New Delhi: Within hours of his arrival in New Delhi for a three-day visit, Israel’s Foreign Minister Eli Cohen has cut short his visit to return home owing to certain security-related developments in that country.
Official sources said that Cohen is expected to return later on Tuesday after meeting Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Cohen informed about his change of plans in a tweet.
Cohen had arrived earlier on Tuesday for a three-day day visit. His visit was being seen as preparing the groundwork for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s scheduled visit to India later this year.
“Foreign Minister Eli Cohen landed a short while ago in New Delhi, the capital of India, and as soon as he landed he received a security update,” the Israeli foreign ministry said in a statement.
“In light of the events in Israel, Foreign Minister Cohen decided to cut short his diplomatic visit to India and return to Israel after the meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi that will take place today,” it said further.
According to reports from Tel Aviv, Israel has launched a major military offensive targetting some militants in Gaza Strip.
“There’s nothing new in this statement. The statement is a lot of handwaving,” said Kathleen Clark, a law professor and expert on legal ethics at Washington University in St. Louis. “The problem is not with foundational ethics principles. The problem is there’s no accountability for violating the law. And there’s nothing in this statement that suggests the court even understands what the problem is.”
The statement, consisting of three pages of text and two pages of citations, was attached to a short letter that Roberts sent to Durbin declining to appear at a Senate Judiciary hearing on Supreme Court ethics.
“This statement aims to provide new clarity to the bar and to the public on how the Justices address certain recurring issues, and also seeks to dispel some common misconceptions,” the justices’ pronouncement says. It largely echoes previous commitments the justices have made about financial disclosures and recusal practices, and it says the justices “consult” various non-binding sources when faced with ethical issues.
The push for ethics reform at the Supreme Court is intensifying after recent revelations about Justice Clarence Thomas’ relationship with a Republican megadonor and Justice Neil Gorsuch’s sale of a property to the head of a law firm with business before the court.
Sens. Angus King (I-Maine) and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) introduced a bill Wednesday that would require the high court to adopt a code of conduct within a year. It’s a bipartisan boost for a court-reform movement that has largely been led by Democrats — though like prior efforts to enact a Supreme Court code of conduct, the bill has little chance of passage.
Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.), a longtime critic of the court’s ethics practices, derided the court’s latest attempt to assure Congress and the public that it can largely police itself.
“This new statement of principles has virtually no utility,” he said. “There is still no inbox to file a complaint, no process for fact finding, no way of making ethics determinations, and thus no way of holding justices accountable.”
Durbin, who chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee, was a bit less confrontational, but said the high court’s response further demonstrates the need for court-reform legislation.
“I am surprised that the Chief Justice’s recounting of existing legal standards of ethics suggests current law is adequate and ignores the obvious,” Durbin said. “It is time for Congress to accept its responsibility to establish an enforceable code of ethics for the Supreme Court, the only agency of our government without it.”
The Supreme Court seldom comments publicly about its ethics practices.
In 2019, Justice Elena Kagan told a House subcommittee that Roberts was actively considering whether the court should adopt a formal ethics code.
“The chief justice is studying the question of whether to have a code of judicial conduct that’s applicable only to the United States Supreme Court,” Kagan told lawmakers at the time. “That has pros and cons, I’m sure, but it’s something that is being thought very seriously about.”
The court has provided no further update about the adoption of any ethics code since then, and Tuesday’s statement from the court seems to confirm that the effort petered out.
In fact, the new statement closely tracks a 2011 exposition from Roberts on the subject. Writing in his year-end report on the judiciary, he defended the lack of a binding code of conduct for the Supreme Court. Like Roberts’ 2011 comments, Tuesday’s statement invokes the court’s “unique” qualities and institutional interests.
Before this week, the last time the justices issued a joint statement about their own ethics practices appears to have been in 1993, when seven justices published a “Statement of Recusal Policy” about cases that might involve attorneys in their families or law firms employing those relatives. The absence of two justices from that declaration appeared to stem not from disagreement but from the fact those jurists didn’t have relatives working as lawyers.
Two years before that, the court issued a resolution in which the justices agreed to abide by regulations on gifts and outside income adopted by the Judicial Conference of the United States, a body created by Congress to write rules for federal courts.
More recently, the court put out a rare joint statement deploring the disclosure to POLITICO of a draft majority opinion overturning Roe v. Wade. In the statement — issued in January and apparently on behalf of all nine justices — the court called the breach of confidentiality “a grave assault on the judicial process” and an “extraordinary betrayal of trust,” but also said the court had been unable to determine the source of the draft, which was largely identical to the majority opinion the court issued last June ending the federal constitutional right to abortion after nearly a half-century.
The decision overturning Roe and the recent string of ethics controversies — including reports of efforts to lobby justices through meals, vacations and social events — likely have contributed to declining public trust in the court. Only 37% of Americans have a “great deal” or “quite a lot” of confidence in the Supreme Court, according a new poll released Monday by NPR, PBS NewsHour and the Marist Institute for Public Opinion. That’s the lowest number since the poll began asking the question in 2018.
Clark, the legal ethics expert, said the court’s new statement on Tuesday has a face-saving quality to it, but will not accomplish what the justices appear to have intended.
“These folks are politicians. They’re absolutely politicians, so they apparently thought signing their names, all nine of them, to this two-plus-page statement was better than not doing it,” she said. “There’s no reason to think these folks are going to start being accountable until Congress takes some action. They’re going to have to be dragged kicking and screaming into the post-Watergate accountability world.”
Tuesday’s statement does raise one new issue not contained in previous court statements on ethics: fears for the justices’ safety.
“Judges at all levels face increased threats to personal safety. These threats are magnified with respect to Members of the Supreme Court, given the higher profile of the matters they address,” the justices wrote. “Recent episodes confirm that such dangers are not merely hypothetical. … Matters considered here concerning issues such as travel, accommodations, and disclosure may at times have to take into account security guidance.”
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
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But what if the politics of judicial reform are already shifting under the justices’ feet?
The high-profile state Supreme Court race in Wisconsin — and the potential fallout — suggests that may be the case. During the midterms, that quintessential purple state delivered slim victories to a Democratic governor and a Republican senator. Less than five months later, though, a left-leaning candidate, Judge Janet Protasiewicz, ran up a double-digit advantage over her right-of-center opponent.
The Protasiewicz win fits awkwardly with a well-hallowed chestnut of political wisdom — that the politics of judicial power aren’t symmetrical across the party line. Simply put, Republican voters tend to have stronger feelings than Democrats about judicial appointments, and cast their votes in primaries to punish or reward candidates on that basis. In contrast, there’s some evidence that Democratic voters punish candidates who center campaigns on the courts. Republicans, indeed, have kept their eyes on the prize by prioritizing ideological consistency. Democrats such as President Joe Biden have instead aimed for representativeness across gender, ethnicity and professional grounds. The result is a less ideologically consistent and less coherent bench of Biden and Obama appointees.
In addition to his own centrist, institutionally minded temperament, it is likely this uneven pattern of voter attention to the courts that shaped the way in which the Biden White House has so far approached the politics of court reform. Rather than embracing calls on the left to expand the Supreme Court, the newly inaugurated president created a sprawling, bipartisan commission to study the question of reform. The body was largely staffed with legal academics of diverse views and partisan orientations. It was entirely predictable that such a group would not reach a consensus on reform. The commission was plainly designed to delay, and hence deflate, the push for structural change to the federal courts. And so it did — producing an extensive and academic report that elicited precisely nothing of political or practical significance.
But Wisconsin’s judicial election earlier this month suggests that the White House’s assessment of how judicial politics plays among Democratic voters no longer holds water. That election may signal a broader shift in the tectonics of voter mobilization in respect to courts and judges more generally.
The most obvious reason for thinking something has changed is that it was Democrats, and not Republicans, who were galvanized by the judicial election. These voters, moreover, were moved by the issue of judicial power but were not motivated as much by the goal of electing Democrats. In a state Senate race held that same day, the Republican candidate eked out a win. That too was a highly consequential election, giving Republicans a Senate supermajority and the votes to oust officials through impeachment.
Nor can it be said that the issue of abortion made all the difference: The question of reproductive choice plainly loomed large in November 2022. And yet GOP Sen. Ron Johnson, always a reliable voice for the anti-abortion position, retained his seat. Plainly, abortion politics explains in part why Protasiewicz won — but it can’t be the whole story.
In the wake of her election, we may also see more realignment in the politics of court reform. Until now, it has been Democrats on the left of their party who had pressed hardest for changing the courts through structural reform or other measures.
But in Wisconsin, Republicans were talking of impeaching Protasiewicz… before she had even won the election, let alone taken office. This is all the more remarkable because — unless she’s committed a crime — Protasiewicz can be impeached only for “conduct in office,” according to the state constitution, i.e. for things she presumably may do in the future.
Some state GOP lawmakers have since backed away from such talk, and in any event, the Democratic governor would be empowered to appoint a replacement. But the legislature could respond to rulings they dislike with the kinds of other tools that progressives have been advocating at the national level: measures such as jurisdiction-stripping and changes to the size of the court.
If the political script on judicial power gets flipped in Wisconsin — if GOP legislators act to rein in a liberal-leaning court — what could this bode for a broader change nationally? Or what happens if conservative federal judges or Supreme Court justices advance a far-right agenda reviled by progressives and even many centrists?
Surely, the next time Democrats have full control of Washington, the push to overhaul the judiciary will be a top priority, if they have the votes.
Even apart from its precedent-shattering opinions, some justices are doing little to build trust in the court. ProPublica’s revelations that Justice Clarence Thomas both received expensive gifts and engaged in six-figure real-estate transactions with a conservative billionaire will add fuel to the fire of public suspicion. Democratic calls for Thomas’ impeachment are, of course, unlikely to lead to any legislative action. But in striking contrast to the impeachment calls targeting Protasiewicz, they draw public attention to judicial behavior that plainly raises serious ethical questions, even if it doesn’t in the end cross a line into rank illegality.
All this means that the political dynamics of court reform are on the verge of a momentous shift: Democratic voters are likely to be more energized, and more likely to stomach what might have once seemed explosive measures. And for once, they may even be willing to reward candidates for public office who promise to follow through.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
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NOTICE : Provisional Short List of Candidates for the post of Research Associate-I in ICMR funded Project “EFFICIENCY OF HYPERTHERMIC INTRAVESICAL CHEMOTHERAPY (HIVEC) TO ……”
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SRINAGAR: Director of School Education Kashmir (DSEK), Tassaduq Hussain Mir on the sidelines of an event on Wednesday said that The School Education Department has a dearth of lecturers and will try to fill all loopholes by next academic session.
Mir said that the basic motive of the department is to provide quality education.
“We are short of lecturers in School Education Department but we are working hard on DPC’s and by the end of April, we will promote the eligible teachers and in next session, we will try to fill the all gaps,” DSEK said.
Mir further said that private and government schools are working jointly to provide quality education to students.
“Any parent having a capacity to admit their ward in private school can enroll their wards their but I would like to inform every parent that the government schools have good human resources and infrastructure and are at par with other standard schools,” the director said.
He also requested the parents to trust government school and enrol their wards in government schools as well.
On asking about the developments in the department, Mir said, “As far as National Education Policy is concerned, we have started pre-primary in all primary and middle schools which used to be the drawback of government schools and a major cause for parents to enrol their wards in private schools.”
“We have established nearly 1,000 KG classes and in next few years, we will establish all middle and primary and middle schools will have established KG classes,” DSEK said. (KNO)
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Karachi: The pricing policy of Drug Regularity Authority of Pakistan (DRAP) and the depreciating rupee have caused extreme shortage of most imported and critical medicines in Pakistan, media reports said on Monday.
“Due to the extreme depreciation of Pakistani currency against the dollar and controversial drug pricing policy of Drug Regularity Authority of Pakistan (DRAP), their prices have risen manifold and it has become economically unviable for importers to bring them on the existing prices given by the DRAP,” Abdul Mannan, a pharmacist and importer of biological products said, The News reported.
Both public and private healthcare facilities are facing a shortage of imported vaccines, cancer therapies, fertility drugs and anaesthesia gases after vendors stopped their supplies due to dollar-rupee disparity, medicines suppliers and officials said.
At the moment, the most important drug which is not being supplied to health facilities is Heparin, which is a blood-thinning agent used after some cardiovascular procedures, The News reported.
Similarly, some important anaesthetic gases like isoflurane, sevoflurane as well as monoclonal antibodies for the treatment of different types of cancers as well as fertility products like human chronic gonadotropin (HCG) and human menopausal gonadotropin (HMG) are also not being provided to health facilities due to dollar-rupee disparity and pricing policy of the DRAP, they added.
Although most of the oral medicines including syrups, tablets and injections are produced locally, Pakistan imports most of the biological products including all vaccines, anti-cancer medicines and therapies, hormones, fertility medicines as well as other products from India, China, Russia, European countries as well as the US, and Turkey, The News reported.
SRINAGAR: Sabahat Qayoom, a Class 10 student from the Parewa village of Budgam in Central Kashmir, won an award for directing the short film ‘Kayam’ in New Delhi. However, due to her Board exams, her uncle accepted the award on her behalf, as confirmed by one of the organizers who spoke to the news agency KNT over the phone from New Delhi.
Sabahat Qayoom along with Creative Director Anil Kumar Singh directed ‘Kayaam’ which is a 6-minute short film. It was today in Hindi language with English subtitles under the aegis of the 18th International Film and Photography Festival, ‘PRISM’ by JIMS, Delhi at IIMC Auditorium, New Delhi.
This film shows the story of ‘children of God’ who have found not just a home away from home, but also success in life.
Set in the Budgam district of Central Kashmir, the film showcases the success stories of two girls who are fighting all the odds of being orphans. This film also features the patron of the place who speaks of the genesis, struggles, and success stories of the orphanage.
The film was shot in a single day with one camera setup and edited in one day.
