Tag: Trump

  • Just how big is the Always Trump component of the Republican Party?

    Just how big is the Always Trump component of the Republican Party?

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    That they can’t quite acknowledge as much underscores one of the defining features of this very early primary and, more generally, GOP politics over the last six years: Trump’s base remains rigid, and even his critics believe it may be fatal to annoy them.

    Despite his difficulties since he left office, about a third of Republicans and Republican-leaning voters still consider themselves supporters more of Trump than the Republican Party, according to a recent NBC News poll. Many of them aren’t going anywhere. Fully 28 percent of Republican primary voters are so devoted to the former president that they said they’d support him even if he ran as an independent, according to a national survey last month from The Bulwark and longtime Republican pollster Whit Ayres. Indeed, the “Always Trump” component of the party is so pronounced that it’s affecting how Trump’s opponents operate around him.

    “All these folks are just hoping that Trump’s going to have a heart attack on a golf course one day, and that’s going to solve this problem for them,” said Fergus Cullen, a former New Hampshire Republican Party chair. “Not much of a strategy.”

    It’s hard to fault them. Republican campaigns have calculated that they can’t afford to offend an entire swath of the GOP electorate still sympathetic to Trump. Instead, they’ve chosen to chip away at them through non-aggressive means.

    In her announcement speech, Haley did not directly criticize Trump but called for “mandatory mental competency tests for politicians over 75 years old” — an age that would include both President Joe Biden, 80, and Trump, 76. Meanwhile DeSantis has either ignored or brushed aside Trump’s attacks, choosing to contrast himself by his 2022 results and Trump’s 2020 ones.

    “I spend my time delivering results for the people of Florida and fighting against Joe Biden; that’s how I spend my time,” DeSantis said. “I don’t spend my time trying to smear other Republicans.”

    It hasn’t gone unnoticed in Trump world. One Republican strategist close to the Trump campaign said potential candidates don’t want to directly go after Trump for fear of alienating his voters who they ultimately need to win.

    “If a primary gets too nasty between Trump and DeSantis, I could forsee a chunk refusing to support DeSantis,” the strategist said. “Why were there ‘Never Trumpers’? Because of the nastiness of the primary. I do think that’s something other candidates need to be cognizant of. The voters loyal to Trump are a much more significant chunk than the Never Trumpers.”

    A person close to Trump said the ex-president and his campaign do not take that core base of supporters for granted.

    “He ran on a platform of the forgotten man and woman in America — they have been with him since he announced in 2015, they were with him in 2020,” the person said. “They won’t leave him.”

    Trump, for his part, is actively weaponizing his hold on the party. While Ronna McDaniel, chair of the Republican National Committee, said Sunday that participants in the party’s first primary debate this summer will have to sign a pledge to support the eventual nominee, Trump has balked at that idea, saying “It would have to depend on who the nominee was.”

    Even if Trump did sign a pledge, Republicans know there would be no holding him to it. Trump signed a loyalty pledge to support the eventual nominee in 2015. But like a TV character telling the GOP they have a “nice party” and “it’d be a shame if something happened to it,” he was openly raising the prospect of running as an independent just a few months later.

    “That’s the threat,” said David Kochel, a veteran of six Republican presidential campaigns. “That’s the constant threat that he brings to the race, that if he wants to go somewhere else, if he were not to be nominated, what is the potential damage that he could do?”

    Trump wouldn’t even have to run as an independent to inflict damage. He could do it from the sidelines, baselessly casting doubt on the legitimacy of elections, as he did in the Georgia Senate runoff following his loss in 2020, depressing Republican turnout.

    That’s one reason few Republicans are going after Trump directly at all. Even if Mike Pence, Trump’s former vice president, insists “we’ll have better choices” than Trump in 2024, he’s careful to laud “the policies of the Trump-Pence administration,” avoiding anything close to a direct hit on his one-time running mate.

    “What they’re so afraid of is him being out of the tent shooting in,” said Sarah Longwell, the Republican political strategist and Bulwark publisher who became a vocal supporter of Joe Biden in 2020. “That threat… is all the more puzzling why people aren’t taking him on early, trying to chip away at the ‘Always Trumpers.’”

    It may be impossible. How much Trump will benefit from an expected large primary field has been a source of intensifying debate in GOP circles in recent weeks. It’s possible weaker candidates will drop out before the first caucuses in Iowa, fearful of a repeat of 2016, when a large number of more establishment and elected Republicans split the vote in early primary states, allowing Trump to advance with less-than-majority support. Trump himself has acknowledged the advantage a bigger crowd of candidates would have on his chances.

    “The more the merrier,” Trump said.

    Many Republican strategists doubt the field will be as large in 2024 as it was in 2016.

    “I think there is more of an awareness on the part of people who are going to get into this thing that there’s going to have to be an off-ramp at some point,” Kochel said.

    Requirements to make the debate stage may knock out some contenders who fail to qualify. Others polling poorly or underperforming in the earliest state contests may heed the lessons of 2016 — or 2020, when Joe Biden benefitted from an early consolidation around him after South Carolina.

    If the field isn’t as crowded as 2016, that could change things. Scott Walker, the former Wisconsin governor and early frontrunner in the 2016 campaign, said DeSantis is in a stronger position to run against Trump than Walker himself was because “we weren’t viewed as the alternative or the one other person at the forefront, like DeSantis is today.”

    But Trump, as polarizing as he is, can always expand his own base. Following Trump’s appearance at the site of a toxic train derailment in Ohio last week — a visit derided by the left and mocked on Saturday Night Live — Walker called it a “prime example of what got Trump elected in the first place.”

    “If he does more of that, he’ll be the nominee and the president again,” Walker said. “But as you and I both know, too, he has moments like that that are both wonderful and brilliant politically, as well as just decency-wise. And then he’ll have other moments where other things happen, where he’s taking on fellow Republicans or God knows what.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • The Trump vs. DeSantis proxy battle shapes up with dueling CPAC vs. Club for Growth events

    The Trump vs. DeSantis proxy battle shapes up with dueling CPAC vs. Club for Growth events

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    Former United Nations ambassador Nikki Haley and biotech entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy are the only presidential candidates bridging the two gatherings, though the lesser-known Ramaswamy is not yet registering on public polling of the potential 2024 field.

    Despite being a nearby resident in Palm Beach, Trump was not invited to the Club’s retreat this week at The Breakers luxury resort. The conservative group has been open in its desire to move beyond Trump, who has responded with harsh criticism for the organization.

    But other potential 2024 candidates are attending Club for Growth’s retreat are former Vice President Mike Pence, Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) and New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu, POLITICO has confirmed. Sens. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) and Rick Scott (R-Fla.), who are not signaling interest in a presidential run next year, are also set to speak to donors.

    Former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo will speak at CPAC, a conference that over the past five years has increasingly aligned itself with Trump and Trumpism. Pompeo and Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin were invited to attend the Club for Growth retreat, but a person familiar with their schedules said they had scheduling conflicts.

    As CPAC has remained closely aligned with Trump — the conservative outfit has celebrated Trump’s success in its straw polls while having him return to events throughout the year — the Club for Growth has largely severed ties with the former president.

    And while the Club has opened its donor retreat to a slate of prospective candidates not named Trump, the anti-tax organization appears to be putting much of its weight behind DeSantis. The day before Trump announced his presidential campaign in November, the Club for Growth released polling showing the Florida governor leading over Trump by double-digits in early nominating states.

    The Club and its president, David McIntosh, have endured a tumultuous relationship with the former president, first opposing him in 2016 before embracing Trump as an ally in the years to follow. McIntosh influenced some of Trump’s high-profile endorsements in the 2022 midterms, though the two men clashed over contentious Senate primaries in Ohio, Pennsylvania and Alabama.

    Trump earlier this month referred to the organization as “The Club For NO Growth” and suggested he was fine without their support, posting on his Truth Social website that the group was “an assemblage of political misfits, globalists, and losers.”

    “They said I couldn’t win, I did, and won even bigger in 2020, with millions of more votes than ‘16,” Trump continued, then claiming, without evidence, that the “Election was Rigged & Stolen.”

    Club for Growth donated last year to DeSantis’ reelection bid, as well as to a super PAC supporting Tim Scott, another potential Trump rival in a 2024 Republican presidential primary.

    Haley has also found herself in a complicated relationship with Trump, who appointed her as U.N. ambassador after initially criticizing Trump’s 2016 candidacy. Since then, Haley has cycled through criticism and praise for Trump. She previously said she would not run if Trump sought reelection, though ultimately changed course and has called for a new, younger generation of conservative leadership without directly attacking Trump’s policies.

    By making an appearance at both events, Haley and Ramaswamy are attempting to make in-roads with both the pro- and anti-Trump conservative movements as they seek to bolster their name recognition and support ahead of a potentially crowded field in the coming months.

    Nachama Soloveichik, an adviser to Haley, said the former South Carolina’s choice to attend both events shows she’s “decisive” and “bringing her message all across the country.” “When others sit on the sidelines, Nikki Haley puts in the work, in Iowa, in New Hampshire, at conservative gatherings,” Soloveichik said in a statement.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Longtime Trump backers flock to DeSantis event

    Longtime Trump backers flock to DeSantis event

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    A Johnson spokesperson, however, said Johnson did not intend to endorse in the primary.

    “Sen. Johnson historically does not endorse in primaries and plans to continue this trend and remain impartial in 2024,” said Corinne Day, a Johnson spokesperson.

    Also seen was Arizona Republican Jim Lamon, a solar energy executive and Trump donor who aggressively aligned himself with the former president during his unsuccessful 2022 Senate bid. Lamon was also involved in efforts to overturn the 2020 election results showing President Joe Biden defeated Trump. Lamon was one of 11 GOP electors who signed a document claiming to be Arizona’s legitimate electors, which was mailed to the Senate and the National Archives.

    Another attendee is Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton, who was once seen as a potential Trump pick to be CIA director. Cotton, who passed on a 2024 presidential bid after laying the groundwork for a prospective campaign, on Saturday evening appeared on a DeSantis-moderated panel with conservative commentator Ann Coulter and Texas Rep. Chip Roy. Cotton, who like DeSantis entered Congress in 2013, long allied himself with Trump but broke with him when he voted to certify the 2020 election.

    Mick Mulvaney, who was Trump’s acting White House chief of staff, was also seen at the DeSantis retreat. Mulvaney left the administration following the Jan. 6 Capitol riot, and he has harshly criticized the former president over his decision to wage a 2024 comeback, saying Trump is “the only Republican who could lose” the election.

    And among the major figures in the Republican donor world who attended DeSantis’ event: Roy Bailey, a longtime Texas fundraiser who helped lead Trump’s campaign finance committee. The event also included several of DeSantis’ fellow governors, including Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt, who benefited from a Trump-hosted fundraiser during his reelection bid last year, and Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee, who was also backed by Trump in his 2022 reelection campaign.

    “Gov. Stitt believes Ron DeSantis has done an excellent job leading as Florida’s governor, especially through COVID, supporting law enforcement, reforming education and supporting parental rights,” said Carly Atchison, a spokesperson for Stitt, who met with Trump at Mar-a-Lago last year.

    The retreat comes as DeSantis is increasing his national profile. The governor is set to publish a new book on Tuesday, and this past week, he appeared before law enforcement officers in Philadelphia, New York City and Chicago. DeSantis is also benefiting from a newly launched nonprofit group that could promote his policies. Those present at the conference said DeSantis made no mention of whether he planned to run for president, though many of those in attendance said they were eager to see him do so.

    On Saturday, DeSantis is to hold another panel discussion with Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds, whose home state hosts the GOP’s first presidential nominating contest. A person close to Reynolds, however, said the governor did not plan to endorse in the primary. Reynolds, who chairs the Republican Governors Association, has also appeared with former UN Ambassador Nikki Haley and South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott in Iowa.

    Other attendees spotted in the crowd included Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie, Utah Sen. Mike Lee and 2022 Nevada Senate candidate Adam Laxalt, a longtime DeSantis friend. Conservative commentators Coulter and Dana Loesch were also present.

    The retreat caps off a major week in the Republican donor world. On Thursday evening, Trump hosted a fundraiser at Mar-a-Lago, and on Friday, several prospective presidential candidates gathered in Austin, Texas, for a donor conference organized by longtime GOP strategist Karl Rove.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • DeSantis leads Trump in California matchup

    DeSantis leads Trump in California matchup

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    California’s 5.2 million registered Republican voters could play an outsize role in the Republican presidential primary when they select a presidential candidate next March. The primary offers a prime moment of influence for voters who are often sidelined in the politics of the heavily Democratic state.

    DeSantis will travel to California next week for a sold-out event at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley. After that talk, the governor is scheduled to headline a fundraiser for the Republican Party of Orange County. The county is a former Republican stronghold that has shifted purple in recent years and will host multiple frontline House races in 2024.

    California Gov. Gavin Newsom has relentlessly attacked DeSantis, using the Florida governor as a foil for California progressivism — a focus that underscores DeSantis’ position at the center of national Republican politics.

    Harris could face a tough path to the presidency if Biden does not seek another term. The poll found a majority of California voters are unenthusiastic about the notion of Harris running in 2024 should Biden bow out — an increasingly unlikely scenario, with First Lady Jill Biden telling the Associated Press on Friday that the president had “pretty much” decided to run again. The vice president showed more strength among Democratic voters, a majority of whom said they were enthusiastic about a possible Harris campaign.

    Those California headwinds echo Harris’s humbling 2020 campaign. After an ebullient campaign launch in Oakland, Harris slid behind non-Californian candidates in polls that indicated an inability to consolidate support in her home state. She dropped out before California voted.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Judge orders depositions of Trump, Wray in long-running dispute with ex-FBI officials

    Judge orders depositions of Trump, Wray in long-running dispute with ex-FBI officials

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    Jackson, an appointee of President Barack Obama, also stressed that she had not yet considered all potential objections to the demands for testimony from Trump and Wray. That could include arguments by Trump that he has the unilateral right as a former president to assert executive privilege.

    Trump has spent years publicly assailing Strzok and Page for their disparaging private messages about him, claiming they proved that FBI bias fueled the Russia probe, despite independent reviews that failed to substantiate those claims. Strzok was fired amid the controversy, and Page resigned. Strzok is contesting his dismissal, and both are claiming invasion of their privacy over the manner in which the Justice Department released hundreds of their text messages.

    In the suits, Strzok and Page contend that Trump and his Justice Department appointees were carrying out a political vendetta.

    The Justice Department and the FBI have both denied that Trump’s public attacks played any role in the bureau’s decision to fire Strzok, saying it was a decision arrived at by career officials and carried out without political pressure. They’ve argued that deposing Trump or Wray would shed little light on decisions that were made by others at the FBI.

    But Jackson’s ruling suggests there might be evidence that she thinks only Trump and Wray can provide. She noted that her decision was rooted in an analysis of the “apex doctrine,” which requires litigants to first seek information from figures at lower rungs of an organization before pursuing testimony of more senior officials.

    Jackson also indicated that the depositions would be limited to a “narrow set of topics” that were defined in a sealed hearing on Thursday.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Trump demonized the media. DeSantis wants to diminish them.

    Trump demonized the media. DeSantis wants to diminish them.

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    “There is a strong argument to be made that the Supreme Court overreached,” Andrade said in an interview. “This is not the government shutting down free speech. This is a private cause of action.”

    Andrade said he is working with DeSantis’ office on the bill: “I would say I am accepting their input.”

    DeSantis has a combative relationship with many media outlets, refusing to conduct interviews with platforms except Fox News and building a communications team that openly brags that its role is to be antagonistic to members of the press. His former press secretary, Christina Pushaw, frequently argued with journalists on Twitter and was once suspended by the social media giant for abusive behavior.

    Yet the proposed bill goes further than simply decrying media bias. Free-press advocates call the measure unconstitutional and suggest it could have far-reaching consequences beyond major media outlets.

    “I have never seen anything remotely like this legislation,” said Seth Stern, director of advocacy for the Freedom of the Press Foundation. “I can’t say I have seen every bill ever introduced, but I’d be quite surprised if any state Legislature had seriously considered such a brazen and blatantly unconstitutional attack on speech and press freedoms.”

    He added: “This bill is particularly remarkable since its provisions have the vocal support of a governor and likely presidential candidate.”

    DeSantis’ office said he “will make a decision on the merits of the bill in final form if and when it passes and is delivered to the governor’s office.”

    Earlier this month, DeSantis held a roundtable with a collection of right-wing personalities and attorneys who he said were media libel law experts. The main takeaway from the roundtable, which foreshadowed forthcoming legislation, was that DeSantis believes some journalists make things up.

    “The idea that they would create narratives that are contrary to discovering facts, I don’t know that was the standard,” DeSantis said during the roundtable. “Now it seems you pursue the narrative, you’re trying to advance the narrative and trying to get the clicks, and the fact-checking and contrary facts have just fallen by the wayside.”

    Andrade’s proposal incorporates many of the elements DeSantis called for during the roundtable, including:

    — allowing plaintiffs who sue media outlets for defamation to collect attorneys fees;

    — adding a provision to state law specifying that comments made by anonymous sources are presumed false for the purposes of defamation lawsuits;

    — lowering the legal threshold for a “public figure” to successfully sue for defamation;

    — repealing the “journalist’s privilege” section of state law, which protects journalists from being compelled to do things like reveal the identity of sources in court, for defamation lawsuits.

    Stern said 49 states and several appellate circuits recognize a reporter’s privilege against court-compelled disclosure of source material and stressed that it’s essential for people to be able to speak to reporters without risking their jobs or freedoms.

    “Journalists do not work for the government and it’s none of the government’s business how journalists gather news,” he added.

    Andrade, however, said the privilege language in his bill would not allow a judge to force a journalist to reveal an anonymous source, but removes existing protections if they decide not to.

    “The law protects journalists from being ‘compelled’ by judges to disclose anonymous sources, but if a journalist has been sued for defamation, and wants to avoid liability, this section makes clear that they cannot claim a special privilege to avoid disclosing the source of the defamatory information and also avoid liability,” Andrade said.

    Critics of the bill took issue with the section about attorneys fees, saying it could add a financial incentive to file defamation lawsuits and erode the laws preventing retaliatory lawsuits filed to silence criticism. Florida, like other states, has anti-SLAPP (strategic lawsuits against public participation) laws designed to help stop frivolous lawsuits.

    “One of my largest concerns with the bill is the rolling back of the anti-SLAPP protection for defamation defendants,” said Adam Schulman, a senior attorney with the Hamilton Lincoln Law Institute, which advocates for free markets, free speech and limited governments. ”That’s just moving in the wrong direction.”

    He said beyond large media companies, some of which have legal teams, the changes could affect the “ordinary guy” who leaves an “unfavorable Yelp review.”

    “At one time, it was not considered ‘conservative’ to advocate for turning on the spigot to all sorts of troll-like civil litigation that will line the pockets of bottom-feeding plaintiffs’ lawyers,” Schulman said.

    Stern said the new bill would leave those protections “toothless.” Under most anti-SLAPP laws, individuals can recover attorneys’ fees if they can show they were sued in retaliation for criticizing the government.

    “The new bill would change that so that plaintiffs whose lawsuits survive anti-SLAPP motions can recover their attorney’s fees,” he said. “That means the anti-SLAPP law would lose all of its value as a deterrent against powerful people filing abusive lawsuits to silence their critics.”

    Andrade, however, said there needs to be a mechanism to collect attorneys fees to give the new laws strength and make it easier for those alleging defamation to bring lawsuits.

    “It’s a policy designed to empower individuals who were on an unfavorable side financially to still be able to bring a cause of action,” he said. “In any circumstance like this the risk of plaintiff’s lawyers taking advantage of the system is a consideration, but it is only one of many considerations.”

    Elected officials routinely criticize the media as biased, but Donald Trump ramped up those attacks during the 2016 election cycle and beyond. The former president regularly labeled news stories he didn’t like as “fake news” and would chide individual reporters at The Washington Post, The New York Times and elsewhere. Trump is widely seen as DeSantis’ top rival for the GOP nomination in 2024.

    Andrade said he has personal reasons for wanting to sponsor the bill, including a March 2022 story in the Pensacola News Journal about the state’s contentious and long-running push to overhaul its permanent alimony system. The story quotes a woman who receives permanent alimony as part of a divorce saying that Andrade, who sponsored or co-sponsored versions of an alimony bill, “pitched a fit” when he discussed the proposal with her.

    “I told the media outlet that the claim being made was false,” he said. “The lady claimed I cursed her out. I provided witness statements and offered phone records, and the media outlet did not consider any of it. They did not even call me for a quote.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden to replace Trump migration policy with Trump-esque asylum policy

    Biden to replace Trump migration policy with Trump-esque asylum policy

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    The new proposal — which immigrant advocates refer to as the “transit ban” or the “asylum ban” — is the White House’s most restrictive border control measure to date and essentially will serve as its policy solution to the long-awaited end of Title 42. Within minutes of its posting, the Biden administration faced a flood of backlash from immigrant advocates and Democrats who accused officials of perpetuating the Trumpian approach to border politics that Biden pledged on the campaign trail to end. Threats of lawsuits also began to percolate.

    Former Biden White House official Andrea Flores, who now serves as chief counsel for Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.), condemned the administration for resurrecting a policy that “normalizes the white nationalist belief that asylum seekers from certain countries are less deserving of humanitarian protections.”

    Administration officials in their call with reporters rejected the notion that the proposed regulation was like the Trump transit ban, noting it was not a “categorical ban” on asylum seekers. Instead, they said, the administration had expanded “existing lawful pathways” through the parole programs, and that the measures were not intended to curb people from seeking asylum but to help ensure order at the southern border.

    The Biden administration has repeatedly warned of an influx of migrants amid the end of Title 42, which has been used more than 2 million times to expel asylum seekers on public health grounds. Administration officials on Tuesday said the new rule will help the administration manage a bogged-down border and asylum processing system.

    But for critics, those utterances and the implementation of the new rule only underscored the degree to which the administration continues to see the southern border as a political issue, and not a humanitarian challenge, facing Biden’s presidency.

    Krish O’Mara Vignarajah, president of Lutheran Immigration & Refugee Service and a former Obama official, said the rule “reaches into the dustbin of history to resurrect one of the most harmful and illegal anti-asylum policies of the Trump administration.” Rep. Chuy Garcia (D-Ill.) called on Biden to “abandon this misguided policy now.” And Sergio Gonzalez, president of the Immigration Hub, said the move “flies in the face” of Biden’s campaign promise to “rebuild a fair, humane and orderly immigration system.”

    Lee Gelernt, deputy director of the ACLU’s Immigrants’ Rights Project and lead attorney in Title 42-related lawsuits, said in a statement to POLITICO that he’s prepared to take legal action.

    “We successfully sued to stop the Trump asylum bans and will sue again if the Biden administration enacts these anti-asylum rules,” Gelernt said.

    Tuesday’s proposed regulation was first floated in January, when Biden unveiled a new border measure that involved accepting 30,000 migrants a month from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela while cracking down on those who fail to use the plan’s legal pathways. The policy forced migrants to apply for asylum from their home country, while expelling those who try to enter the U.S. unlawfully from Mexico. Migrants were only approved if they had a verified sponsor and were allowed to enter the U.S. by air.

    The number of migrants and asylum seekers attempting to cross the border has dropped by 40 percent since December, which administration officials credit to the new measures.

    Administration officials on Tuesday said they were looking into expanding the humanitarian parole program for other nationalities and are “working closely with our partners across the hemisphere to encourage them to also expand their legal pathways.”

    During his speech last month, Biden also unveiled a new app for asylum seekers and other migrants to schedule appointments to be considered for entry into the United States. Advocates scoffed at the administration’s pushback on Tuesday.

    “While the Biden admin has launched a smartphone app for asylum appointments and expanded a temporary parole option for an extremely limited subset of four nationalities, these measures are no substitute for the legal right to seek asylum, regardless of manner of entry,” O’Mara Vignarajah said.

    Administration officials also used Tuesday’s announcement to criticize Congress, arguing that the White House has been left to roll out new policies to fill the “void” left by inaction on the Hill.

    “To be clear, this was not our first preference or even our second. From day one, President Biden has urged Congress to pass comprehensive immigration reform and border security measures to ensure orderly, safe and humane processing of migrants at our border,” a senior administration official said.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Did Van Jones and Donald Trump Leave a Blueprint for Bipartisanship?

    Did Van Jones and Donald Trump Leave a Blueprint for Bipartisanship?

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    Gilsinan: There have been a lot of think pieces around the idea of: “Everybody knows the country is divided. How do I persuade another person to see the world the way I see it?” Which is a much higher bar than, “How do I just not see this person as not a person?” The persuasion question is almost the wrong question.

    Brandon Kramer: Obviously the film has a point of view — we’re following Van and his team. But when we set out to make this film, we were like, “If we’re going to make a film about bridge building, we need to create an experience for viewers across a very diverse political background to be able to trust and engage with the film.”

    Patrisse [Cullors, a co-founder of Black Lives Matter] is not one of the main characters in the film, but we spent time with her as [a person who was] really opposed to the First Step Act. We really wanted to create an empathetic experience into [that] point of view and why [people] oppose the bill, why they want a more comprehensive criminal-justice reform, and what an abolitionist framework is. We screened the film to audiences that do not agree with what Van is doing, but they trust the film because they see protagonists represented that have their point of view. Similarly, there are conservatives in the film. Jared Kushner is in the film, [Republican] Senator Mike Lee from Utah, [Republican Senator] Rand Paul’s in the film, and we screened the film in many conservative communities where, even though they might not agree with Van, they might not agree with [Democratic Senator] Cory Booker, they’re seeing people that they do trust on the screen represented in a fair and honest way.

    Audiences are used to seeing things that just embolden their point of view and minimize other people’s point of view. This film invites them in because they see perspectives that represent how they feel, but it also gives them an empathetic viewing to other people’s perspectives. And what I’ve seen is that it doesn’t change people’s minds about how they feel. But I’ve seen people who don’t like Van, who come up to me after the film, they’re like, “I still don’t like Van Jones, but now I understand where he’s coming from”. Or I’ve seen conservatives who are like, “I didn’t know anything about criminal justice reform, and I don’t love Van Jones, but I actually appreciate the fact he was willing to work with some of these people.”

    Gilsinan: It sounds like the effect is not changing an individual’s mind about their own political beliefs, but it might be changing their mind about other people’s political beliefs, and making their political opponents seem less insane or extreme.

    Brandon Kramer: There are people who are extreme in this. [Republican] Senator Tom Cotton, [then-Attorney General] Jeff Sessions, who believe there is an under-incarceration problem in America — there’s no real point of empathy into their perspective in this film because their views are so out there that there’s nothing to connect with. But to your question, the reason to do that is not just, let’s hold hands and be happy-go-lucky. When you have a greater understanding of somebody that feels different — when Van Jones can understand Patrisse Cullors a little better, when Tylo can understand the sheriff from West Virginia a little better, when Jared Kushner can understand [Democratic Rep.] Hakeem Jeffries a little better — what starts to happen is there’s actually like, “Okay, let’s drill into the details of where we can find some common ground in a piece of legislation that is going to impact tens of thousands of people’s lives.” The bill doesn’t have sentencing reform. That’s a real problem for a lot of people in the progressive movement. Well, there’s some sentencing provisions that seem to resonate with people on the right as well as the left. Let’s drill into the details. When you vilify people, you don’t allow the space to actually dialogue and get into, “Is there some sort of overlap in these circles?” Nine times out of ten there actually is.

    And we saw one of the few examples of that conversation actually playing out, resulting in a fierce debate that was sometimes really painful. But it resulted in a bill that was passed by a bipartisan Senate, passed by a bipartisan vote in the House, and it’s signed by none other than the “law and order” President Donald Trump. And then you see the tens of thousands of people come out of prison and rejoin their families. When you see that relationship-building lead to people walk out of a prison and come home to their family, it means a lot more than just helping them be friends.

    Lance Kramer: Pain can also be a binding agent across these divides. When we were beginning work on the film, [Van] was talking a lot about this idea that common pain could lead to common purpose, [and] common purpose could lead to some sort of common project. It brings people to the table to fight for things that they believe in and things that are affecting their communities. But you also have to treat that with a lot of care and concern because when people are opened up that way, it’s such a fragile place to be in. So it’s understandable why, also, it doesn’t happen.

    Gilsinan: Are there any emblematic stories that you have from the families that you’ve spoken to whose members have gotten out of prison under the under the First Step Act?

    Lance Kramer: A man named Maurice Clifton had been serving a multi-decade prison sentence in federal prison for a very small amount — first-time, nonviolent — possession of crack cocaine. He came home early under the First Step Act in 2020, like two months before the pandemic, and then got ordained, went back into prison as a chaplain, and is also working on bipartisan reform in Mississippi. He took us into the prison in Parchman, Mississippi, which is a state prison built on a former slave plantation in the Mississippi Delta, [and] screened the film for the men that he works with in the prison last spring. And then in a couple of weeks, he’s screening the film as part of its theatrical release. He is presenting the film in Jackson, Mississippi, and inviting Republicans, Democrats — he’s put a panel together.

    We’ve been going around the country, I think now we’ve been to over 30 states. Basically, in every place, there have been people who have either come home from the First Step Act or people who have been directly impacted by the criminal justice system who are using the film to help other people understand what they’ve been through and also what they’re fighting for. Especially in red states and the divided states, I think that’s where it’s been particularly profound.

    Brandon Kramer: Most of the prison population in the United States is in state prisons, not federal. So the urgency around reform is really at the state [level]. The federal level is important, because there’s a lot of people in federal prisons, and also it sets a narrative that is replicable. And when the First Step Act passed, it didn’t just free people from federal prisons. Once Trump signed that bill, it was a message to a lot of Republican governors and legislatures that criminal justice reform is a safe issue to work on on the right, and it resulted in many statewide bills that were passed.

    Gilsinan: What are the examples of state-level reforms that the federal reform created space for?

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    #Van #Jones #Donald #Trump #Leave #Blueprint #Bipartisanship
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Trump: I won’t call DeSantis ‘Meatball Ron’

    Trump: I won’t call DeSantis ‘Meatball Ron’

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    Trump announced his bid for a second term as president in November and has since launched multiple attacks on DeSantis, calling him “Ron DeSanctimonious” and accusing him of playing games by not formally announcing any 2024 presidential ambitions.

    Earlier this month, Trump also reposted a message on social media insinuating DeSantis groomed teenage girls. DeSantis responded by saying that he doesn’t “spend my time trying to smear other Republicans.”

    “I will never call Ron DeSanctimonious ‘Meatball’ Ron, as the Fake News is insisting I will,” Trump wrote in Saturday’s early morning post leveling various attacks on DeSantis, “it would be totally inappropriate to use the word “meatball” as a moniker for Ron!”

    Trump, who famously uses nicknames to describe his opponents, also referred to “Low Energy” Jeb Bush in his post, reprising the moniker he used to define the former Florida governor in the 2016 campaign for the Republican nomination.

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    #Trump #wont #call #DeSantis #Meatball #Ron
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Witnesses in Trump investigation may have lied, says Georgia grand jury report

    Witnesses in Trump investigation may have lied, says Georgia grand jury report

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    Multiple witnesses who testified before a special purpose grand jury investigating Donald Trump’s efforts to overturn the 2020 election may have lied and committed perjury, according to a section of the grand jury’s report released on Thursday.

    The report offers the first insight into the work of the special purpose grand jury, which was convened in May last year. The 23 jurors and three alternates heard from 75 witnesses during the course of its investigation.

    The Georgia case, led by the Fulton county district attorney, Fani Willis, is believed to be one of the most likely scenarios in which the former president, and some of his allies, could face charges for efforts to overturn the results of the 2020 US election.

    “A majority of the Grand Jury believes that perjury may have been committed by one or more witnesses testifying before it. The Grand Jury recommends that the District Attorney seek appropriate indictments for such crimes where the evidence is compelling,” the grand jurors wrote. The sections released on Thursday do not name the witnesses or provide any other details.

    A judge also released the introduction and conclusion to the report, neither of which provide substantive insight into whether Trump or allies will face criminal charges. The judge has declined to release the full report until Willis decides whether to bring charges.

    The introduction details the special grand jury’s process and says it ultimately unanimously concluded “no widespread fraud took place in the Georgia 2020 presidential election that could result in overturning that election”. It also says the grand jurors heard “extensive testimony on the subject of alleged election fraud from poll workers, investigators, technical experts, and State of Georgia employees and officials, as well as from persons still claiming that such fraud took place”.

    The conclusion acknowledges that Willis, the prosecutor, has discretion to seek charges outside of what the grand jury recommends.

    “If this report fails to include any potential violations of referenced statutes that were shown in the investigation, we acknowledge the discretion of the District Attorney to seek indictments where she finds sufficient cause,” the report says. “Furthermore this Grand Jury contained no election law experts or criminal lawyers. The majority of this Grand Jury used their collective best efforts, however, to attend every session, listen to every witness, and attempt to understand the facts as presented and the laws as explained.”

    The work of the special purpose grand jury is being closely watched because it ultimately could lead to the first criminal charges against Trump for his actions after the 2020 election. A special purpose grand jury is convened for an indefinite amount of time and can subpoena witnesses, but not issue indictments.

    The investigation is meant to determine whether Donald Trump and allies violated Georgia state law in their efforts to overturn the 2020 election. Trump infamously called the Georgia secretary of state, Brad Raffensperger, and requested that he “find” votes in his favor. “I just want to find 11,780 votes, which is one more that we have because we won the state,” he said in a January 2021 phone call.

    Rudy Giuliani, Trump’s lawyer, has also been informed he is a target of the investigation. Sixteen people who served as fake electors from Georgia are also reportedly targets of the investigation.

    The decision over whether to bring charges is ultimately up to Willis, a Democrat in her first term as the Fulton county district attorney. Willis said at a court hearing last month that a decision on whether to bring charges was “imminent”.

    Trump and allies could face a range of criminal charges under Georgia law. It is a crime in Georgia to solicit someone to commit election fraud or to interfere with the performance of official election duties. Willis could also bring charges under the state’s Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (Rico) Act to charge Trump’s confidantes with crimes as part of a broader conspiracy to overturn the election. Willis hired a lawyer who specializes in Rico to assist her with the investigation.

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    #Witnesses #Trump #investigation #lied #Georgia #grand #jury #report
    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )