Tag: Trump

  • Trump screams into void as Manhattan DA probe goes quiet

    Trump screams into void as Manhattan DA probe goes quiet

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    But four legal experts who worked in the DA’s office prior to Bragg’s tenure said such pauses didn’t necessarily signal a troubling turn for the investigation. They’re more likely the result of prosecutors weighing whether to present a rebuttal witness to counter claims the grand jury heard earlier in the week from a Trump ally or an effort to minimize the time between an indictment and the former president’s surrender.

    The inaction, though, combined with Bragg’s silence — legally mandated due to grand jury secrecy laws — have allowed Trump to fill the void, attacking the probe as politically motivated, spurring his supporters to protest and prophesying “potential death and destruction” if he were to be indicted.

    “What kind of person can charge another person, in this case a former president of the United States, who got more votes than any sitting president in history, and leading candidate (by far!) for the Republican Party nomination, with a crime,” Trump wrote on his social media site early Friday, “when it is known by all that NO crime has been committed, & also that potential death & destruction in such a false charge could be catastrophic for our country?”

    Trump’s reliance on fiery rhetoric, designed to whip up his supporters, is one reason Bragg might want to delay an indictment in order to minimize the time period between the grand jury vote and when Trump could turn himself in, said Karen Friedman Agnifilo, who was the chief assistant district attorney under Bragg’s predecessor, Cy Vance.

    “If I were the D.A., I wouldn’t want too much time between surrender and indictment for security reasons,” she said in an interview. “I would say, let’s wait to ask the grand jury to indict until we know we have a surrender date.”

    Agnifilo added that prosecutors were also likely deciding whether to call a witness to rebut information provided earlier this week by defense witness Robert Costello, who testified Monday. Costello, who was once a legal adviser to former Trump lawyer Michael Cohen, the prosecution’s central witness in its investigation, sought to discredit Cohen.

    “If they want to go after Donald Trump and they have solid evidence, so be it. But Michael Cohen is far from solid evidence,” Costello said at a press conference after testifying before the panel. He also accused the DA’s office of cherry-picking evidence by asking him about only six out of 321 emails between his firm and Cohen. For his part, Cohen disputed Costello’s claims.

    Former Manhattan assistant district attorney Jeremy Saland, who worked under Bragg’s two predecessors, said prosecutors could be contemplating additional evidence, perhaps from Costello, or simply putting together the indictment itself. Saland said he would “absolutely not” read anything into the fact that the grand jury adjourned Wednesday and heard evidence about an unrelated case Thursday. The grand jury typically meets Mondays, Wednesday and Thursdays.

    Additional legal experts familiar with the office’s operations said prosecutors could be processing other material, such as a February 2018 letter published by the Daily Mail this week from a former Cohen attorney to the Federal Election Commission saying that Cohen used his personal funds to pay the porn star, Stormy Daniels, and wasn’t reimbursed for the payment. Those claims contrast with what Cohen subsequently pleaded guilty to in federal court.

    While that type of evidence wouldn’t necessarily torpedo Bragg’s case, legal experts said, it could be something prosecutors need to evaluate.

    Meanwhile, the frenzy surrounding the case left law enforcement, court officials, media and lawyers in a holding pattern, watching for any clues from Bragg’s office about the probe’s direction and leaving some frustrated with the amount of time and resources being put into a years-long investigation that still appeared incomplete.

    Still, Joan Vollero, who handled communications for the Manhattan D.A. under Vance, said the lengthy nature of the investigation, combined with this week’s pause in the grand jury hearing evidence in the case, could help insulate the prosecutors’ office from accusations that it is rushing to judgment.

    “No one can accuse D.A. Bragg of being hasty in this matter,” she said.

    On the other hand, Vollero added, “Delay always benefits the defendant because evidence weakens with the passage of time and witnesses’ memories fade, and that’s what benefits Donald Trump.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Trump to GOP firms: Stop using my image or your clients will suffer

    Trump to GOP firms: Stop using my image or your clients will suffer

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    “When you deceive the President’s donors and usurp his brand for your own profit, you drain him of the financial resources his campaign needs to defeat Joe Biden and Make America Great Again,” Wiles and LaCivita write in the letter.

    The Trump campaign sent the letter to Tag Strategies, Red Spark Strategy, Prosper Group, IMGE, Go Big Media, Push Digital, Convergence Media, Coldspark, Axiom Strategies and Targeted Victory.

    Several of the firms are working for prospective GOP rivals to Trump. Coldspark, for instance, is helping former UN Ambassador Nikki Haley, who has announced her candidacy. Axiom is working with a super PAC aligned with Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and Targeted Victory is a vendor to South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott. Both DeSantis and Scott are seen as likely contenders. The firms also represent a host of other down-ballot candidates within the Republican Party who would stand to benefit from securing a Trump endorsement.

    None of the firms who received the Trump campaign letter commented for this story.

    Trump has made similar moves before. In March 2021, his lawyers sent cease-and-desist letters to the Republican National Committee, NRCC and National Republican Senatorial Committee, demanding they stop using his name and likeness in fundraising emails and merchandise. The RNC denied the cease-and-desist demand.

    Thursday’s letter is not a legal threat so much as a political one, forcing the party’s main digital consultants to weigh the value of Trump’s endorsement versus the use of his name to raise funds for their clients.

    “Going forward, in determining which candidates he will support, the President and his team will consider whether the candidate is paying a digital fundraising vendor that routinely fundraises off of his name, image and likeness without his authorization,” Wiles and LaCivita write. “It is highly unlikely that President Trump will endorse, sign letters for, appear at events with or post on social media about candidates who use such vendors, or invite such vendors’ clients to join him on stage or otherwise recognize them at his rallies and other events.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Ron DeSantis has one very big problem: Donald Trump

    Ron DeSantis has one very big problem: Donald Trump

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    DeSantis was compelled to reverse course on his public skepticism about the war in Ukraine following criticism from mainstay Republicans. His poll numbers have dipped. And he was dragged into the very thing he’d been trying to avoid: a public brawl with his chief rival, Donald Trump, whose attack dogs smelled blood.

    Even Republicans eager to see DeSantis succeed agree that he has been put in a bind.

    “This week was a momentum speed bump for DeSantis — not only for his flat response to the Trump indictment and his Ukraine comment, but also just because Trump sucked up all the wind in the room,” said a New York Republican elected official who is leaning toward supporting DeSantis and was granted anonymity for fear of retribution from either candidate.

    DeSantis’ defenders say he’s handled Trump’s legal troubles deftly — ignoring them until asked, then zinging the former president in his answer while taking a larger swing at the Democratic district attorney who is bringing the charges.

    “I think he’s handled it well. It’s not his issue, he addressed it, he was able to take a shot at Trump and [he] moved on. I don’t know that he could have done any more than that,” said Bill McCoshen, a Wisconsin-based Republican strategist.

    Other Republicans say Trump isn’t his only problem.

    “The way he’s handling the potential Trump issue is fine. I think he’s been clever with it. … But Ukraine — he really put himself in a box I think,” said Rob Stutzman, a GOP strategist who handled communications for former Republican California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger. “It was very driven not so much to mimic Trump but to ingratiate himself with donors that are smitten with him.”

    The DeSantis team declined comment.

    The conundrum DeSantis finds himself facing is among the first indications that he may struggle with the same political dynamics that have tripped up past Trump opponents: Align yourself too closely and get tagged as a cheap imitation; attack him and be tarred as a traitor to the cause.

    “I don’t think there’s a right playbook unfortunately,” said Jason Roe, who worked on the 2016 presidential campaign of Republican Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida.

    Trump’s team is certainly armed with counterattacks.

    The former president’s campaign has already compiled an extensive opposition research file on the Florida governor and has decided that full bore attacks will allow them to define DeSantis before he even enters the race. Trump’s advisers believe DeSantis’ shifting positions on issues like Social Security spending and Ukraine, his avoidance of the national press, and his underhanded swipes at Trump are backfiring.

    “He is walking right into a trap we couldn’t have laid any better,” said a Trump adviser who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe how the ex-president’s team is discussing DeSantis. “He’s going to attack Trump on things Trump has been attacked on for eight years. What else new is he going to say? In the perfectly scripted, robotic world of Ron DeSantis this strategy would make sense.”

    As he figures out how to handle Trump, DeSantis has seen his poll numbers sag: A Monmouth University Poll released Tuesday found the former president gaining on DeSantis. A Morning Consult survey showed Trump leading DeSantis 54-to-26 among potential GOP primary voters. And a CNN poll placed Trump in the lead, though by a much smaller margin.

    There are signs that DeSantis is beginning to recalibrate his approach. He snapped back at Trump in an interview with Piers Morgan, set to air Thursday night, according to a preview released in the Rupert Murdoch-owned New York Post. And he drew subtle contrasts with the ex-president when asked about the nicknames and taunts that Trump has thrown his way.

    “I mean, you can call me whatever you want, just as long as you also call me a winner because that’s what we’ve been able to do in Florida, is put a lot of points on the board and really take this state to the next level,” DeSantis said in an exclusive interview with Fox Nation, a favorable outlet for him.

    It wasn’t the first time he’s opted to respond to Trump: In November, he dismissed the ex-president’s criticisms as “noise” and urged critics to “check out the scoreboard” from his re-election landslide victory.

    Roe, who advised Rubio when the Senator had to deal with Trump’s verbal bombs in 2016, suggested that DeSantis stand his ground but avoid a tit for tat with the former president. Back then, Rubio responded to Trump’s “Little Marco” taunt with one of his own — suggestively remarking on Trump’s “small” hands. But, Roe lamented, “it didn’t wear well.”

    “Every interview that I had was responding to something Trump did, said or tweeted and it was always. ‘What’s your reaction?’” Roe said. “You’re not going to win in an insult slugfest with Donald Trump. That’s his strength.”

    The question of how intensely DeSantis should respond to Trump is one he will have to answer. And it could very well be that he settles on a less-is-more formula.

    “Why would he mess with this ‘do as little as possible’ strategy when it has been relatively successful for him?” said Fergus Cullen, a Republican politician in the early voting state of New Hampshire.

    Cullen, a self-avowed “Never Trumper” who hasn’t picked a 2024 candidate yet, said DeSantis has enjoyed the benefit of elusion.

    “People project onto him what they want to see in him, and that’s a really nice place to be politically,” Cullen said. “Can’t last forever.”

    Meridith McGraw contributed to this report.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Court orders anonymous jury in civil suit over alleged rape by Trump

    Court orders anonymous jury in civil suit over alleged rape by Trump

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    Neither Carroll nor Trump asked Kaplan, an appointee of President Bill Clinton, to block access to the jurors’ names, addresses and similar information. Kaplan raised the idea on his own and announced Thursday he will impose the secrecy despite objections from two news outlets: the Associated Press and the New York Daily News.

    The secrecy measure is typically reserved for criminal cases involving alleged mafia or drug kingpins. But Kaplan cited a series of alleged threats of violence by Trump, his public attacks on jurors in other cases and various reports describing Trump’s role in fomenting the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021, as well as his statement Saturday urging his followers to protest what he said was his looming arrest in a probe led by Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg.

    “Mr. Trump’s quite recent reaction to what he perceived as an imminent threat of indictment by a grand jury sitting virtually next door to this Court was to encourage ‘protest’ and to urge people to ‘take our country back,’” Kaplan wrote in an 18-page decision. “That reaction reportedly has been perceived by some as incitement to violence. And it bears mention that Mr. Trump repeatedly has attacked courts, judges, various law enforcement officials and other public officials, and even individual jurors in other matters.”

    Even as he recounted a litany of provocative statements by Trump, Kaplan was careful to say that he was not accusing the former president of being responsible for incitement, only that the specter created by his statements could be seen as intimidating.

    “For purposes of this order, it matters not whether Mr. Trump incited violence in either a legal or a factual sense. The point is whether jurors will perceive themselves to be at risk,” the judge wrote.

    Kaplan noted that neither side in the case objected to the proposed jury-secrecy order, which instructs court personnel not to reveal the names, addresses or places of employment of prospective jurors or actual jurors empaneled in the trial, scheduled to start April 25 at a federal courthouse in lower Manhattan just a few blocks from where Bragg’s grand jury has been hearing evidence against Trump in a probe stemming from a payment of hush money in 2016 to porn star Stormy Daniels.

    Caroll’s lawsuit is the second she filed in connection with Trump’s alleged attack on her in a Bergdorf Goodman dressing room in 1995 or 1996. The first, filed in 2019, accused Trump of defamation for his statements denying her rape claim. The second suit, which Kaplan has ordered be tried first, was filed in November and seeks damages against Trump directly for the alleged rape. Caroll’s lawyers have said they couldn’t file that case until last year, after New York’s Legislature extended the statute of limitations for civil suits alleging sexual abuse or harassment.

    Trump’s attorneys argued that the extension was unconstitutional, but Kaplan disagreed.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Trump, Pence urge judge to reject special counsel bid to obtain former VP’s testimony

    Trump, Pence urge judge to reject special counsel bid to obtain former VP’s testimony

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    It’s one of the weightiest constitutional fights that Smith is likely to undertake, one that could shape the balance of power between all three branches of government in unpredictable ways. Assistant U.S. Attorney Thomas Windom, one of Smith’s lead investigators, was seen entering the courtroom as well.

    It’s also an early test for Chief U.S. District Court Judge James Boasberg, who took the chief’s gavel last week after his predecessor Beryl Howell’s seven-year term as chief expired. The chief judge is tasked with overseeing all grand jury matters in the district, which include Smith’s special counsel probes.

    Pence’s fight to block the subpoena is not the only way Smith’s inquiry could have far-reaching constitutional consequences. A three-judge appeals court panel is expected to rule imminently on his separate effort to access the cellphone data of Rep. Scott Perry (R-Pa.), a key ally in Trump’s bid to overturn the 2020 election results. Perry, like Pence, is arguing that his communications should be shielded by the Constitution’s “speech or debate” clause, which grants Congress sweeping immunity from compelled testimony — if it pertains to lawmakers’ official duties.

    The Perry dispute drew intervention from the House of Representatives, which filed a sealed amicus brief in the matter that raised concerns about the implications for the institution should the appeals court adopt a narrow view of “speech or debate” immunity.

    The hearing also underscored the extraordinary confluence of acute legal and criminal matters Trump is facing.

    Corcoran himself has been ordered by a federal judge to testify as soon as Friday in Smith’s other ongoing criminal probe of Trump’s handling of sensitive national security records discovered at his Mar-a-Lago estate. And while Corcoran was waiting in the cafeteria Thursday, an attorney for Joseph Biggs — one of five Proud Boys facing seditious conspiracy charges for actions on Jan. 6 — approached him to attempt to serve a subpoena on Trump.

    The attorney, Norm Pattis, said Corcoran told him he was ”not authorized” to accept service on Trump’s behalf.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Potential Trump indictment pushed, as grand jury hears unrelated case

    Potential Trump indictment pushed, as grand jury hears unrelated case

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    NEW YORK — The Manhattan grand jury hearing evidence in the criminal investigation of Donald Trump’s alleged role in hush money payment to Stormy Daniels is evaluating an unrelated case Thursday, according to a person familiar with the matter, making any potential indictment of the former president unlikely before next week.

    It wasn’t immediately clear why the grand jury wouldn’t hear evidence in the Trump case on Thursday.

    On Wednesday, the panel was adjourned, POLITICO reported. The grand jury typically meets Mondays, Wednesdays and Thursdays, and it heard from at least one witness in the Trump case earlier this week.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • ‘Unlawful’: Manhattan DA stiff-arms House GOP info request on Trump case

    ‘Unlawful’: Manhattan DA stiff-arms House GOP info request on Trump case

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    Her letter amounts to a sharp rebuke of a GOP inquiry launched days after Trump personally predicted his own imminent arrest, nudging House Republicans to rally behind him. Dubeck indicated that Bragg’s office had adopted the Justice Department’s longstanding position to refuse to provide Congress with details of ongoing criminal investigations — while also saying that the office would “meet and confer” with the lawmakers’ aides to determine if any information could be shared.

    “The District Attorney is obliged by the federal and state constitutions to protect the independence of state law enforcement functions from federal interference. The DA’s Office therefore requests an opportunity to meet and confer with committee staff to better understand what information the DA’s Office can provide that relates to a legitimate legislative interest and can be shared consistent with the District Attorney’s constitutional obligations,” Dubeck wrote.

    The senior Republicans’ request for information — supplemented Wednesday by two additional letters from Jordan — raises unusual questions about the scope of Congress’ jurisdiction over state and local criminal matters. Democrats sharply rejected the notion that Congress plays any role in overseeing non-federal investigations.

    Dubeck’s reply came just ahead of a 10 a.m. deadline that Republicans set for Bragg to set up an closed-door transcribed interview with their aides, as well as to hand over a broad swath of documents including any related to potential federal funding of or involvement in his work.

    Dubeck said that Bragg’s office would submit a letter describing its use of federal funds — which Speaker Kevin McCarthy indicated could face revocation. She further requested a meeting with committee staff to determine if they had “any legitimate legislative purpose in the requested materials that could be accommodated without impeding those sovereign interests.”

    But Dubeck emphasized that questions about the office’s use of federal funds does not justify a congressional attempt to unearth nonpublic information about the ongoing probe.

    Broadly speaking, her letter emphasized that even though Bragg’s office sharply rejects the notion that its Trump probe is political, the forum for probing those allegations would be court proceedings in New York, not Congress.

    Comer, Jordan and Steil didn’t immediately respond on Thursday. But House Judiciary Republicans’ Twitter account tweeted shortly after the letter that “Alvin Bragg should focus on prosecuting actual criminals in New York City rather than harassing a political opponent in another state.“

    The initial letter from Comer, Jordan and Steil didn’t hint at what their next steps would be if Bragg didn’t comply with their request. Jordan, in particular, frequently hints at using a “compulsory” process — in other words, a subpoena — if his demands aren’t meant, but the trio’s letter did not include that phrasing.

    Jordan also sidestepped questions on Wednesday about whether he would try to subpoena Bragg if they didn’t comply with their requests.

    The House GOP letter to Bragg emerged in the middle of the conference’s three-day confab in Orlando, Fla., a gathering meant to focus on their broader agenda. Bragg is reportedly preparing for the possibility that the former president will be indicted on charges related to alleged hush money payment to Stormy Daniels.

    The threat of an indictment loomed over the retreat, the latest example of House Republicans’ inability to escape Trump’s long shadow. McCarthy (R-Calif.) almost immediately vowed that he would direct committees to investigate the potential indictment, and Republicans got questions at nearly every press event they held in Florida.

    And Trump’s social-media suggestion of an imminent arrest appeared to have achieved its intended goal by sparking a near-immediate rush of support from House Republicans, including McCarthy’s vow that he would direct committees to investigate.

    Jordan also wrote to former special prosecutors Carey Dunne and Mark Pomerantz, both worked on the investigation before leaving last year, on Wednesday night with a request for interviews and documents.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Opinion | The Trump RINO Test Is Ridiculous

    Opinion | The Trump RINO Test Is Ridiculous

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    Records aren’t kept on such things, but Trump is clearly the most promiscuous user of “RINO” in Republican Party history. He applies it to everyone from Republicans who now have a genuinely strained connection to the party, like Liz Cheney, to stand-out governors like DeSantis and Brian Kemp of Georgia.

    It’s not as though RINO, an insult and not the most subtle one, was ever a precise term. Once upon a time, it was an acronym applied to moderate Republicans who accommodated the other side on substance and process. In recent years, though, Trump has appropriated it as completely as the phrase “fake news.”

    In a sign of the personalization of the Republican Party, one doesn’t get deemed a RINO for showing disloyalty to the party as an institution, or to its political principles and policy commitments, but for crossing one man, who himself, as it happens, has little loyalty to the party.

    On top of everything else, Trump’s use of the term is a case study in projection.

    Trump called Kemp, one of the most stalwart Republicans in the country, “a horrendous RINO who has betrayed the people of Georgia, and betrayed Republican voters.”

    He’s inveighed against “RINO former Attorney General Bill Barr.”

    He endorsed Kari Lake in last year’s Arizona gubernatorial race by saying she “will do a far better job than RINO Governor Doug Ducey.”

    These, and many other Republicans, earned the sobriquet by not acquiescing in Trump’s schemes to overturn the 2020 election, or endorse his conspiracy theories about it. The 2022 midterms proved that an obsession with the 2020 election is electoral poison, such that a true RINO scheming to destroy the party from within would want as many Republicans to share this fixation as possible.

    Of course, that’s exactly what Trump has sought. It’s not that he is trying to deliberately to undermine the party, but that his own personal interests and psychological needs take precedence. He’d no more sacrifice anything he truly cares about for the sake of the party than he’d jump off the Verrazano bridge.

    Pretty much everyone he calls a RINO has devoted his or her adult life to the Republican Party. Trump is different. Prior to 2012, he ping-ponged back and forth among various party affiliations. So attenuated was his connection to the party in 2016, RNC chairman Reince Priebus famously fashioned a loyalty pledge to get him to commit to supporting the eventual nominee.

    This makes Trump an odd arbiter of who’s a genuine Republican or not. It’s not the zeal of the convert, because his own conversion is still tenuous and situational. A fear that haunts Republicans about 2024 is that someone will beat Trump in the primary campaign, and the former president will turn around and try to sabotage the nominee out of spite.

    This isn’t a far-fetched worry. When Brian Kemp wouldn’t do his bidding after 2020, Trump issued forth with arguably the most RINO-worthy sentiment of any major Republican in recent memory. “Stacey, would you like to take his place? It’s OK with me,” he said of Stacey Abrams at a rally. “Of course having her, I think, might be better than having your existing governor, if you want to know what I think. Might very well be better.”

    It’s hard to see any other Republican living that down, but Trump can’t himself be a RINO by definition. If he decides to try to blow up the GOP in 2024, bizarrely, the supposed RINOs will be the ones who decide to stick with the Republicans.

    The level of personal deference required to pass the Trump RINO test is extraordinary, and apparently escalating. Days ago, his loyalists were braying for DeSantis to speak out about the possibility of a Trump indictment. DeSantis ended up making a cogent and pointed critique of Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, while stipulating that he doesn’t know about paying hush money to porn stars.

    This set off the likes of Steve Bannon and Mike Lindell who can’t bear the slightest criticism of Trump, as if he were St. Francis of Assisi instead of Donald J. Trump of Mar-a-Lago. When DeSantis doubled down by talking about the importance of truth and character in an interview with Piers Morgan, Donald Trump Jr. lashed out by slamming the governor for — what else? — acting “on orders from his RINO establishment owners.”

    Yes, truth and character are now RINO values.

    Obviously, the label itself has outlived its usefulness, although it’s not going away until Trump goes away. For that to happen Republicans will have to become, in Trump terms, a RINO party — not any less conservative, less fierce, or less Republican, but no longer beholden to the man who has successfully made himself the measure of all things.

    Trump’s definition of a RINO is a travesty, and it’s used to abuse Republicans in good standing whose commitment to the party is deeper and more principled than his will ever be.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Trump grand jury called off for Wednesday

    Trump grand jury called off for Wednesday

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    “The D.A.’s office didn’t tell the court why the day off, [they] just said, ‘I don’t want them today, maybe tomorrow,’” the official added.

    A spokesperson for Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg said, “We can’t confirm or comment on Grand Jury matters.”

    The delay was first reported by Insider.

    The investigation appeared to be in its final stages in recent days, as prosecutors allowed a defense witness, Robert Costello, to testify on Monday.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Trump denounces ‘crime-fraud’ ruling forcing attorney to testify in documents probe

    Trump denounces ‘crime-fraud’ ruling forcing attorney to testify in documents probe

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    The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals stayed Howell’s order temporarily on Tuesday night, ordering an extraordinarily rapid series of filings in a matter of hours — including one from Trump’s team by midnight Tuesday.

    The appeals court’s order — from Judges Cornelia Pillard, J. Michelle Childs and Florence Pan, all Democratic appointees — doesn’t identify Corcoran or the case at issue but makes clear that the government was on the winning side of the case in Howell’s court.

    The three-judge panel is asking Trump’s attorneys to specify the precise set of documents at issue by midnight and for Smith’s team to respond by 6 a.m. Wednesday to the Trump team’s demand for a longer stay of Howell’s ruling.

    A spokesperson for Smith declined to comment Tuesday on the closed-door fight.

    The appeals court order followed the filing by Trump-linked attorneys of a pair of appeals and stay requests tied to Howell’s decision, which came on the final day of her seven-year tenure as chief judge of the federal District Court in Washington.

    The parallel submissions asked the appeals court to block Howell’s decision while the appeals go forward, docket entries show. The appeals were first reported by CNN. The short-term “administrative” stay granted Tuesday night does not appear to signal whether the appeals court will decide to keep Howell’s order on ice as full legal briefing proceeds in the dispute.

    The Trump campaign statement issued Tuesday evening also dismissed Howell, a former Democratic Senate aide appointed by former President Barack Obama, as a “Never Trump” judge.

    Howell’s secret order on Friday required Corcoran to testify about matters he and Trump had claimed were subject to attorney-client privilege. Her order relied on the “crime-fraud exception,” which permits investigators to pursue evidence that would ordinarily be privileged but contains evidence of likely criminal conduct.

    As chief judge, Howell supervised all disputes arising from grand jury proceedings happening in Washington. That responsibility passed Friday to U.S. District Court Judge James Boasberg, who succeeded Howell as chief, but only after Howell issued the potentially momentous privilege ruling in the Trump-related legal fight.

    The Trump camp’s public attack on Howell appears to be its first aimed at the veteran jurist, with Trump notably avoiding attacks against her while she single-handedly presided over the numerous grand jury disputes arising from investigations into the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol and into the classified documents.

    Even after handing off the chief’s position, however, Howell continues to hold significant sway over matters connected to Trump’s inner circle. On Tuesday, she held a hearing in a lawsuit brought by two Georgia election workers against Rudy Giuliani, chiding the longtime Trump ally and his lawyer for what she described as an inadequate approach to required exchanges of evidence in the matter.

    Proceedings related to the classified-documents grand jury, including efforts by prosecutors to compel Corcoran’s testimony, are occurring under seal — typical for nearly all grand jury proceedings.

    However, the appeals court’s docket shows that the rulings being appealed were issued on Friday and correspond to a dispute that was filed with the District Court on Feb. 7. That’s just days before media reports emerged of an effort by Smith to force Corcoran to appear before a grand jury investigating the handling of classified records by Trump and his aides.

    Just before noon Tuesday, the appeals court consolidated the two appeals without further public explanation. Of the three judges assigned to the dispute, Pillard is an Obama appointee, while Childs and Pan are appointees of President Joe Biden.

    The grand jury probe of Trump, helmed by Smith, is an outgrowth of a monthslong battle between the National Archives and Trump to obtain hundreds of government records stashed at his Mar-a-Lago estate in Florida after leaving office. Trump’s aides returned 15 boxes of records in January 2022, including some that bore classification markings. As a result, the Archives brought in the Justice Department to pursue whether Trump had retained additional classified material.

    In May 2022, the Justice Department subpoenaed Trump’s office, demanding the production of any other classified materials he might possess at Mar-a-Lago. Justice Department officials traveled in early June to Mar-a-Lago, where they briefly interacted with Trump and picked up a folder of records deemed classified. Trump’s team then certified that they had thoroughly searched the premises and turned over remaining classified documents.

    But the department developed evidence suggesting that this wasn’t the case, leading to an Aug. 8, 2022, search of the property, where dozens of additional documents with classification markings were discovered.

    Corcoran, who was Trump’s primary point of contact with the Archives and the Justice Department, has faced scrutiny for his involvement in efforts to certify that Trump had returned all potentially classified materials.

    The legal maneuvering comes as Trump’s lawyers are also awaiting a potential indictment of their client in an unrelated case in New York, an investigation by Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg into details of a hush money payment made in 2016 to the porn actress Stormy Daniels.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )