Tag: Supreme

  • Supreme Court appears skeptical of Biden’s student debt relief plan

    Supreme Court appears skeptical of Biden’s student debt relief plan

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    Chief Justice John Roberts emerged as one of the most hostile voices on the court towards the debt relief plan, repeatedly invoking its overall cost and raising questions about its fairness.

    “We’re talking about half a trillion dollars and 43 million Americans,” Roberts said early in the arguments, questioning why the court shouldn’t expect Congress to explicitly bless a program of such mammoth scope.

    Roberts also seemed to skewer the Biden administration’s claim that the debt cancellation plan was not much different from existing programs that forgive student debts in specific circumstances.

    “Because there’s a provision to allow [a] waiver when your school closes…because of that Congress shouldn’t have been surprised when half a trillion dollars is wiped off the books?” the chief said skeptically.

    Roberts also said the administration’s decision not to wait on specific debt-forgiveness legislation may have cut short debates Congress could have had about whether student loan recipients were getting special treatment that people who paid off their loans or chose not to attend college did not.

    “Nobody’s telling the person who was trying to set up the lawn service business that he doesn’t have to pay his loan,” the chief justice said. “He still does, even though his tax dollars are going to support the forgiveness of a loan for the college graduate who’s not going to make a lot more than him over the course of his lifetime.”

    Justice Samuel Alito also hammered away at the perceptions of unfairness. “Why is it fair? Why is it fair?….Why was it done?” he asked the lawyer representing the Biden administration, Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar.

    In all, four of the conservative justices–Roberts, Alito, Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch–seemed most skeptical of the claimed legal basis for the debt relief plan, while all three of the court’s liberals appeared inclined to reject the challenges to the program.

    The high court’s two other members–Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett–were less clear in their views. Barrett, notably, questioned some of the GOP states’ arguments that they had standing to bring the lawsuit.

    Kavanaugh seemed opposed to allowing the emergency authority Congress passed two decades ago to be used to uphold a program giving debt relief to 95 percent of federal borrowers. He even seemed to suggest the relief was akin to some of the worst perceived excesses of executive power in U.S. history.

    “Some of the biggest mistakes in the court’s history were deferring to assertions of executive or emergency power. Some of the finest moments in the court’s history were pushing back against presidential assertions of emergency power,” Kavanaugh said. “Given that history, there’s a concern, I suppose, that I feel, at least, about how to handle an emergency assertion.”

    But later in the session Tuesday, Kavanaugh acknowledged that the language Congress used allowing the education secretary to “waive” requirements in a crisis was “extremely broad.”

    The liberal members of the court appeared to largely agree with the Biden administration that a 2003 law, the HEROES Act, gives the Education Department broad authority to help borrowers respond to national emergencies.

    “Congress doesn’t get much clearer than that,” Kagan said. “We deal with congressional statutes every day that are really confusing. This one is not.”

    Justice Sonia Sotomayor acknowledged the staggering sums of money involved, but said it was unsurprising given the scope of the programs and the pandemic. She noted that the forbearance the Trump administration began in 2020 and the Biden administration continued costs about $5 billion per month. But she said all the talk of the cost was irrelevant to the legal questions involved.

    “It’s an outrageous sum,” Sotomayor acknowledged. “It’s not a question of money. It’s a question of Congress’ intent.”

    Among those in the gallery for the debt relief arguments was former secretary of Education Betsy DeVos.

    Rich Cordray, the Education Department’s student aid chief, was among the Biden administration officials who attended.

    At issue in the cases is whether the Biden administration can unilaterally cancel student debt under the HEROES Act, which gives the Education Department special powers to help student loan borrowers respond to national emergencies.

    The law says that the secretary of Education may “waive or modify any statutory or regulatory provision” related to federal student loans “as may be necessary to ensure that” borrowers “are not placed in a worse position financially” because of a national emergency.

    The Biden administration argues that it needs to cancel student debt for most borrowers to avoid a surge of defaults when it resumes collecting payments for the first time since the pandemic began.

    Republican states, led by the attorneys general of Nebraska and Missouri, meanwhile, argue that the law is meant to allow the Education Department to ease some requirements on a temporary basis, not permit the mass discharge of student loan debt. They contend that the Biden administration’s pandemic rationale was a pretext to fulfill a longstanding demand from progressives that predated the Covid emergency.

    Indeed, since the plan was announced and a flurry of lawsuits were filed last year, the administration has indicated it expects to end the public health emergency related to the coronavirus pandemic on May 11.

    The justices on Tuesday also heard a second challenge to the debt relief program filed by two federal student loan borrowers who complain that they were excluded in whole or in part from the program because it doesn’t extend to those whose loans are now owned by commercial entities and because of limits on the plan’s benefits for those who did not receive Pell Grants.

    Both cases at the high court also raise questions about whether the plaintiffs have legal standing to sue over the program, regardless of its ultimate legality.

    The legal challenges to Biden’s student debt plan, first announced in August, landed at the Supreme Court late last year after speeding through lower courts. The Supreme Court agreed to hear the cases even though federal appeals courts had not yet ruled on the merits of either one.

    The Biden administration has already extended the pause on student loan payments and interest into the summer to give time for the Supreme Court to issue its rulings in the cases, which are expected by the end of June.

    The Education Department is currently preparing to resume collecting payments from borrowers in September, but that timeline could change in the coming months.

    Even before a final decision, the skepticism from many justices on Tuesday is likely to intensify pressure on the White House to prepare an alternative plan for delivering debt relief.

    Progressives have urged the Biden administration to invoke another legal provision to cancel student debt if its pandemic-related rationale gets shut down by the Supreme Court. They’ve pointed to a provision of the Higher Education Act that allows the Education Department to “compromise” or “settle” student loan debts owed to the agency.

    The Biden Education Department has already used that settlement authority to discharge billions of dollars worth of federal student loans, mostly for borrowers who claimed they were defrauded by a for-profit college. But it hasn’t said publicly whether it would use that provision to cancel debt more broadly.

    White House officials have said they’re confident in their legal authority under the HEROES Act and aren’t drafting alternative plans.

    During the roughly four weeks that the Education Department accepted applications, nearly 25 million Americans signed up for the program.

    A POLITICO analysis of those applications found that borrowers from lower-income ZIP codes and majority non-white neighborhoods submitted applications at a higher rate than did those living in wealthier and majority-white areas. It also found that applications were more likely to come from blue states and congressional districts won by Democrats.

    In total, the Education Department estimates that about 40 million federal student loan borrowers would qualify for the program based on their 2020 or 2021 income. Borrowers must earn below $125,000 individually or below $250,000 as a couple to receive the relief.

    Department officials approved about 16 million borrowers for debt relief until it was forced to halt the processing of applications in November in response to a court order.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • United States |  The Supreme Court is considering Biden’s plan for student loan forgiveness

    United States | The Supreme Court is considering Biden’s plan for student loan forgiveness

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    Under the relief plan, anyone making less than $125,000 a year could have their student loans cut by $10,000.

    of the United States the supreme court will hear the president on tuesday Joe Biden a plan that would seek to eliminate nearly $400 billion in student loan repayments.

    The Supreme Court is expected to make a final decision by the end of June on whether millions of Americans will have their loans forgiven.

    Under the relief plan, anyone making less than $125,000 a year could have their student loans cut by $10,000. $20,000 of loans for students with state need-based aid would be forgiven.

    #United #States #Supreme #Court #Bidens #plan #student #loan #forgiveness

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    ( With inputs from : pledgetimes.com )

  • Telangana: Supreme Court hears pleas on BRS MLA poaching case

    Telangana: Supreme Court hears pleas on BRS MLA poaching case

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    Hyderabad: The Supreme court bench comprising Justice BR Gavai, and Justice Aravind Kumar heard the BRS MLA Poaching case on Monday. 

    Senior advocate Dushyant Dave, representing the state government, requested the case be transferred back to the Special Investigation Team (SIT) from the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and asked for the Telangana High Court verdict to be struck down. 

    He told the bench that CBI is under BJP and that it should not investigate the issue. 

    Earlier this month, the apex court agreed to take up a plea filed by Telangana Police challenging the high court order which upheld the CBI probe into the alleged criminal conspiracy behind an attempt to poach BRS MLAs by the BJP.

    A division bench of the High Court on February 6 upheld the earlier order of a single judge on December 26, 2022 transferring the case to CBI.

    The plea argued that the high court did not appreciate that the CBI directly works under the Centre and is under the control of the office of the Prime Minister and the Home Ministry. The state government alleged the involvement of some top BJP leaders to poach its four MLAs, was an attempt to topple the government.

    The plea said: “The Bharatiya Janata Party is in power in the Central Government and the allegations in the FIR are squarely and directly against the said party adopting illegal and criminal steps and methods to destabilise the Government of Telangana, the Hon’ble High Court therefore could not have entrusted the investigation to CBI in any case.”

    “The High Court has unnecessarily drawn the conclusion that release of the CD by the Chief Minister on 03.11.2022 amounted to interference with the investigation and therefore concluded that investigation was not fair and violated the rights of accused for fair investigation,” it added.

    (With inputs from IANS)

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    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • Battle for control of Wisconsin Supreme Court sees liberal and conservative advance to final round

    Battle for control of Wisconsin Supreme Court sees liberal and conservative advance to final round

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    image

    “I can’t tell you how I’ll rule in any case, but throughout this race, I’ve been clear about what my values are,” Protasiewicz said during her victory speech, pointing to her support for abortion access, voting rights and public safety.

    The eventual winner will help decide major cases that are likely to come before the court. Democratic Gov. Tony Evers and state Attorney General Josh Kaul sued to overturn a more than century-old state law banning most abortions, which could make its way to the state Supreme Court later this year. The court may also be poised to have a say on election laws, as it has in the past.

    The race — a down-ballot contest in an off-year — brought in millions of dollars. From the beginning of the year through the primary election, ad spending reached over $9 million on television, digital and radio, per AdImpact. The top spender was Fair Courts America, a super PAC linked to GOP megadonor Richard Uihlein, which has put in around $2.8 million in support of Kelly. Last year, the group said it intended to spend “millions of dollars” on Kelly’s candidacy.

    Not far behind Fair Courts America was Protasiewicz, who aired a robust ad blitz backed by a $2.3 million spend. She raised more than $725,000 from the beginning of the year through Feb. 6 — more than all of her opponents’ combined fundraising in that period. Her campaign said it raised more than $2 million since she entered the race in May, a record-breaking sum for a spring primary candidate in Wisconsin.

    A Better Wisconsin Together Political Fund — the same group that spent close to $4 million on the governor’s race in support of Evers last election — spent $2.2 million on advertisements hitting Dorow. Dorow spent over $600,000, and outside groups made up the rest of the spending.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • 4 reasons Big Tech is worried about the Supreme Court this week

    4 reasons Big Tech is worried about the Supreme Court this week

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    The case, which goes to oral arguments before the court on Tuesday, specifically tests whether social media platforms’ use of algorithms to recommend content to users is protected under Section 230. The court’s ruling could reshape the entire online ecosystem, including social media, e-commerce and job portals — all of which use algorithms to promote content to users.

    Platforms say if the liability shield doesn’t protect their use of targeted algorithms to recommend and promote content, some companies would more aggressively remove users’ speech or bar the discussion of more controversial topics for fear of being sued.

    In recent years, as social media platforms have come under increasing fire for the harms caused by content they host, Section 230 has become a target for politicians on both the left and the right who see it as granting the industry special protections not enjoyed by traditional publishers. (Both President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump have called for removing the shield. Biden has yet to back any specific proposals.) Its supporters argue it’s crucial to a free and open internet where citizens can exchange ideas without worrying they’ll get the entire system shut down.

    To date, Congress has largely failed to act outside of passing a 2019 carveout to the law related to sex trafficking. The disagreement stems from Democrats wanting platforms to remove content related to extremism and hate speech, and Republicans wanting more content — particularly conservative speech — to remain.

    Here are four things to watch going into Tuesday’s oral arguments:

    Can Clarence Thomas form a winning coalition?

    Thomas, a frequent critic of Section 230, has written two dissents urging his colleagues to take a case reviewing what he sees as the lower courts’ overly broad interpretation of the law in favor of tech companies.

    A key question Tuesday is whether Thomas can persuade four other justices to join him for a majority. Two potential allies could be Justices Samuel Alito and Neil Gorsuch. They joined a dissent with Thomas last May in a separate tech industry case before the court, NetChoice v. Paxton, seeking to uphold a Texas law requiring social media platforms to host all users’ political viewpoints.

    “Alito and Gorsuch are his most likely allies in this case, and the question I think then is whether he can grab a couple others, and it’s not clear to me whether he can,” said Anupam Chander, a professor of law and technology at Georgetown Law.

    And the bipartisan nature of the pressure to change Section 230 protections has experts watching to see if that is reflected in any decision from the justices. “There’s a kind of strange bedfellows aspect to tech regulation currently with everyone mad at tech companies for the opposite problems — the left accusing it of allowing it too much speech, and the right accusing it of censoring too much speech,” Chander said.

    The importance of algorithms

    Among those most affected by any ruling against Google could be smaller internet companies and individual website users, like volunteer moderators for Reddit, legal scholars and lawmakers said.

    Large platforms such as YouTube could afford the liability risks of continuing to use algorithms to recommend content if the justices rule against Google. But some lawmakers fear that decision would be financially crippling for small businesses and startups.

    “If you harm the little guys and you harm moderation, you’re going to reduce innovation, competition and opportunities, and give the big guys — like Facebook and Google — even more of the online market,” said Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), one of the original authors of Section 230.

    Without algorithms that rely on user preferences to push recommendations, websites would likely present content in reverse chronological order, said Jeff Kosseff, a cybersecurity law professor at the U.S. Naval Academy who wrote a book on the history of Section 230.

    “I don’t know if the American public is ready for not having personalized algorithms anymore,” Kosseff said. “How does TikTok operate without personalized algorithms? You just get any random video that’s ever been posted?”

    But some legal scholars said tech companies should be liable for their products and services that break the law, just like any other business.

    Mary McCord, the executive director of Georgetown Law’s Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection, doesn’t believe tech companies’ “sky is falling” hyperbole that internet platforms will shut down if they can’t use recommendation algorithms. “They’ve just had this free pass since their inception — not even having to worry about the kinds of risks that every other company has had to face,” said McCord, who filed an amicus brief in the case on behalf of former national security officials.

    McCord, who was an acting assistant attorney general for national security in the Obama administration, said that in 90 percent of terrorist incidents, social media factored significantly into the radicalization of individuals committing the attacks.

    Republican Party split

    In amicus briefs filed with the court, Republican lawmakers are split on how the justices should rule. That division may make it harder to predict how the conservative justices will land on the case as well — either siding with arguments that tech’s legal shield is too broad or that it’s necessary to protect free speech.

    Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) called for the court to narrow its reading of Section 230 to more strictly align it with the statute — saying lower courts too broadly interpreted the law in tech’s favor. Similarly, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), along with 16 other Republican members of Congress, argued that the court needs to narrow the scope, arguing it gives large tech too much power over which speech is allowed — or “censored” — on their sites.

    In contrast, former Pennsylvania Republican Sen. Rick Santorum’s amicus brief said narrowing the law’s interpretation would suppress speech, adding that Section 230 specifically allows companies to “filter,” “choose,” and “organize” content.

    The split in the GOP between traditionally business-friendly conservatives and a more populist anti-tech contingent creates a challenging tightrope. “Historically, conservatives have sought to reduce litigation risk for corporations,” Georgetown’s Chander said. “Section 230 very much does that.”

    But he added that, today, conservatives are taking “an anti-big business stance — and a new populism stance in doing so — that coincides with a kind of irritation with what they see as anti-conservative bias by technology companies.”

    Gonzalez ruling may influence upcoming tech cases

    How the Supreme Court rules in Gonzalez could affect its decision in a tech case scheduled for arguments the following day — Twitter v. Taamneh. That case asks whether Twitter, Google and Facebook can be held liable under the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act for allegedly aiding and abetting terrorists by sharing ISIS recruitment content.

    The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in an opinion consolidating the two cases that the plaintiffs’ Anti-Terrorism Act claims in Gonzalez were barred under Section 230. In Taamneh, it found the platforms could be held liable for aiding and abetting an act of international terrorism by permitting ISIS to post content on their sites.

    The Biden administration filed a brief recommending the Gonzalez case be sent back to the 9th Circuit, arguing that Section 230 does not immunize YouTube when its algorithm recommends ISIS content.

    Legal scholars said the justices will likely rule on the cases in tandem. Chander predicts the court will find that Section 230 doesn’t provide immunity for YouTube’s targeted algorithms in the Gonzalez case, but will rule in favor of Twitter, Google and Meta in the Taamneh case by finding they couldn’t be held liable for underlying claims they aided and abetted terrorist acts by hosting ISIS content.

    It could also tee up the justices for a potential ruling in two other cases the court likely punted to next term involving Republican laws from Texas and Florida that ban platforms from removing users’ viewpoints and deplatforming candidates. The companies said the laws violate their free speech rights.

    But Daphne Keller, a director at Stanford’s Cyber Policy Center, said a ruling in Gonzalez that finds Google’s recommendation algorithms aren’t protected under Section 230 may backfire if the court later upholds the Texas and Florida laws that ban platforms from removing content.

    “If Texas and Florida win their cases, then people can sue because platforms took their content down, even though the whole reason the platforms took the content down was to avoid the liability that Gonzalez created,” Keller said.

    “It’s so circular, and I’m not sure the court realizes that.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • The Activist Pastor Running to Remake the Wisconsin Supreme Court

    The Activist Pastor Running to Remake the Wisconsin Supreme Court

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    “People in this space should feel: ‘I was treated with respect. I was treated like an adult. I was treated like a human being,’” he adds. “The main question we face is how to ensure they don’t go back out into the community and hurt more people.”

    This idea lies at the heart of an audacious campaign Mitchell launched months earlier for a pivotal seat as justice on the state’s highest court, an election that Mandela Barnes, the one-time Democratic senatorial candidate calls “one of the most consequential elections” in Wisconsin, if not the country. Up for grabs in this technically nonpartisan race is the ideological makeup of the court. That’s no small thing in a battleground state where the government is divided between Democratic Gov. Tony Evers and Republicans in the legislature. Supreme Court justices hold the balance of power — and conservatives have controlled the majority of the court for the last decade.

    The first round of voting, scheduled for Tuesday, will be followed by a run-off April 4. Whoever wins will tip the scale on far-reaching decisions about issues like abortion access, voting rights, redistricting — and even the role Wisconsin courts will play in the next presidential election. Mitchell’s candidacy places the judge up against three older — and better funded — white candidates in a state where 80 percent of the population is white and where party organizations and outside advocacy groups have spent millions in an attempt to sway the election. By the weekend before the first round of voting, $6 million had already been expended, much of it on TV attack ads.

    Mitchell doesn’t seem daunted by his long odds. “People have been writing me off all my life,” he says.

    That life so far has been studded with seemingly miraculous turns.

    By the time he reached his teens, Mitchell felt lost, invisible, mostly muted, intensely dour. He could not read properly; he trusted none of the adults closest to him; he felt gutted by the fact that he had failed to protect his younger sister from sexual predation by their stepfather. By the time he entered high school Mitchell no longer dreamed of going to college. “I was so angry in ninth grade. I was drinking Mad Dogs, skipping classes, hanging out,” he remembers. His highest ambition at the time was to play basketball or become a rap artist.

    But events intervened, altering his life trajectory.

    The first radical pivot in life happened shortly after he turned 15. One night when Mitchell was in his bedroom at home trying out new phrases for a rap song, he heard a voice calling: “Everett.” This voice wasn’t like any he’d heard before; it was clear, loud, out of the blue. There was nothing subtle in it, he emphasizes, perhaps noting my skeptical expression. He challenged the voice to “do something ridiculous, like light a fire inside of me,” and felt a burning sensation in his chest right then. “It was like an instantaneous passion. I’ve been on fire ever since. I could feel it. I feel it still,” he recalls.

    Mitchell started preaching the gospel right away, a transformation that arrived like a thunderclap for his younger sister, Shuntol Mitchell. He stopped running the streets. Never much of a talker before, her brother suddenly held forth at great length in pulpits across town. “Some people are just born with it. And he just had it,” Shuntol Mitchell recalls. She figured that his quick turn to preaching offered Everett a sense of purpose, not to mention relief from ongoing trouble at home.

    Their stepfather’s sexual abuse began when she was 5 and Everett was 6, she says. Her brother was the only one who had tried to protect her. “That’s why he’s the only man I trust,” she says. “The only one.”

    The second big pivot in their lives came thanks to one of his teachers. One morning at school Everett arrived feeling particularly morose. Taking note of his despondency, the teacher took him aside and pressed him to tell her what was wrong. She reported what Everett told her to Child Protective Services.

    Within a few days their stepfather was forced out of the house. The sudden change felt like a miracle. Finally, the siblings thought, an adult stepped in to protect them.

    A third pivot followed that transformative event. When he graduated high school, the only job Mitchell had on offer was as a bagger at the local grocery. But instead, Mitchell took a chance. He enrolled at Jarvis Christian College, an historically Black college in east Texas, without having to apply, thanks to the intervention of a guidance counselor who recommended him as a good student.

    How had he managed to graduate high school — let alone preach — without being able to read even passages from the Bible? He had the ability to recognize phrases and copy them out, he explains. “I was also verbal. I had a good memory. And I had become a great listener.” At Jarvis, though, his educational deficiencies caught up with him. Two professors, noticing his difficulties with his first assignments, interceded. Nearly every day after classes, from 5 o’clock until about 10 p.m., they tutored him, line by line and page by painful page until he was fluent.

    Three teachers, then, delivered Mitchell into the possibility of a new life. In conversations he often names all three women: Amy Love, Margaret Bell and Mrs. Daisy Wilson.

    Without their interventions, he notes, there would have been no high-flown career. No transfer to Morehouse College in Atlanta, where he studied mathematics and theology; no advanced study in divinity, theology and ethics at Princeton Theological Seminary; no law degree from the University of Wisconsin; no stint as manager of a re-entry program for people being released from prison, no role as director of community relations for the university, and no service as a prosecutor and judge in charge of juvenile justice in Dane County.

    The memory of their intercessions reminds him every day, Mitchell says, of the outsize influence a person in authority could play in saving a life — or in crushing a spirit. He sums up that essential lesson in two words: “To protect.” Their influence led him, from pastoring to study to “lots of therapy,” he adds, on to a legal career as a prosecutor and judge.

    That practice might be called trauma-informed jurisprudence. “I don’t talk about how many people I locked up,” he notes. “I talk about how many lives I worked to save.”

    That is the message he hopes to take into the chambers of Wisconsin’s Supreme Court.

    In his campaign announcement, Mitchell is shown sitting in his chambers, dressed in his judicial robe, with shelves of law books from floor to ceiling angled into a V behind him. “I’m a father, I’m a husband, I’m a judge, I’m a pastor, I’m a community leader,” he says. That fourth entry — community leader — still matters to him deeply. As he says those words a photo flashes on the screen of Mitchell protesting in the streets, dressed in his bright red pastoral gown at a march organized by religious leaders after the 2020 murder of George Floyd by police in Minneapolis.

    He began his current campaign in June of 2022 against three older and more experienced judges, one progressive and two conservatives. His hope: to use the race for what he considered a higher purpose, educating voters about the need for systemic judicial reform from bottom to top. After he was elected as a circuit court judge in 2016, for example, he allowed juvenile defendants to appear in his courtroom unshackled. Bailiffs who initially felt skeptical about the change later reported that young people were less agitated and hearings more productive once they entered court unbound. Years later, justices in the Wisconsin Supreme Court instituted the reform statewide.

    But Mitchell’s quest for the highest court has run up against quite formidable challenges.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Daughter-in-law’s rights to elders’ property: Supreme Court’s

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    Recently, a Delhi court gave a verdict in favor of grandmother-in-law that her grandson’s wife cannot live in the house without the consent of grandmother-in-law. The elders in the society and especially in the big cities are forced to bear the excesses of their own children. This decision has come on a petition filed in the court by an 80-year-old woman. This old lady did not want her grandson’s wife and her relatives to live in her house.

    Living in old age with dignity has become a challenge these days. The court has already ruled against the son and daughter-in-law, saying that they cannot live in the house built by their parents without their permission.

    After this, this decision in favor of grandmother-in-law shows that in view of the changes in the society, the courts are taking realistic decisions. This is in stark contrast to Indian tradition, which says that the in-laws house remains the daughter-in-law’s home after marriage. The legal position regarding self-acquired property has changed completely.

    This issue has become more important after the domestic violence law. If she has bought a house with her husband, then as a security law, the woman has been given the right to live in it. This right is in addition to a woman’s right to alimony and protection from mental and physical violence.

    The Supreme Court gave a judgment in 2016, in which the court took the initiative to save senior citizens and thwarted attempts by abandoned daughter-in-law to leave the house. The daughter-in-law objected to this. His argument was that he was legally married and therefore he too had a right to the property.

    He claimed that the said property was taken from the money of the entire family. Citing the Domestic Violence Act, the daughter-in-law said that she also has a share in the property and can live in that house. But her father-in-law had applied in the Delhi court to keep her in the house. His argument was that the daughter-in-law has no right to live in the property acquired by me.

    It is not an ancestral property and has been bought with joint family money. He argued that neither the Domestic Violence Act nor any other law allows the daughter-in-law to stay in the house without the consent of the in-laws.

    The apex court observed that the daughter-in-law has no right in the property self-acquired by the father-in-law. Not at all, as long as the father-in-law has permission. This proved that as long as the husband of a woman has any right in any property, the said woman cannot have any right. Especially in the case of in-laws’ property.

    The Delhi High Court had also said in a decision some time back that even a son can live in the parents’ house only as long as the parents have their permission. He cannot exercise a legal right to reside in it. This is in the event that the father himself has purchased the said property. But if father’s father i.e. grandfather had bought the property then the situation could be quite different. It is also important that the daughter has equal rights in the property of the parents. This has become possible after the changes in the Hindu Inheritance Act.

    It is noteworthy that even before 2005, the right of son and daughter in ancestral property used to be different. The daughter was entitled in the property of the ancestors in addition to the property of the father until she was married. After marriage, she was considered a part of the husband’s family. Before the amendment, the right of a daughter after marriage in a Hindu Undivided Family was no longer there.

    After the amendment, the daughter, whether married or not, is also considered entitled in the HUF of the father. He can even be made a Karta, who is considered the head of that property. After the amendment, he is considered as equal sharer of the son in the maternal house. Still, she has this right in her in-laws’ house only to a very limited extent.

    Fact: Two years ago, a court in Delhi had sentenced a woman to pay a fine of Rs 1 lakh for filing a false complaint of domestic violence. The judge who sentenced was also a woman.

    A0054209 3086 4F9E 8912 78948BC70E85

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    ( With inputs from : kashmirpublication.in )

  • Google tries to ‘astroturf’ the Supreme Court

    Google tries to ‘astroturf’ the Supreme Court

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    Google spokespeople did not respond to multiple requests for comment. Authors Alliance referred comment to one of its lawyers, Ben Berkowitz, who maintained that neither the group nor the creators were paid to sign onto the brief. Berkowitz also said that neither Alphabet, nor Google, nor its subsidiaries authored the brief or contributed funding.

    “Our firm’s representation of Google in unrelated litigation is public knowledge, and not a conflict,” he stated. “We represented Authors Alliance and a diverse group of individual content creators to express their views to the Supreme Court about the important role Section 230 plays in protecting and promoting diverse and independent content.”

    But for Big Tech critics, the intertwining of interests behind the amicus brief is another illustration of how those companies have used their resources to tilt the scales of power. Beyond the millions Google spends on lobbying each quarter and the trade associations that make its case to policymakers on the Hill, the company has pointed its operatives to another target: the Supreme Court.

    “These YouTube creators are just a new angle on an old Google tactic: flooding the zone with supporters — who are often funded by Google — to boost its corporate agenda in Washington,” said Katie Paul, director of the Tech Transparency Project. “Whether it’s policy groups, academics, foundations, or YouTube creators, they’re all part of the same Google influence machinery.”

    The Tech Transparency Project highlighted the creator initiative in a report, first shared with POLITICO, on Google’s influence operation ahead of the Supreme Court case. TTP has disclosed funding from several groups including the Omidyar Network, which was created by eBay founder Pierre Omidyar.

    Under Section 230, tech platforms like YouTube are immune from being sued for content posted by their users. Gonzalez v. Google questions whether Section 230 immunity should extend to user-created content that platforms recommend or promote — including via algorithms, which channel the majority of content viewed on YouTube and across the internet. The creators’ brief argues that platforms will be less likely to recommend broad swathes of content if doing so increases the risk of a lawsuit, and that the livelihoods of online creators will suffer as a result.

    “Major platforms might be less likely to host and promote independent creators’ content,” the brief contends. “New and emerging creators may be unlikely to reach new audiences. And speech generally could be chilled online, hindering Congress’ policy goals of fostering a free and open Internet.”

    Among those creators who signed on to the brief were the family video blogger Jeremy Johnston; Mikhail Varshavski, a handsome internet doctor known as Doctor Mike who boasts a YouTube channel with 10.5 million subscribers; and Milad Mirg, an online creator whose posts have “offered behind-the-scenes looks at his fast-food job at Subway.”

    The brief also included Jordan Maron, a video game streamer who goes by CaptainSparklez and who operates a YouTube channel with 11.4 million subscribers. In a video posted to his channel before the brief was filed, Maron revealed that he had been brought into “a group call with YouTube employees, other creators, creator-adjacent business people to inform us of what this is and ask if we wanted to be part of something called an amicus brief.” Google Store has previously sponsored Maron, and Google has sponsored videos posted by other creators who signed onto the brief.

    The revelation of who paid for the brief came via a footnote, which states that “Engine’s Digital Entrepreneur Project made a monetary contribution intended to fund the preparation and submission of this brief.” No other person or entity made such a contribution, the footnote explains.

    Kate Tummarello, Engine’s executive director, denied that Google had any direct or indirect involvement in funding the brief. She also pushed back on the notion that the call described by Maron was convened by Google subsidiary YouTube to solicit creator signatures.

    “My understanding is that YouTube does informational updates on policy topics that impact creators,” Tummarello said. “As part of those conversations, Section 230 was discussed at a high level.” Tummarello said she was also on that call, and that it was she who talked to the YouTube creators to gauge their interest in the amicus brief through Engine’s Digital Entrepreneur Project. She said none of the signers received any compensation, and that Engine “isn’t reliant on or beholden to any funder.”

    “Engine has been an advocate on Section 230 for years because we advocate on behalf of startups who rely on [its] framework to host and moderate user-generated content (which we explained in a separate brief we signed),” Tummarello said.

    Groups that receive Google funding are not barred from supporting the company before the judiciary. In fact, a number of groups supported by Google have also filed briefs in the case. However, the rules hold that an amicus brief must disclose the people or entity — beyond those on the brief, their members, or their counsel — who contributed money for putting together the brief or its submission.

    Besides the creators, nearly seven dozen amicus briefs have been filed on Gonzalez v. Google. Sens. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) and Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) have weighed in, as has the Department of Justice and a slew of internet experts and tech lobbying groups.

    The Supreme Court is slated to hear oral arguments on Tuesday. The case centers around Google and YouTube’s alleged role in the deadly 2015 rampage through Paris by ISIS terrorists. The family of Nohemi Gonzalez, an American student killed in the attack, sued Google over ISIS recruitment videos that allegedly spread across YouTube and were not immediately removed from the site.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Supreme Court To Consider Early Hearing Of Pleas Challenging Article 370 Abrogation

    Supreme Court To Consider Early Hearing Of Pleas Challenging Article 370 Abrogation

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    SRINAGAR:  The petitions challenging the nullification of Article 370 of the Constitution could be taken up for hearing soon as Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud on Friday said he would take a call on their listing.

    “I will take a call on it,” according to newspaper The Tribune the CJI told senior advocate Raju Ramachandran who mentioned the matter and sought listing of petitions against doing away with Article 370 which gave a special status to the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir that also used to include Ladakh.

    Earlier, the CJI had said that he would examine and give a date for listing of petitions, challenging abolition of Article 370 and bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir into union territories, which have been hanging fire for more than three years.

    On September 23 last year, CJI Chandrachud’s predecessor Justice UU Lalit had agreed to take up these petitions after the 2022 Dussehra vacation but the matter hasn’t been taken up for hearing so far.

    The Supreme Court had on February 13 dismissed a petition challenging notifications for delimitation of assembly constituencies in the newly created Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir, saying “there is absolutely no merit in any of the contentions raised by the petitioners”.

    A Bench of Justice SK Kaul and Justice AS Oka had, however, clarified that it had not ruled on the validity of the Jammu & Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, which is pending before another Bench.

    The top court had on August 28, 2019 referred petitions challenging Presidential Orders nullifying Article 370 of the Constitution and bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir into union territories to a five-judge Constitution Bench. In March 2020, it had refused to refer it to a larger Bench of seven judges.

    There are around two dozen petitions challenging the Presidential Order nullifying Article 370, including those by Delhi-based advocate ML Sharma, Jammu and Kashmir-based lawyer Shakir Shabir, National Conference Lok Sabha MPs Mohammad Akbar Lone and Justice Hasnain Masoodi (retd), bureaucrat-turned-politician Shah Faesal and his party colleague Shehla Rashid.

    There is another PIL filed by former interlocutor for Jammu and Kashmir Radha Kumar, Air Vice Marshal Kapil Kak (retd), Major General Ashok Mehta (retd), and former IAS officers Hindal Haidar Tyabji, Amitabha Pande and Gopal Pillai, who have urged the top court to declare the August 5 Presidential Orders “unconstitutional, void and inoperative”.

    As the petitions didn’t get listed after March 2, 2020, former Jammu and Kashmir MLA Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami had moved the Supreme Court in August last year seeking an early hearing of petitions challenging the validity of abrogation of special status of the erstwhile state.

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    ( With inputs from : kashmirlife.net )

  • Supreme Court cancels oral arguments in Trump-era immigration policy case

    Supreme Court cancels oral arguments in Trump-era immigration policy case

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    The public health emergency is the legal backbone of the Title 42 policy, a decades-old health directive the Trump administration resurfaced in March 2020 to sharply curtail the flow of asylum seekers into the U.S., particularly across the border with Mexico. The Biden administration has pledged to end the policy.

    While the Biden administration officially opposes Title 42 policy, which many immigrant-rights advocates have bitterly denounced, Republicans and even some Democrats welcomed legal action to keep the asylum restrictions in place. Officials in border areas feared a massive influx in migration and even began to see an increase in December before legal maneuvering halted plans to end the policy that month.

    Earlier this month, the White House declared the Covid-19 and national public health emergencies would come to an end on May 11. In a statement to Congress, the administration noted that the continual renewal of Title 42 orders — which have allowed the government for the past three years to turn away migrants without listening to their asylum claims — would come to an end, too. Since its implementation, Title 42 has been used more than 2 million times to expel migrants.

    “Absent other relevant developments, the end of the public health emergency will (among other consequences) terminate the Title 42 orders and moot this case,” Justice Department lawyers wrote in a brief to the Supreme Court last week, establishing its legal stance on the fate of the policy. “The government has also recently announced its intent to adopt new Title 8 policies to address the situation at the border once the Title 42 orders end.”

    After conflicting court rulings from federal district court judges in Washington, D.C. and Louisiana, a sharply divided Supreme Court stepped in last December, staying an order requiring the Biden administration to end Title 42. By a 5-4 vote, the justices put the D.C.-based judge’s order on hold and appeared to defer to the Louisiana-based judge’s order that blocked a wind-down of the policy.

    However, the high court insisted at the time that it was not requiring that the controversial immigration policy be kept in place.

    “The stay itself does not prevent the federal government from taking any action with respect to that policy,” the court said then.

    The handling of the border has been a constant challenge for the Biden administration — stymied by court battles and a Congress unable to reach a deal on immigration reform. Administration officials have continually said they’re preparing to lift Title 42, and have rolled out new policies intended to alleviate pressure at the border.

    In January, Biden unveiled a new border measure that involved accepting 30,000 migrants a month from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela while cracking down on those who fail to use the plan’s legal pathways. The number of migrants and asylum seekers attempting to cross the border has dropped by 40 percent since December, which administration officials credit to the new policies.

    The president’s announcement was made as the Departments of Homeland Security and Justice released details of a plan to impose a new regulation — a version of a Trump-era policy often called the “transit ban.” Under the new rule, migrants would be prohibited from applying for asylum in the United States unless they were first turned away for safe harbor by another country. It would also deem ineligible migrants who don’t go through authorized ports of entry.

    The regulation is expected to be rolled out in the coming weeks and will likely be met with swift criticism from immigration lawyers, advocates and Democrats.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )