Tag: Republicans

  • Biden sticks it to Republicans with his budget proposal

    Biden sticks it to Republicans with his budget proposal

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    “The things I’m proposing not only lift the burden off of families in America,” he said after taking the stage to chants of “four more” years. “It’s all going to generate economic growth.”

    Speaking to union members at a trade school, Biden framed his proposal as a direct challenge to House Republicans advocating for deep spending cuts amid a looming standoff over lifting the nation’s borrowing limit.

    “I’m ready to meet with the speaker any time — tomorrow, if he has his budget,” he said, referring to Speaker Kevin McCarthy. “Lay it down, tell me what you want to do. I’ll show you what I want to do.”

    Overall, the White House budget seeks more than $688 billion in non-defense funding for the fiscal year that will kick off in October. Biden is calling for a lesser increase for the military and national security programs, requesting about $886 billion for those efforts, about a 3 percent boost.

    White House officials and Democratic lawmakers have emphasized Biden’s plan to reduce the deficit largely through higher taxes on the wealthy, given Republican vows to unveil a proposal — which they’ve still not revealed — that would balance the budget within 10 years. House GOP leaders have said they’d do it without touching popular programs like Medicare and Social Security, which make up the bulk of federal spending. But they have not ruled out other benefit cuts, like placing new restrictions on federal food assistance and the Medicaid health program for low-income Americans.

    “They want to cut taxes for the wealthy and large corporations, and take away the power we just gave Medicare to lower drug prices,” Biden said. “If they say they want to cut the deficit but their plans would explode the deficit, how are they going to make the math work? What are they going to cut?”

    House Budget Chair Jodey Arrington (R-Texas) said Wednesday night that Republicans have “no timeline” for introducing that plan, and that they’re committed to studying Biden’s proposal, which “will take weeks.”

    “We are making good progress on our budget resolution,” Arrington told POLITICO.

    Until Republicans release their own plan, Biden indicated Thursday he was happy to fill the void. He warned that the GOP would seek to roll back provisions aimed at lowering drug prices and advancing clean energy, while slashing taxes on the rich.

    At one point he reminisced about his testy back-and-forth with Republicans during the State of the Union and boasted he’d successfully gotten the GOP to promise they wouldn’t touch Medicare or Social Security.

    “They’re all on camera, I’m counting on them keeping their word,” Biden said. “But just in case they don’t, I’m here.”

    Biden also used his nearly hourlong speech to tick off a list of his administration’s accomplishments, meandering at times through detailed descriptions of investments in infrastructure and semiconductor manufacturing that are likely to underpin his case for reelection.

    “We’ve got work to do,” he said. “But we made a lot of progress in the first two years.”

    The release of Biden’s budget proposal marks the start of what’s likely to be a lengthy bout with Republicans over the nation’s economic direction, including showdowns later this year over the debt ceiling and government funding.

    Senate Democrats remain undecided on whether to introduce their own budget, arguing that the onus is on House Republicans to detail their preferred cuts.

    “I think we’re going to want the caucus to take a good, hard look at the president’s budget and see if there’s any reason to recommend anything different,” Senate Budget Chair Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) said earlier this week.

    “The ball is … in the Republicans’ court on that because they’re the ones threatening the economic security of the country with the debt limit antics,” Whitehouse said.

    As Republicans wrestle over how to approach entitlements, Biden’s proposed budget aims to extend Medicare’s life by at least 25 years by upping the tax rate on the program for Americans making more than $400,000. It also would close a loophole that has shielded some wealthy business owners and high earners from paying that tax.

    The budget would also allow Medicare to negotiate the cost of more prescription drugs, funneling about $200 billion in savings into the program.

    Biden’s plan doesn’t offer a similar fix for Social Security, noting that the administration “looks forward to working with the Congress” to ensure “that high-income individuals pay their fair share,” ostensibly by expanding payroll taxes on the wealthy, although Biden hasn’t officially embraced that idea. The budget would provide a $1.4 billion boost, or 10 percent increase, for the Social Security Administration.

    Pennsylvania Rep. Brendan Boyle, the top Democrat on the Budget Committee, said Republicans’ “biggest opponent … is not any Democrat. The biggest opponent they have is math.”

    “Everything else that the federal government does would have to be completely zeroed out and eliminated for them to balance the budget and not touch Social Security, Medicare, defense and veterans,” he said in an interview.

    Biden’s third budget is a sharp departure from his first, when he proposed trillions of dollars to buoy the faltering economy amid the pandemic. Now, facing a divided Congress for the remainder of his first term, Biden said he’s looking to build on the major spending legislation that defined his first two years in office — like Democrats’ signature climate, health and tax bill and the bipartisan infrastructure package.

    Biden also cast his budget as focused on shoring up the country’s economic stability, vowing at one point to “whip” inflation and lower Americans’ everyday costs.

    “It’s not just going to save people’s lives and save people’s money,” he said of his proposal to expand Medicare’s drug negotiation powers. “It’s going to save the government. It’s going to reduce the deficit.”

    For the Pentagon, the president is calling for $842 billion, a $26 billion or roughly 3 percent hike. The White House is also asking Congress to provide another $121 billion to fund medical programs for veterans, about a 2 percent increase over current spending.

    Meanwhile, Republicans are zeroing in on Biden’s proposed funding for the Department of Homeland Security, which is a 1 percent decrease compared to current levels, given the constant pressures of increased immigration levels at the border. A GOP aide said the president’s budget “fails to adequately fund the Department of Homeland Security.”

    “As the agency with lead responsibility for protecting our nation’s borders, transportation systems and cyber security, this is an unacceptable proposal,” the aide said.

    With government funding set to expire in just over six months, lawmakers are already talking about approving military spending levels that go far higher than Biden’s ask. Even when Democrats controlled both the House and Senate during the president’s first two years in office, Congress backed tens of billions of dollars in additional defense funding above the White House’s request.

    Selling his policy ideas as a way to drive massive deficit reduction, Biden aims to shave off $3 trillion from the federal budget gap, proposing a new 25 percent tax on billionaires, an increase in the corporate tax rate from 21 percent to 28 percent and a quadrupling of the 1 percent tax on stock buybacks that took effect earlier this year.

    Democratic leaders also lauded Biden’s proposed restoration of the expanded Child Tax Credit ushered in by the $1.9 trillion coronavirus aid package that Congress passed during his first year in office. That popular credit expired at the end of 2021, amid resistance from Republicans and Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.).

    Biden’s fiscal 2024 proposal would also fund a federal-state partnership aimed at expanding free preschool, provide national paid leave and invest $500 million in a new grant program aimed at providing free community college.

    Jennifer Scholtes, Burgess Everett and Hailey Fuchs contributed to this report.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Florida Republicans seek ban on abortions after 6 weeks of pregnancy

    Florida Republicans seek ban on abortions after 6 weeks of pregnancy

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    abortion florida 33937

    He told reporters after his address that he would sign the abortion bill into law.

    Republicans have supermajorities in the House and Senate, so Democrats have no ability to stop the legislation from going forward.

    The abortion proposal is a clear signal that DeSantis will support hard-right conservative priorities ahead of his likely 2024 election bid. Florida, once a perennial swing state, has shifted Republican in recent years and the governor has capitalized on the GOP electoral successes by supporting legislation that cracks down on illegal immigration, bans Florida Medicaid from paying for gender-affirming care and limits how race and gender identity can be taught in schools.

    The governor last year also supported the state’s ban on abortion after 15 weeks of pregnancy and, after the Supreme Court struck down Roe v. Wade, said that Florida would expand “pro-life protections.”

    The proposal drew widespread criticism from Democrats, including from White House spokesperson Karine Jean-Pierre who said the proposal would affect millions of women, both in Florida and its neighboring states that have stricter limits but whose residents rely on Florida to access abortions.

    “We know that these bands are already having a devastating impact on women’s health,” she said. “Politicians like Governor DeSantis … espouse quote, freedom for all, unquote, while directly attacking the freedom to make one’s own health care decisions. Their rhetoric doesn’t come without consequences here.”

    Senate President Kathleen Passidomo (R-Naples) unsuccessfully convinced House leaders last year to add exemptions for rape and incest victims to the 15-week ban. Florida Senate Democratic Leader Lauren Book (D-Plantation), who worked with Passidomo last year on the exemptions, said on Tuesday that incest victims are already fleeing the state for treatment and the 6-week bill will only make things worse for them.

    “If it’s a war they want, it’s a war they will get,” Book wrote in a statement. “This issue bridges the partisan divide, and we will not go down as easily as they believe.”

    State Rep. Jenna Persons-Mulicka (R-Fort Myers) and state Sen. Erin Grall (R-Vero Beach), who filed legislation in their respective chambers, stated in their bills that the exemptions would apply to victims who have been pregnant for less than 15 weeks. They will require anyone seeking the exemptions to provide documentation, such as a court restraining order or police report, to prove they were victimized.

    The lawmakers filed the bills on the first day of this year’s Legislative session after months of speculation that legislators would seek to further restrict abortion access. The 15-week ban that took effect in July is enforced but the state Supreme Court is currently weighing a legal challenge to it. Plaintiffs in the lawsuit argue the 15 week ban violates a state privacy clause that the Florida high court had previously cited to strike down abortion bans.

    Republican legislative leaders had initially said any future bans would have to wait until the high court decides on the case.

    On Tuesday, House Speaker Paul Renner (R-Palm Coast) said the current proposal includes a trigger provision that will enact the 6-week ban if the high court strikes down the privacy clause. Renner brought up the state’s argument in the Supreme Court case that the privacy clause relates to informational and data privacy rights.

    “This is going ahead and having the conversation on where we want to land in Florida,” Renner said. “That’s where we’ve landed.”

    The proposed measure would place Florida with six other states that have already approved 6-week bans, including Georgia, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana, North Dakota and Oklahoma.

    The bill also provides up to $30 million for the Florida Department of Health to create a statewide parenting support network. The network would beef-up state-funded services already offered to pregnant people by expanding resources to those who gave birth within one year. The measure also prohibits doctors from using telehealth services to consult with patients about treatment with abortion medications.

    The head the Florida Alliance of Planned Parenthood Affiliates criticized the 6-week ban proposal, saying it would worsen the lives of parents statewide.

    “This near total abortion ban has nothing to do with what is best for Floridians and everything to do with Ron DeSantis’ ambition to be president and what he thinks Republican primary voters want,” Alliance Director Laura Goodhue wrote in a statement.

    Kelly Garrity contributed to this report.

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    #Florida #Republicans #seek #ban #abortions #weeks #pregnancy
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • House Republicans are working on setting up a trip to visit individuals jailed for alleged criminal behavior on Jan. 6.

    House Republicans are working on setting up a trip to visit individuals jailed for alleged criminal behavior on Jan. 6.

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    House Republicans are working on setting up a trip to visit individuals jailed for alleged criminal behavior on Jan. 6.

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    #House #Republicans #working #setting #trip #visit #individuals #jailed #alleged #criminal #behavior #Jan
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • New York Republicans go to all-out war against Santos

    New York Republicans go to all-out war against Santos

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    But their public criticisms haven’t insulated them from daily questions about his record, particularly as Democrats look to tie them to him. Their frustration, simmering for two months as negative Santos headlines build up, is close to boiling over.

    “He is a bludgeoning tool the Democrats are using without regard for truth. They’re lying about us in relationship to him,” Rep. Marc Molinaro (R-N.Y.) said in an interview. “And he’s caused us every day to have to respond to his very existence in the House of Representatives, instead of giving 100 percent of our time to the important issues that Americans and the people who sent us to Washington care about.”

    “Every time that we’re having a conversation we seem to be talking about George Santos,” echoed Rep. Anthony D’Esposito (R-N.Y.).

    The anti-Santos Republicans’ stand is a lonely one. Most others in their conference prefer to spurn Santos in more subtle ways that don’t call for forcing him out, which would tee up a special election in a battleground district that could chip at their four-vote majority. But New York’s newest House Republicans assumed war footing for a reason: Mere months after the Empire State gave the GOP its fattest gains of an otherwise lackluster midterms, they say Santos is making their own donors squeamish and their voters suspicious.

    “At a minimum, donors who gave to him want to spend time on the phone speaking about what’s the latest and how can we hold him accountable. And then others are scared off,” said first-term Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.).

    “I guess some of them are embarrassed that they are now associated with this scam,” LaLota added. “And they’re not so eager to pick up the phone when a politician is asking for their support again — because the last time they did it, their name lined up in a paper associated with probably the most terrible person in Long Island politics.”

    Santos, who’s now formally under investigation by the House Ethics Committee, has faced harsh scrutiny after revelations he lied about core components of his educational and professional background. In a Monday interview, he dismissed the idea that his problems might affect his colleagues.

    “I don’t believe it. I think that’s just platitudes. And they’re making stuff up as they go just to find excuses to do what they’re doing,” Santos said of his fellow New York Republicans’ attacks. “The reality is simple: I was never a part of the little boys’ club, and they hated me from the moment I got the nomination to the moment I got elected.”

    Adding to the House GOP’s woeful New York state of mind, House Democrats’ largest super PAC announced last month a $45 million program designed to claw back an advantage there next fall. The PAC is likely to spend part of that cash trying to link Santos to New York’s four most electorally vulnerable new House Republicans: Reps. Mike Lawler, Brandon Williams, D’Esposito and Molinaro.

    If that quartet is hoping Santos might embrace the standard practice for scandal-plagued members, avoiding the media and keeping his head down, they’re going to be disappointed.

    “They can’t control me,” Santos said of his fellow in-state Republicans. “So the party bosses stick their loyalists on me, and that’s what you’re seeing. And the problem is that the ones at the top of the mountain screaming for … righteousness and ethical morality are amongst some of the most corrupt people in politics.”

    After D’Esposito spearheaded a bill clearly aimed at Santos, designed to prevent members convicted of certain offenses from then profiting off their story in the form of book deals, paid speeches, or movie and TV contracts, the Long Islander pushed back on Twitter.

    “Coming from a man who lost his NYPD issued GUN while he was DJ’ing at a party! Then assaulted a 72 year old senior WOMEN,” Santos wrote last week about D’Esposito, before deleting his post. “You sir are the example of a bad cop who give cops a bad name. Spare me.”

    Santos appeared to be citing, in part, a New York Daily News report that found D’Esposito had been docked vacation days on two separate occasions, including once in 2015 for having his firearm stolen out of his vehicle and another time in 2007 after working as a DJ and serving alcohol “without authority or permission to do so.” Santos in his tweet conflated the two. Democrats also sought to use that story against D’Esposito during last year’s midterms.

    Asked if he saw any dramatic irony in the corruption allegations he shared, given his own record, Santos replied that he hasn’t been convicted of any offenses and has “never been punished or censured.” While he has admitted to lying about his education as well as other fabrications, Santos has danced around other questions about his past.

    What Santos has managed to do: generate more camaraderie among his fellow New York Republicans, particularly the first-term ones. LaLota quipped that that the group now operates like “NATO members” who make joint decisions.

    And Santos’ decision to punch back at D’Esposito sparked a fresh wave of backlash.

    “Anthony risked everything to serve the people of New York with honor and courage. He has more integrity in his pinky than George Santo has in his entire body,” Rep. Brandon Williams (R-N.Y.) said in a statement to POLITICO last week. “George disgraces the halls of Congress and is stain on the soul of our nation.”

    D’Esposito plans to hold a press conference about his anti-Santos bill on Tuesday morning.

    Meanwhile, as Santos vows to be “100 percent compliant, to clear my name” with the ethics committee, he’s also asking that “the same scrutiny” fall on his fellow Republicans — and clearly wants to use the media attention he’s getting to further that cause.

    But his GOP colleagues say that the more he talks, the bigger problems he generates.

    “He should focus on the investigations that are underway and at least show some remorse. And he’s not, and that is what is so troubling,” Molinaro said.

    As far as GOP leadership is concerned, New York infighting isn’t helping alleviate the constant headache that Santos has become.

    When House Republican leaders started whipping support in January to boot Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) from the Foreign Affairs Committee, a key promise of Speaker Kevin McCarthy, the four first-term New York Republicans warned leadership that if Democrats proposed an amendment that stripped Santos from his committees, they would support it — likely giving the idea enough votes to pass, according to a Republican with knowledge of the discussion, who requested anonymity to speak candidly about sensitive conversations.

    Santos and McCarthy ultimately resolved the issue in private, meeting the day before the Omar vote. Hours later, Santos informed his colleagues he’d be stepping down from his committees while he faced investigations, making the Omar vote an easier lift.

    The New York tumult only compounds a disappointing start to this Congress for the state’s Republicans, who’d hoped to celebrate their success in helping deliver the GOP majority from a blue stronghold. And it’s clear that they blame Santos for dimming their shine.

    Constituents “want answers to troubling questions about why he is still in Congress,” LaLota added. “They deserve those answers.”



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    #York #Republicans #allout #war #Santos
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Trump courts early-state Republicans at Mar-a-Lago

    Trump courts early-state Republicans at Mar-a-Lago

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    Trump’s team is moving to address some of the problems that arose during his disorganized — though ultimately successful — 2016 campaign, when his then-primary rival Ted Cruz seemed like he might outmaneuver him in the fight for delegates. Trump ultimately brought in Paul Manafort to oversee his delegate efforts, but he still faced a messy convention where he was forced to beat back pockets of opposition from delegates waging a failed effort to stop his nomination.

    The insider-driven process that decides who gets selected as a convention delegate in each state will unfold next year, and the positions are typically awarded to party officials and others who have been involved in GOP activities.

    This time, Trump is making a point to reach out to would-be convention delegates, looking to capitalize on his head-start in the 2024 race to make inroads before rivals who are just getting started with their organizational efforts.

    In Iowa, Trump has placed full-page ads in Republican Party publications for the past two years, and last year, he gave the state GOP chairman, longtime Trump ally Jeff Kaufmann, a speaking slot at a rally he held in the state. Kaufmann’s son, state Rep. Bobby Kaufmann, was recently named an adviser to Trump’s campaign.

    In New Hampshire, Trump recently made an appearance before the state GOP and has hired the former state party chairman, Stephen Stepanek, as a senior adviser.

    And last year in South Carolina, Trump sponsored a breakfast and spoke remotely to the South Carolina Republican Party’s executive committee. In 2021, Trump endorsed Drew McKissick for his successful bid to state GOP chair and later featured McKissick as a speaker at a rally he hosted in Florence, S.C. (However, Trump endorsed another candidate over McKissick, the eventual victor, in this year’s RNC co-chair race.)

    The Thursday dinner was attended by Trump advisers Susie Wiles, Brian Jack, Alex Latcham and Jason Miller. Jack, who helped to lead Trump’s 2016 convention efforts and who has also served as a top political adviser to House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, has been overseeing the outreach to state parties.

    The Nevada delegation included state party chairman Mike McDonald, a longtime ally of the former president, and Republican National Committeeman Jim DeGraffenreid. Before dining with Trump, the state party leaders received a briefing from Trump aides on the 2024 campaign.

    Trump during the dinner did not specify when he would campaign in Nevada, where he owns a hotel on the Las Vegas Strip. But the former president made clear he would travel there in the months to come. He has made stops this year in two other early-voting states, New Hampshire and South Carolina, and he is set to campaign in Iowa on March 13.

    Other candidates have also been ramping up their early state campaigning. Former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley has spent time in several key states since launching her campaign last month.

    Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, meanwhile, is set to appear in Iowa on March 10 – his first stop in the state, which traditionally hosts the party’s first nominating contest. DeSantis has another event lined up in Las Vegas the next day.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Opinion | Republicans Can’t Wait for Trump to Implode

    Opinion | Republicans Can’t Wait for Trump to Implode

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    All sorts of caveats are necessary.

    It’s still very early in a late-developing race. There are only two current or former officeholders in the race, Trump and Nikki Haley.

    There’s no doubt that Trump has taken on water, and is at his weakest since sometime in the first part of 2016.

    Ron DeSantis has tended to do better against Trump in head-to-head polling (although he trails in a new Yahoo poll), and Trump has looked vulnerable in all-important Iowa and New Hampshire.

    Finally, we’ll have to see where DeSantis settles in the polling, if and when he actually gets in the race.

    All that said, unless Trump’s support in surveys is a complete mirage, he continues to have a formidable grip on the GOP. There’s been a lot of buzz about DeSantis, understandably, who’s done all the right things to establish a national brand, win credibility with populists, and cultivate big donors. But there should be no mistake regarding Trump’s leadership of the party, he can set up like the Texans defending their canon at the Battle of Gonzales and defy his adversaries to “come and take it.”

    That is a daunting prospect. It’s one thing to imagine supplanting Trump as he slip-slides away, defeating himself with his own obsessions and animosities; it’s another to figure out a way to topple him, to come up with lines of attack that diminish him and convince his voters to go elsewhere.

    Since he first entered the race in 2015, Trump has benefited from a natural sense of command. What he’s lacked in policy depth or in dignity, he’s made up with his considerable personal force and authority. In the 2016 primary debates, he was the tall, orange-hued man standing in the middle of the stage, hushing the other candidates as necessary.

    In the current developing field, he’s obviously the only former president and the only one with a track record of winning (and losing) at the national level. He’s the creator of the movement that nearly everyone else wants to take over or, at the very least, accommodate. He’s the dominant force — the one whose standing in the race affects everything, and, importantly, the one everyone fears.

    The latter quality is a key part of the Trump phenomenon. Other national figures might out-charm their competition (Barack Obama in 2008) or overwhelm them with resources (George W. Bush in 2000, Hillary Clinton in 2016). Trump’s MO is to bludgeon them with highly personal, belittling attacks, in a way that has proven highly effective in the past and quite unpleasant to the targets.

    Nikki Haley had a pretty good launch a couple of weeks ago but among her weakest moments were when she was clearly frightened to say anything at all about Trump, including mentioning a policy difference or two.

    Mike Pence has been more forthright, although even he has leveled criticisms in oblique terms.

    Ron DeSantis, the target of a flurry of initial jabs from Trump, has shrugged them off or parried with very subtle counterpunches.

    None of this is irrational. Why would Haley want to become the subject of Trump’s ire at a time when she’s the only other major politician in the race? Pence can wait to prosecute his case more directly if he launches a campaign. DeSantis is trying to push his own message, most recently on his book tour, and put more points on the board in the coming Florida legislative session — a mud fight with Trump now isn’t in his interest.

    Yet, the disinclination to engage with Trump at all brings back memories of 2016. If it’s a temporary dynamic, that’s one thing; if it’s another prisoner’s dilemma among the non-Trump candidates, waiting for someone else to take him on and hoping to emerge unscathed in the aftermath, it’s repeating the same mistake and expecting a different result.

    If the current situation holds, there’s no way around Trump — only through — and that will require making a case against him.

    To be the man (or the lady), as the immortal Ric Flair said, you’ve got to beat the man. Trump may indeed be beatable, but the latest polling shows him squarely in the way of anyone who wants to take over the party he’s dominated for seven years and counting.

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    #Opinion #Republicans #Wait #Trump #Implode
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Farm state Republicans raise alarm over Trump’s new China trade proposal

    Farm state Republicans raise alarm over Trump’s new China trade proposal

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    “There are serious trade disparities that should rightfully be raised, but we should be honest about the potential economic impact to rural America,” said Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.).

    Another farm state Republican lawmaker was more blunt when asked about how Trump’s new trade proposal could impact the U.S. agriculture economy, calling it “fucking suicide” for rural communities.

    Trump’s last tariff war with China originally targeted China’s steel dumping but provoked crippling retaliatory tariffs on U.S. agricultural exports to China — hitting farmers who were already struggling financially. Rural families, especially on small farms, felt the economic toll. Farms increasingly defaulted on their loans as China looked to Brazil and other foreign markets for farm exports, even after Trump spent $28 billion in federal funds on bailout payments. Trump eventually signed a trade deal with Beijing that he claimed would result in China purchasing $50 billion in U.S. farm goods, something China has failed to live up to. Tariffs on billions of dollars on Chinese goods put in place by Trump remain today. The Biden administration, which is reviewing the tariffs, has made no moves to ease them in the past two years.

    Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.), a staunch Trump ally, cautioned against new trade moves that could hurt American agriculture. “I can understand what he’s doing — China is our biggest adversary,” Tuberville said. “But we’ve got to be careful about tariffs on farmers.”

    Some GOP lawmakers begrudgingly went along with Trump’s last tariff war with Beijing, in support of the general goal to punish China for intellectual property theft, steel dumping, broader state subsidies and a wide range of other malign actions. But they now caution that the process of disentangling the country’s complex economic relationship with China requires far more nuance than what Trump is proposing.

    “It’s important that we take a protective posture with regard to the sort of predatory practices of China,” said Rep. Rick Crawford (R-Ark.). But “I also know we have such a great deal invested in China, probably trillions of dollars,” Crawford continued, adding that the unwinding of those investments will need to be conducted “forthrightly” and “aggressively” while also protecting the U.S. agriculture economy.

    Some farm state lawmakers, however, lauded parts of Trump’s plans. Rep. John Rose (R-Tenn.), a former state agriculture commissioner, said the proposal to revoke China’s preferred nation trading status “makes some sense.” Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), a potential 2024 presidential contender himself, said tariffs are “the only angle we have to protect our markets from their unfair practices.” Sen. Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.) said he supported tariffs on Chinese goods, especially given that “they’re already not meeting their obligations under the previous trade agreement.”

    And there are a swath of Republican lawmakers who are still uneasy about publicly criticizing the former president, given his pull among a vocal slice of the party. Asked by POLITICO about Trump’s plan, more than a dozen pro-Trump Republicans said they didn’t want to weigh in since they hadn’t seen the proposal yet.

    Rep. Max Miller (R-Ohio), a former Trump aide who is now on the House Agriculture Committee, said he wanted to “look at the language” of any tariff proposals “and who it’s really going to hurt and who it’s really going to affect.”

    “Sometimes it provides a big relief to the bigger consumers within our country,” Miller said. “But sometimes it’s the little guy and the little woman at the end who really take on that burden sharing of actually having the tariff cost them more money.”

    Miller, who has endorsed Trump’s 2024 presidential bid, said he backed Trump’s previous tariffs on China. “I’m supportive of those tariffs,” Miller said, but added, he’s “a little bit different, more free trade individual myself.” Miller went on to say the “Milton Friedman model I believe is the best way for economic prosperity of the entire world,” referring to one of the most well-known advocates of free market trade — a belief system largely shunned by the former president.

    Trump’s campaign didn’t consult key agricultural groups before rolling out his new trade plans — even conservative-leaning groups he was close to during his presidency.

    Trump relied on the American Farm Bureau Federation during his initial trade war with China, as he argued farmers were doing their patriotic duty by helping to carry the financial burden on his larger effort to punish China for its economic tactics. But Zippy Duvall, the ag lobby’s president, said Trump aides hadn’t asked him about the former president’s new trade proposal. A Trump spokesperson didn’t respond to an inquiry regarding the Republican pushback to the plans or whether the campaign had reached out to any agriculture groups about it.

    Some Republicans said that while they haven’t yet seen or reviewed Trump’s proposal, they’re generally leery of enacting new tariffs on China, given the likely backlash on U.S. farm exports.

    “I like free trade. I think that’s what our country is built upon and the sooner we can get back to that, I think it’s going to help our farmers and ranchers,” said Rep. Mark Alford (R-Mo.), a pro-Trump freshman who represents a rural stretch of Missouri.

    “I really don’t have a lot of comment on this at this point, because it’s all speculation, right?” House Agriculture Chair G.T. Thompson (R-Pa.) said.

    Asked if he would support new tariffs on China in general, Thompson replied, “I still think we’re resolving the impact of tariffs now.”

    Steven Overly contributed to this report.

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    #Farm #state #Republicans #raise #alarm #Trumps #China #trade #proposal
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • ‘A little premature’: Republicans urge Congress not to rush rail rules

    ‘A little premature’: Republicans urge Congress not to rush rail rules

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    Florida Republican Sen. Rick Scott, who has criticized Buttigieg for waiting three weeks to visit the site of the Feb. 3 accident, tweeting last week that Buttigieg should “show up, do your job and stop playing politics.”

    Asked on Tuesday what Congress should do after the Ohio derailment, Scott would only say that lawmakers should “start doing our oversight and stop approving people that don’t know how to do the job.”

    Other Republicans say they want to wait until the National Transportation Safety Board, the independent agency probing the accident, finishes its work. That could take up to 18 months.

    “A lot of people have a lot of ideas right now,” Nehls told POLITICO. “The NTSB had their preliminary report. There’ll be more information coming.”

    One of DOT’s requests for Congress is an increase in the maximum penalties to railroads for safety violations — an idea Nehls dismissed, instead praising the industry’s safety record.

    “The rail industry has a very high success rate of moving hazardous material — to the point of 99-percent-plus,” Nehls said. “Let’s not have more burdensome regulations and all this other stuff.”

    Rep. Rick Crawford (R-Ark.), who served as top Republican on the rail panel before the House flipped control, agreed on waiting for the experts to weigh in “before we start speculating on what legislative fixes might be offered, if it’s necessary, and if so what would they be.”

    “Probably a little premature at this point,” he added.

    And Graves told Fox News Digital on Feb. 16 that he wants to “fully understand the facts involved” before considering legislation, noting that the NTSB is still investigating. Then, he said, “Congress can consider what steps may be necessary.”

    Democrats on the whole have been much swifter to call for changes — including Buttigieg, who has pledged to tighten the way his agency regulates trains, but has also asked Congress to increase the $225,455 cap on fines his agency can level and to strengthen braking and tank car requirements.

    A few Republicans are showing signs they’re willing to join Democrats sooner rather than later.

    Ohio Republican Sen. J.D. Vance, for example, is working with Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio) on a rail-safety bill expected to be out soon. Florida Republican Sen. Marco Rubio, who has called for Buttigieg’s resignation over the derailment, has said he’s interested in teaming up on their bill.

    “There’s a Vance-Sherrod Brown bill that we’re looking at, that we’re very interested in maybe being a part of,” Rubio said in an interview Tuesday.

    Brown said the bill he’s working on will likely include provisions including setting minimum requirements for how many employees should be on board a train, along with train length, speed limits and notifications to states when hazardous materials are on their way, he told reporters Tuesday.

    He noted that the 150-car train that derailed in East Palestine, carrying hazardous chemicals such as vinyl chloride, had “one trainee and two staff people” aboard when the disaster occurred.

    A Brown-Vance team-up may seem to some like an odd couple pairing, but Rubio and Vance previously wrote to Buttigieg asking whether a two-person crew is adequate. Democrats have pushed to enshrine a two-person minimum crew in federal regulations, a move opposed by the railroad industry and, historically, most Republicans. The Trump administration backed the railroad industry when it mothballed a rule that would have mandated at least two crewmembers on board every train. That rule had originally been proposed under the Obama administration.

    “Republicans have seen what’s happened, too,” Brown said, explaining the bipartisan interest he’s seen so far. “The rail companies have done pretty effective lobbying in keeping Congress and the administration, the [Federal Railroad Administration] and others from doing what we ought to be doing.”

    Indeed, Rubio said Tuesday that the freight rail industry’s “push for efficiency — the desire to put more cargo, longer lines, longer stretches and less people” — creates vulnerabilities.

    “We have not just dangerous but important cargo being transported on longer [trains] with less people,” he said.

    Other legislation has been floated in the House. Rep. Chris Deluzio (D-Pa.), whose district includes the area affected by the Ohio spill, has introduced a bill along with a dozen other Democrats that seeks to include more types of trains under stricter laws governing hazardous materials transport. That means more types of materials would be subject to tougher safety requirements such as slower speeds, newer rail cars and better braking equipment.

    The Senate Environment and Public Works Committee will hold a hearing on the derailment, featuring the Environmental Protection Agency, top committee Republican Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia said Tuesday. She said the Senate Commerce Committee would also hold a hearing, though as yet nothing has been scheduled.

    Like many of her GOP colleagues, Capito didn’t have many positive words for the Biden administration.

    The federal response to the derailment “has been, I think, miserable to watch,” she said.

    Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell had sounded a similar theme Monday, accusing Buttigieg of seeming “more interested in pursuing press coverage for woke initiatives and climate nonsense than in attending to the basic elements of his day job.”

    But so far, McConnell hasn’t said what, if any, legislation he thinks is needed to make rail safer.

    Buttigieg shot back Tuesday.

    “The freight rail industry has wielded a lot of power here in Washington,” he said on CNN. “I would love to see Leader McConnell join us in standing up to them.”



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Pentagon tells Republicans ‘no evidence’ that weapons for Ukraine are being diverted

    Pentagon tells Republicans ‘no evidence’ that weapons for Ukraine are being diverted

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    “What we’re not seeing is any evidence of significant diversion,” Kahl told lawmakers. “Our assessment is if some of these systems have been diverted it’s by Russians who have captured things on the battlefield, which always happens, but that there’s no evidence the Ukrainians are diverting it to the black market.”

    He added that Ukraine is “clearly using what we are providing them … to maximum effect” and are requesting more weapons.

    At the same time, Kahl pushed back on bipartisan calls to supply Ukraine with F-16 fighters, the latest flashpoint between President Joe Biden and Congress on the conflict.

    The Armed Services session is the first such public hearing devoted to U.S. military support to Ukraine. Armed Services Chair Mike Rogers (R-Ala.) wants to intensify high-level public oversight of aid to show that weapons and equipment are going where they’re intended.

    Top Democrats and Republicans are aiming to preserve the bipartisan bloc that’s successfully enacted more than $100 billion in emergency aid since Russia launched its full-tilt invasion in February 2022 in a freshly split Congress.

    Pentagon Inspector General Robert Storch was pressed early by Rep. Andrew Clyde (R-Ga.) on whether his office has found instances of sensitive weapons, such as Stinger anti-aircraft missiles, being lost or diverted.

    “We have not substantiated any such instances,” Storch said.

    Democrat John Garamendi of California later pressed Storch: “You’ve not found problems of any great significance, is that correct?”

    “A lot of these audits and evaluations are pending, but with regard to the areas I’ve mentioned, we have limited findings, the department has been addressing them, and we’re going to continue to look at the issue,” Storch said. “So yes, that’s correct.”

    Republicans who now control the House are contending with a vocal minority that opposes further funding for Ukraine. Proponents of more aid are also navigating a potentially austere funding atmosphere as conservatives push for spending cuts in the coming budget cycle.

    Rogers and other defense leaders argue the Pentagon must explain publicly how it tracks equipment as part of that effort.

    Kahl told lawmakers that Ukrainian officials provide the Pentagon with information on their inventories and transfer logs. The Defense Department has provided Ukrainians with handheld scanners to send data back to the U.S. Defense officials based at the U.S. embassy in Kyiv have also made site visits.

    “They have seen no signs of diversion or that the Ukrainians are not following procedure,” Kahl said.

    Some lawmakers also dinged the administration for refusing to send Ukraine weapons it has requested, such as longer-range artillery or U.S.-made warplanes. Rogers slammed Biden for being “overly worried” that sending certain weapons would be viewed as escalatory and said holding back has “only prolonged the war.”

    Kahl later pushed back, arguing the administration weighs what weapons to send based on Ukraine’s needs and potential impact on U.S. military readiness rather than concerns over escalation.

    He faced bipartisan criticism over Biden’s refusal to immediately send F-16s to Ukraine. Biden said last week that Ukraine “doesn’t need F-16s now.”

    The Pentagon policy chief said the most optimistic timeline for delivering older F-16s would be “about 18 months” while producing newer F-16s would take three to six years to deliver.

    “It is a priority for the Ukrainians, but it’s not one of their top three priorities,” Kahl said in an exchange with Rep. Chrissy Houlahan (D-Pa.). “Their top priorities are air defense systems … artillery and fires, which we’ve talked about, and armor and mechanized systems.”

    Backers of sending Ukraine the Lockheed Martin F-16s or similar jets, led by Rep. Jared Golden (D-Maine), released an updated letter on Tuesday to Biden with additional signatures. Sixteen lawmakers from both parties have now signed the letter, first reported by POLITICO.

    The panel’s top Democrat, Rep. Adam Smith of Washington, defended the administration. He argued the “best case scenario” would see some F-16s in Ukraine within eight months to a year.

    “We looked at that and we determined that is not a wise use of the resources that are necessary to win the fight,” Smith said.

    “No blank check means no blank check,” he said. “It means we don’t just send everything that people ask for in the blink of an eye without thinking about it.”

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    #Pentagon #tells #Republicans #evidence #weapons #Ukraine #diverted
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • One House Republican’s unique anti-Santos pitch: Block him from profiting off his lies

    One House Republican’s unique anti-Santos pitch: Block him from profiting off his lies

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    20230110 gop 2 francis 7

    The idea that once Santos leaves office, he could profit off of his story with a book or movie contract has privately percolated among — and annoyed — House Republicans.

    The bill would “prohibit Members of the House of Representatives who are convicted of offenses involving financial or campaign finance fraud from receiving compensation for biographies, media appearances, or expressive or creative works, and for other purposes,” according to the text.

    Separately, D’Esposito is pushing a resolution that proposes similar changes to the House rules. A spokesperson for D’Esposito declined to comment.

    The move underscores the acutely bad blood among New York Republicans, some of whom have also called for expelling Santos from Congress. But it’s unclear how many other GOP members would sign on to the effort, as many have expressed anger at Santos’ actions but indicated they plan to keep their distance.

    A spokesperson for Santos railed against the move, calling on his GOP colleagues to turn their attention to Democrats instead, as well as issues like inflation and crime rates that propelled them to the majority.

    Santos faced an almost domino-like effect with his GOP colleagues calling for him to resign — mostly New York Republicans freshmen, in addition to freshman Rep. Max Miller (R-Ohio) — in early January after a series of interviews where he wasn’t able to clear the air about his background — and even at times raising additional questions about how he made his money.

    Since then, Santos has largely kept to himself, even announcing to his colleagues that he’d remove himself temporarily from his two assigned committees until there was clarity, amid federal and House Ethics probes.

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    #House #Republicans #unique #antiSantos #pitch #Block #profiting #lies
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )