiciary committee has contended that it wants to study the potential effects that the threat of a future prosecution could have on a president while he is in office, Bragg argued that the House had no legitimate legislative purpose in issuing the subpoena and instead intends to examine the district attorney’s internal deliberations regarding the Trump indictment.

    On Wednesday, a federal judge in Manhattan declined to block the subpoena to Pomerantz. “The subpoena was issued with a ‘valid legislative purpose’ in connection with the ‘broad’ and ‘indispensable’ congressional power to ‘conduct investigations,’” U.S. District Judge Mary Kay Vyskocil wrote.

    Bragg’s legal team appealed immediately to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit, which ordered that Pomerantz’s deposition be put on hold. Jordan and the committee must file briefing to the appeals court by Friday, with Bragg’s response due Saturday.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Republicans are alarmed about a Mastriano for Senate bid. Even Trump.

    Republicans are alarmed about a Mastriano for Senate bid. Even Trump.

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    Mastriano, who attempted to overturn the 2020 election and sought to outlaw abortion with no exceptions, lost Pennsylvania’s gubernatorial contest last November by 15 percentage points. His tease of a comeback bid has sparked alarm within GOP circles that he would cost the party any conceivable chance they had of unseating Sen. Bob Casey (D-Pa.) in 2024.

    “Trump’s not dumb,” said a top GOP donor who was granted anonymity to speak frankly about private deliberations. “He knows Mastriano will hurt him in Pennsylvania.”

    Trump has also relayed to Republicans, including at least one senator, that he would be reluctant to endorse Mastriano for Senate because of his concerns that he would pull him down, the three people said. That’s not the only reason he may stay out: A person close to Trump said it is unlikely he will be as involved in 2024 down-ballot races across the country since he is busy running himself. Trump is currently more interested in seeing who endorses him.

    Snubbing Mastriano would be a 180 from last year, when Trump defied Republican leaders in the state and D.C., and officially backed him days before the primary.

    “He regrets endorsing him in [2022],” said an adviser to Trump who was granted anonymity to speak openly. “He says, ‘Doug blew it.’”

    The adviser, along with another person close to Trump, said the former president took issue with Mastriano embracing a platform that included no abortion exceptions, including for the life of the mother. The person close to Trump insisted that was not how Mastriano presented his position privately to the former president. Though Mastriano did state his no-exceptions position in a primary debate prior to Trump’s endorsement, the adviser said that Trump never would have endorsed had he been more aware of Mastriano’s support for that policy.

    Trump, after appointing the Supreme Court justices needed to overturn Roe v. Wade, has nevertheless taken to social media to blame GOP losses in the midterms on Republicans who “firmly insisted on No Exceptions, even in the case of Rape, Incest, or Life of the Mother.”

    The Trump campaign declined to provide a comment for this story.

    In the conversation with the senator, which took place in recent weeks, Trump expressed reservations about Mastriano being a “drag” on him as the nominee, according to a GOP strategist familiar with the discussion. Those reservations extend to others associated with the Pennsylvania Republican. Trump, according to an adviser, is “done” with Jenna Ellis, a former Trump attorney who pushed for Mastriano during the primary and served as a lawyer for the then-president during his post-election efforts to contest the 2020 vote.

    Mastriano did not respond to a request for comment. Ellis said that since declining to work for Trump’s 2024 campaign, she has been “called a porn star, sexually harassed, and stalked in the media by the unnamed male ‘Trump Advisors.’”

    “If President Trump was so ‘done’ with me, why did he literally call me two days ago?” she added. “These ‘advisors’ are clearly misrepresenting their positions and proximity in an effort to intimidate women who stand on principle by attacking them on social media and anonymously in the press.”

    Trump’s machinations in the Keystone State could have a major effect on the GOP’s efforts to take back the Senate. Republicans need to flip just two seats to win the chamber and Casey is among their top targets. After a disappointing midterm election, the Senate Republican campaign arm sees Mastriano as unelectable. The group is recruiting ex-hedge fund CEO Dave McCormick, who narrowly lost the Pennsylvania Senate primary to celebrity physician Mehmet Oz in 2022, to challenge Casey.

    “Republicans are scared to death of Mastriano being on the ballot again,” said Josh Novotney, a GOP consultant in Pennsylvania. “He tanked the entire ticket last year.”

    It is far from certain that Trump’s reservations about Mastriano mean he would endorse McCormick in the primary. Last year Trump backed Oz while blasting McCormick as a “liberal Wall Street Republican.” The former president also has his own intraparty politics to consider. If the primary is still competitive during Pennsylvania’s primary in late April — or state lawmakers move up the voting date like they are considering — Trump may determine he needs to avoid disappointing Mastriano’s base.

    Trump has had no problem abandoning allies in the past after they’ve lost elections. Last year, he decided not to endorse former Rep. Lou Barletta in his bid for governor of Pennsylvania after he had backed him in an unsuccessful Senate run four years prior. Trump privately called Barletta a “loser,” according to multiple sources.

    Were Trump merely to stay out of any potential primary between Mastriano and McCormick, many Republican officials in the state and nationally would be relieved.

    “There’s a lot of concern amongst party leaders about the effect that Mastriano would have on the down-ballot,” said Rob Gleason, former chair of the Pennsylvania Republican Party. “I don’t think [Trump] is going to endorse anybody. He has to worry about himself.”

    Trump was ambivalent about Mastriano before he endorsed him. Mastriano had been a loyal soldier in the MAGA movement, using his position as a state senator to become the face of the effort to overturn the 2020 election in Pennsylvania. But Trump wanted more action from Mastriano on his promises surrounding an audit of the election results, and some of Trump’s advisers were concerned that Mastriano was unelectable.

    Several Republicans in Trump’s orbit believe the former president ultimately endorsed Mastriano because he wanted to burnish his win-loss record in Republican primaries. Trump’s move enraged GOP officials in Pennsylvania who were attempting to mount a last-ditch effort to stop Mastriano in hopes of avoiding an onslaught in November.

    This time around, Trump’s circle is more dubious about Mastriano’s chances of winning a general election, believing he simply can not beat Casey. A recent poll by Franklin & Marshall College found that Casey leads Mastriano by 16 percentage points in a hypothetical matchup, while he is ahead of McCormick by 7 points.

    Mastriano has also come under blame by some people around Trump for contributing to Oz’s loss, a sore spot for the former president, who himself has blamed his wife and others for counseling him to back Oz.

    But there are still a handful of Mastriano fans in Trump world. Christina Bobb, who has worked as a lawyer for Trump, was a featured speaker at a rally Mastriano held in south-central Pennsylvania last month. She praised Mastriano as a MAGA warrior who bravely fought to rectify the 2020 election.

    She told the crowd that she had talked to Trump before the event. “He goes, ‘Tell him I love them, tell him I love them all,” she said.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Judge OKs subpoena from House GOP to former Trump prosecutor

    Judge OKs subpoena from House GOP to former Trump prosecutor

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    The district attorney’s office planned to ask an appeals court to intervene quickly and stop the deposition, a spokesperson for the office said.

    The ruling came in response to a lawsuit from Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg against Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) and the Judiciary panel, which he chairs. Bragg sought a court order preventing the House from enforcing the subpoena, arguing that the House had no legitimate legislative purpose in issuing the subpoena and that it intends to examine the district attorney’s internal deliberations regarding the criminal case it brought against Trump last month.

    But Vyskocil, who was appointed by Trump, found that Jordan and the committee “have identified several valid legislative purposes underlying the subpoena,” including the committee’s interest in investigating federal forfeiture funds used in connection with the investigation of Trump, as well as possible legislative reforms to “insulate current and former presidents from state prosecutions.”

    The Judiciary committee also has contended that its purpose in issuing the subpoena is to study the potential effects that the threat of a future prosecution could have on a president while he is in office.

    And though Bragg argued that the true purpose of Jordan’s inquiry was to “undermine and obstruct” the case against Trump, the judge said the motivations of the committee were “irrelevant.”

    At a hearing in Manhattan federal court earlier Wednesday, the judge challenged lawyers for both sides aggressively and focused extensively, as she did in her written ruling, on a book Pomerantz wrote about his experience investigating Trump at the district attorney’s office.

    At the hearing, Vyskocil questioned whether Pomerantz had already disclosed privileged information in his writings and in related television interviews, at one point holding up a copy of the book, “People vs. Donald Trump: An Inside Account,” which had been heavily bookmarked with colorful flags.

    And she questioned whether the district attorney’s office had taken steps to prevent or address Pomerantz’s disclosures. Leslie Dubeck, Bragg’s general counsel, said that after publication, the office had alerted the New York City Department of Investigation to potential misdemeanor violations by Pomerantz in disclosing certain information.

    “Does it preserve your confidences?” the judge asked Dubeck of Pomerantz’s book. After a pause, Dubeck replied, “no.”

    In her written decision, Vyskocil found that the district attorney’s office had taken no action either before or after the publication of Pomerantz’s book to protect privileged information. “This repeated inaction constitutes acquiescence to the disclosure of any otherwise privileged information,” she wrote.

    Though Pomerantz has argued that if he is deposed he will be caught between either violating privilege rules or potentially being held in contempt of court, Vyskocil offered no sympathy.

    “Pomerantz is in this situation,” she wrote, “because he decided to inject himself into the public debate by authoring a book that he has described as ‘appropriate and in the public interest.’”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Georgia prosecutor probing Trump reveals new details of active investigation

    Georgia prosecutor probing Trump reveals new details of active investigation

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    “It is unfathomable how Ms. Debrow can offer competent and adequate counsel to her client who has been accused of further crimes,” Willis argues in the filing.

    It’s the first whisper from Willis about the probe since January, when she described charging decisions in the investigation as “imminent.” Her comments at the time followed the conclusion of a special grand jury’s investigation into Trump and his bid to reverse the election results. While the special grand jury recommended criminal charges against an untold number of people whose identities remain secret, the panel had no power to issue the charges itself. Instead, Willis must present evidence to a traditional grand jury in order to issue formal charges, which may or may not align with the special grand jury’s recommendations.

    Willis’ special grand jury probe stretched for nearly a year as she hauled in a slew of figures in Trump’s inner circle, suggesting that her probe went beyond the immediate allegations of potential Georgia election law violations that Trump may have committed. She fought some of those witnesses — from Sen. Lindsey Graham to former chief of staff Mark Meadows to former national security adviser Mike Flynn to Rudy Giuliani — in state and federal courts to secure their testimony. Willis is particularly interested in Trump’s Jan. 2, 2021 phone call in which he urged Georgia’s Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to “find” just enough votes to reverse the outcome of the election.

    Willis’ concerns about the legal representation of the false electors is not new. She raised an alarm in November that some of them might have different degrees of legal exposure and could be called on to testify against each other or otherwise have interests that would require separate representation. At the time, the judge overseeing the matter, Robert McBurney, permitted 10 of the electors to remain represented by a single attorney. But he agreed to require another, Georgia Republican Party Chair David Shafer, to get separate representation because his degree of criminal exposure appeared to be greater than the others.

    The false electors were a key aspect of Trump’s bid to remain in power, despite losing the 2020 election. By convening a set of pro-Trump electors in several states Trump lost, his allies pointed to the “competing“ slates of electors to argue that Congress or then-Vice President Mike Pence should pick between them on January 6, 2021, when lawmakers met to count electoral votes and finalize the results of the election. The challenges lodged by Trump’s congressional allies failed, and Pence ultimately rejected Trump’s repeated insistence that he had the single-handed authority to halt the certification himself, ending Trump’s last-ditch bid to stay in power.

    Many of the false Republican electors were party activists or chairs in those states, and they helped convene the Republican electors in December, when Biden’s certified electors also met to formalize his victory in those states. The false electors in at least five of the Biden-won states — including Georgia — signed certificates claiming that they were the legitimate presidential electors from those states. While many of the false electors have claimed they weren’t told that they were going to become components in Trump’s Jan. 6 plans — only that their actions were necessary to preserve legal challenges — others were more intimately involved with figures in Trump’s inner circle.

    Many of them have already been subpoenaed by federal prosecutors probing Trump’s election gambit as well, and dozens of them were subpoenaed by and testified to the Jan. 6 select committee.

    Trump has already been indicted in New York for alleged crimes related to hush money payments and covering up an affair just before the 2016 election. But the Fulton County and federal probe may present more acute legal threats in the long run as prosecutors edge closer to final charging decisions.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )