Ex-BioWare veteran David Gaider wants EA to remake Dragon Age: Origins.
Gaider expressed an interest in a new version of the RPG series’ initial entry on Twitter, as word spread that EA was considering further Dead Space remakes.
“If we’re on a kick re-mastering games from the aughts, what about Dragon Age Origins?” Gaider wrote. “Its graphics were behind the curve even at the time of release… can you imagine it with brand new PS5-era bells and whistles? 🥳”
BioWare is currently working on Dragon Age: Dreadwolf.
Dragon Age Origins was originally released back in 2009 for PC, PlayStation 3 and Xbox 360. You can still play it today on Xbox via backwards compatibility, but it’s fair to say the game looks dated.
“I suspect EA would only do it if they thought it would sell like *gold-plated* hotcakes,” Gaider continued. “They’ve… never really got DA, or understood why it sold better than Mass Effect, was my impression.”
If we’re on a kick re-mastering games from the aughts, what about Dragon Age Origins? Its graphics were behind the curve even at the time of release… can you imagine it with brand new PS5-era bells and whistles? 🥳
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As for how it might look, Gaider suggested a version which simply brought the game up to the visual standard of 2014’s Dragon Age Inquisition.
“Even Inquisition-level graphics would be great!” he wrote, explaining that all female models in the game used the male animation rig. “Look, all I want is for Morrigan to not have the shoulders of a linebacker and for the sex scenes to not look like someone bashing marionettes together and shouting ‘now kiss!’”
As to the broodmother? “Just think: extra-realistic slimy nipple textures,” Gaider concluded.
Gaider departed BioWare back in 2016 after 17 years at the studio, during which time he held a lead role in creating Dragon Age and its world.
Our Bertie caught up with Gaider last year for a video podcast. In it, the pair discuss Dragon Age (of course), musical RPGs, and the brilliant character of Dorian.
Would EA remake Dragon Age: Origins? Mass Effect got its well-made trilogy remaster, after all, though Dragon Age titles were always more loosely linked.
The series is set to return sometime soon in the long-awaited Dragon Age: Dreadwolf, which I suspect will be pitched as an entry point into BioWare’s fantasy world on its own terms, while also chronicling the ongoing story of the series’ new big bad .
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( With inputs from : pledgetimes.com )
“People in this space should feel: ‘I was treated with respect. I was treated like an adult. I was treated like a human being,’” he adds. “The main question we face is how to ensure they don’t go back out into the community and hurt more people.”
This idea lies at the heart of an audacious campaign Mitchell launched months earlier for a pivotal seat as justice on the state’s highest court, an election that Mandela Barnes, the one-time Democratic senatorial candidate calls “one of the most consequential elections” in Wisconsin, if not the country. Up for grabs in this technically nonpartisan race is the ideological makeup of the court. That’s no small thing in a battleground state where the government is divided between Democratic Gov. Tony Evers and Republicans in the legislature. Supreme Court justices hold the balance of power — and conservatives have controlled the majority of the court for the last decade.
The first round of voting, scheduled for Tuesday, will be followed by a run-off April 4. Whoever wins will tip the scale on far-reaching decisions about issues like abortion access, voting rights, redistricting — and even the role Wisconsin courts will play in the next presidential election. Mitchell’s candidacy places the judge up against three older — and better funded — white candidates in a state where 80 percent of the population is white and where party organizations and outside advocacy groups have spent millions in an attempt to sway the election. By the weekend before the first round of voting, $6 million had already been expended, much of it on TV attack ads.
Mitchell doesn’t seem daunted by his long odds. “People have been writing me off all my life,” he says.
That life so far has been studded with seemingly miraculous turns.
By the time he reached his teens, Mitchell felt lost, invisible, mostly muted, intensely dour. He could not read properly; he trusted none of the adults closest to him; he felt gutted by the fact that he had failed to protect his younger sister from sexual predation by their stepfather. By the time he entered high school Mitchell no longer dreamed of going to college. “I was so angry in ninth grade. I was drinking Mad Dogs, skipping classes, hanging out,” he remembers. His highest ambition at the time was to play basketball or become a rap artist.
But events intervened, altering his life trajectory.
The first radical pivot in life happened shortly after he turned 15. One night when Mitchell was in his bedroom at home trying out new phrases for a rap song, he heard a voice calling: “Everett.” This voice wasn’t like any he’d heard before; it was clear, loud, out of the blue. There was nothing subtle in it, he emphasizes, perhaps noting my skeptical expression. He challenged the voice to “do something ridiculous, like light a fire inside of me,” and felt a burning sensation in his chest right then. “It was like an instantaneous passion. I’ve been on fire ever since. I could feel it. I feel it still,” he recalls.
Mitchell started preaching the gospel right away, a transformation that arrived like a thunderclap for his younger sister, Shuntol Mitchell. He stopped running the streets. Never much of a talker before, her brother suddenly held forth at great length in pulpits across town. “Some people are just born with it. And he just had it,” Shuntol Mitchell recalls. She figured that his quick turn to preaching offered Everett a sense of purpose, not to mention relief from ongoing trouble at home.
Their stepfather’s sexual abuse began when she was 5 and Everett was 6, she says. Her brother was the only one who had tried to protect her. “That’s why he’s the only man I trust,” she says. “The only one.”
The second big pivot in their lives came thanks to one of his teachers. One morning at school Everett arrived feeling particularly morose. Taking note of his despondency, the teacher took him aside and pressed him to tell her what was wrong. She reported what Everett told her to Child Protective Services.
Within a few days their stepfather was forced out of the house. The sudden change felt like a miracle. Finally, the siblings thought, an adult stepped in to protect them.
A third pivot followed that transformative event. When he graduated high school, the only job Mitchell had on offer was as a bagger at the local grocery. But instead, Mitchell took a chance. He enrolled at Jarvis Christian College, an historically Black college in east Texas, without having to apply, thanks to the intervention of a guidance counselor who recommended him as a good student.
How had he managed to graduate high school — let alone preach — without being able to read even passages from the Bible? He had the ability to recognize phrases and copy them out, he explains. “I was also verbal. I had a good memory. And I had become a great listener.” At Jarvis, though, his educational deficiencies caught up with him. Two professors, noticing his difficulties with his first assignments, interceded. Nearly every day after classes, from 5 o’clock until about 10 p.m., they tutored him, line by line and page by painful page until he was fluent.
Three teachers, then, delivered Mitchell into the possibility of a new life. In conversations he often names all three women: Amy Love, Margaret Bell and Mrs. Daisy Wilson.
Without their interventions, he notes, there would have been no high-flown career. No transfer to Morehouse College in Atlanta, where he studied mathematics and theology; no advanced study in divinity, theology and ethics at Princeton Theological Seminary; no law degree from the University of Wisconsin; no stint as manager of a re-entry program for people being released from prison, no role as director of community relations for the university, and no service as a prosecutor and judge in charge of juvenile justice in Dane County.
The memory of their intercessions reminds him every day, Mitchell says, of the outsize influence a person in authority could play in saving a life — or in crushing a spirit. He sums up that essential lesson in two words: “To protect.” Their influence led him, from pastoring to study to “lots of therapy,” he adds, on to a legal career as a prosecutor and judge.
That practice might be called trauma-informed jurisprudence. “I don’t talk about how many people I locked up,” he notes. “I talk about how many lives I worked to save.”
That is the message he hopes to take into the chambers of Wisconsin’s Supreme Court.
In his campaign announcement, Mitchell is shown sitting in his chambers, dressed in his judicial robe, with shelves of law books from floor to ceiling angled into a V behind him. “I’m a father, I’m a husband, I’m a judge, I’m a pastor, I’m a community leader,” he says. That fourth entry — community leader — still matters to him deeply. As he says those words a photo flashes on the screen of Mitchell protesting in the streets, dressed in his bright red pastoral gown at a march organized by religious leaders after the 2020 murder of George Floyd by police in Minneapolis.
He began his current campaign in June of 2022 against three older and more experienced judges, one progressive and two conservatives. His hope: to use the race for what he considered a higher purpose, educating voters about the need for systemic judicial reform from bottom to top. After he was elected as a circuit court judge in 2016, for example, he allowed juvenile defendants to appear in his courtroom unshackled. Bailiffs who initially felt skeptical about the change later reported that young people were less agitated and hearings more productive once they entered court unbound. Years later, justices in the Wisconsin Supreme Court instituted the reform statewide.
But Mitchell’s quest for the highest court has run up against quite formidable challenges.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
But it remains highly uncertain whether the Fed can navigate a so-called soft-landing for the economy, in which growth slows but the country averts a recession. And other big headaches loom, including a GOP-controlled House potentially forcing a market-shaking showdown over raising the government’s debt limit.
Multiple senior Biden aides and others close to the process described the selection of Brainard and Bernstein, who is currently a member of the Council of Economic Advisers, as close to assured, but no formal announcement is set yet. It’s still possible that either job could wind up slipping to one of several other candidates or that new names could emerge, they said.
Brainard, who is meeting with other Fed officials this week in Washington to decide on the central bank’s next interest rate hike, could not be reached for comment.
“It’s not totally done yet,” one top White House official said, while not disputing that Brainard and Bernstein are the leading candidates. Another senior official agreed, while a third said the two appointments seemed definite but that Biden had not given a final sign-off.
White House Deputy Press Secretary Emilie Simons said in a statement, “There is no decision on either of these positions and any reporting to the contrary is inaccurate.”
The White House officials said installing Brainard at NEC to succeed Brian Deese would offer gender diversity to the economic leadership, It would also make it easier for Biden to pick his friend Bernstein, who is among a group of older, white male advisers, to head the CEA, the White House’s in-house economic research office. Current CEA Chair Cecilia Rouse is returning to Princeton. Deese is leaving the NEC — which is housed inside the West Wing and is the more powerful of the two offices — to be closer to his family,
A Brainard and Bernstein combination would at least partially satisfy left-leaning Democrats who pushed for a younger and more aggressive candidate for the NEC job such as Bharat Ramamurti, the current NEC deputy and a former top staffer for Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.).
Progressives had questioned Brainard’s commitment on some of their key issues since she served as President Barack Obama’s Treasury undersecretary for international affairs under then-Secretary Timothy Geithner. At the time, Brainard was viewed by many progressives as insufficiently aggressive on using executive tools to fight climate change and economic inequality and as too pro-free trade and friendly with elite global bankers.
But Brainard has nudged left on some of those issues and been a progressive at the Fed on monetary policy — mostly preferring a gentler path of rate hikes to fight high inflation.
Bernstein is widely admired in progressive circles while also holding credibility with more centrist-leaning Democrats and even some Capitol Hill Republicans. He has long been a vocal critic of trade agreements so could limit any fallout among organized labor groups over the Brainard pick.
The selection of Brainard and Bernstein would come after weeks of feverish jockeying, often through strategic press leaks, for the top economic jobs, with a variety of names being floated as front-runners by Democratic insiders eager to see their preferred candidates get the jobs.
The White House has also flirted with various Wall Street veterans for top positions, including investment bankers Blair Effron and Antonio Weiss. Putting any such candidate into a policy-influencing spot would likely have enraged progressives, and the idea appears to have been mostly dropped.
Other candidates mentioned as candidates for NEC have included Deputy Treasury Secretary Wally Adeyemo, American University President and former Obama cabinet member Sylvia Mathews Burwell, Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo and senior Biden economic adviser Gene Sperling.
Friends say that Sperling, who served as NEC director under both Presidents Bill Clinton and Obama, coveted doing the job for what would be a record third time. Sperling, who splits his time between Washington and Los Angeles, has repeatedly denied wanting or campaigning for the job.
Zients is viewed as a masterful manager and problem solver but less well-versed or interested in the kind of backroom political horse-trading required to push things like a debt limit deal through on Capitol Hill. Brainard has extensive Hill relationships as does Bernstein.
Bernstein and Brainard are both considered centrist enough to offer some comfort to Wall Street investors and not averse to cutting deals with Republicans if that’s what it takes.
Brainard’s departure from the Fed would leave a significant hole at the central bank, where she is a trusted No. 2 to Chair Jerome Powell.
Brainard, a Ph.D. economist, also chairs four of the central bank’s internal committees, leading policy in key areas like whether the Fed should issue a central bank digital currency.
Victoria Guida contributed to this report.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )