Tag: Real

  • BJP opposes SC status for Dalit Christians, says ‘real’ Dalits will lose out

    BJP opposes SC status for Dalit Christians, says ‘real’ Dalits will lose out

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    Andhra Pradesh BJP president Somu Veerraju chastised the YSRCP-led state administration for passing a motion in the state Legislature requesting the Centre to modify the Constitution to grant Schedule Caste status to SCs who converted to Christianity.

    Veerraju urged that the YSRC administration rescind the resolution, claiming that it was nothing more than ‘encouraging religious conversions’ in a secular society. The State BJP chairman stated that he will send a memorandum to the Governor in this respect on March 27.

    Addressing reporters in Visakhapatnam, BJP MP GVL Narasimha Rao said the party will reject the YSRC government’s plan to include Dalit Christians on the SC list.

    He recalled how they objected to such a step during the TDP’s reign. “We will develop an action plan in response to the ruling soon,” he added.

    GVL said that such inclusion would jeopardise the interests of ‘real’ Dalits, who would lose a portion of their reservation. “That would be a huge disservice to Dalits. As a result, the YSRC government should rescind the resolution. It’s all part of the ruling YSRC’s vote bank tactics,” he explained.

    The MP further said that the court decision in the Rahul Gandhi issue was being misconstrued. He said that the Congress, which had stifled democracy during the Emergency, was now talking about democracy.

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    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • Kraft Seeds Calendula Flower Seeds (1 Packet, Yellow 30 Seeds) | Fragrant Flowering Seeds for Home Gardening |Natural and Real Planting Seeds for Indoor Home Decor | Winter Flowering Seeds for Pots

    Kraft Seeds Calendula Flower Seeds (1 Packet, Yellow 30 Seeds) | Fragrant Flowering Seeds for Home Gardening |Natural and Real Planting Seeds for Indoor Home Decor | Winter Flowering Seeds for Pots

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    Kraft Seeds is a trusted brand that has been catering to gardening enthusiasts for decades. We offer premium quality products that help you create beautiful and healthy gardens. Our range of useful garden tools, cocopeat, manures, drip irrigation kits, planters, metal pots, seeds, and more make it easy for you to find everything you need all in one place online. Our exquisite designs and focus on providing sturdy and sustainable products ensure that gardening is a pure delight and not a hassle for you and your family. Whether you’re new to indoor or outdoor gardening, looking to spruce up your patio, or adding a pop of color to your inner sanctum, Kraft Seeds has something for every garden need of yours. Our products help you create beautiful and healthy gardens with ease. Make it a breeze by finding everything you need in one place with Kraft Seeds! We also have tools and accessories that will make it easier to maintain your garden. Keep your lawn in great shape with our selection of garden tools such as shovels, rakes, trowels, and more. Keep things organized with our range of planters – all designed with durability and aesthetic functionality in mind! And don’t forget our metal pots are perfect for displaying assorted arrangements in any size yard or patio. Our selection of top-notch products guides you through your gardening journey. Our products are perfect for those looking to begin their gardening journey. With Kraft Seeds, you can create a beautiful, green, and healthy garden that will bring joy and prosperity to your home!
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  • A Vulnerable Trump, With Real Support for DeSantis in New Grassroots Survey

    A Vulnerable Trump, With Real Support for DeSantis in New Grassroots Survey

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    It’s still early in the campaign, and many respondents are not yet committed to a presidential candidate. But the survey results are a potentially ominous sign for Trump as he seeks to claw his way back to the White House in the face of resistance from key party actors.

    County chairs are a group whose opinions are worth gauging. County chairs are far more politically attentive and committed to their party than average American voters; they’re going to show up at the polls on primary day. They’re both activists and prominent local figures in the party, who are likely to help influence how others view the 2024 contenders. At the same time, county chairs are a bit removed from the top levels of leadership — they’re not party elites at the national or even state level. They’re still part of the grassroots. County chairs are the kind of people that successful candidates want on their side during the “invisible primary,” when fundraising and endorsements and polling start to matter.

    A note about methodology. In my capacity as director of the Center on American Politics at the University of Denver, I sent this survey out to nearly 3,000 Republican Party chairs — for every county in the country — and ultimately 187 responded. It’s fewer than I would have liked, but it’s certainly enough to conduct a statistically useful analysis. There’s no obvious bias embedded within the survey that I can find; respondents hailed from every region of the country, from Florida to North Dakota to Rhode Island; 91 percent described themselves as “conservative” or “very conservative.”

    For this survey, I asked county chairs about their candidate preferences in a few different ways. For a first cut, I asked if they’re committed to supporting a particular candidate in the presidential race at this point. Just about half reported that they are currently uncommitted to a candidate. Among those who said they had made a choice, 19 percent said DeSantis, the Florida governor, and 17 percent said Trump.

    This in itself is quite telling. Trump’s grip on the Republican Party was once legendary, and he is one of only two GOP candidates who has officially announced for president for 2024, the other being former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley. The former president certainly may end up the Republican nominee again, and his attacks on DeSantis have only begun. But the fact that Trump is not the first choice of this group and that fewer than one in five county chairs is committed to him suggests some considerable reservations.

    I provided anonymity to respondents, but some allowed me to give their names and comments. One was Kylie Crosskno, chair of the Republican Party of Mississippi County, Ark., who remarked, “While I don’t live in Florida, I support the conservative actions that Mr. DeSantis has taken. He is not afraid to stand up for the principles and values of the Republican Party.”

    I then sought to determine a somewhat softer level of candidate interest, and the results of this question were even worse for Trump. I asked these chairs what candidates they are considering supporting at this point. I permitted them to provide as many candidate names as they wanted, and most named more than one. (The percentages in the chart below thus add up to well over 100 percent.)

    Among all the candidates named, DeSantis was the one who is receiving the most widespread consideration — mentioned by 73 percent of the county chairs. Trump was a rather distant second, mentioned by 43 percent. Indeed, Trump was mentioned just a bit more than Haley, who was named by 36 percent, and South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott, who was at 28 percent.

    Again, this question does not imply any strong degree of commitment to the candidates. But it does point to who these local party leaders are thinking about at this early stage, and DeSantis easily takes the broadest swath of respondents.

    The third approach I took to asking about candidate interest may be most revealing: I asked which candidate the county party chairs definitely did not want to see as the 2024 Republican presidential nominee.

    The candidate who was rejected outright by the most county chairs was former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie; 55 percent of chairs didn’t want him. He was followed by Donald Trump Jr. (51 percent), former Vice President Mike Pence (43 percent), and then, rather stunningly, by Trump himself, named by 39 percent of chairs. That is, four in 10 county chairs do not want Trump to be the party’s next nominee. By contrast, just nine percent of county chairs have ruled out DeSantis, the best showing of any of the contenders.

    The degree of disinterest in Trump is rather striking. In some ways, this looks similar to the GOP presidential contest of 2015-16, with a lot of resistance to Trump but still a path for his nomination. Trump had a low polling ceiling where support maxed out, but a high floor with a core group of unwavering supporters. In a crowded race, the opposition splintered, allowing Trump to eke out a win with a plurality of the vote. He may be counting on that scenario again, and the results of the survey do not rule that out. However, the survey does highlight one difference between now and 2016, which is that back then, opposition to Trump was spread out among a number of different candidates. Today, it seems much more concentrated behind DeSantis.

    The numbers show DeSantis is in a strong position at the start of the race and before he even formally launches his all-but-certain presidential bid. In the fight to be the Trump alternative, at least by this measure, he is indisputably the frontrunner. (For Christie, things look rather grim.)

    Still, the campaign has only just begun. I’ll be checking in with these key party leaders throughout 2023 and early 2024 to see how their minds are changing and where the race is really heading.

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    #Vulnerable #Trump #Real #Support #DeSantis #Grassroots #Survey
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • The Real Wakanda: How an East African Kingdom Changed Theodore Roosevelt and the Course of American Democracy

    The Real Wakanda: How an East African Kingdom Changed Theodore Roosevelt and the Course of American Democracy

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    mag early buganda lead

    Roosevelt was drawn to Buganda’s culture of political procession, royal decorum and military ceremony. Upon his arrival that December, the former president watched as chiefs and royals — donning locally-crafted barkcloth and flowing robes imported from the Indian Ocean World — moved in and out of the capital, negotiating labor, power and state resources. It was a kingdom with wide roads interlocking government posts, military frontiers, markets, banana groves, farms, mines, smelting sites and estates.

    Roosevelt met with military leaders of the kingdom, who managed a powerful navy and army. Buganda’s army of 10,000 warriors had successfully expanded the kingdom’s interests throughout the nineteenth century. The army’s size and power ensured that the British Empire did not openly conquer Buganda (or Uganda more broadly). And Buganda’s naval interests reached throughout the region’s lakes and rivers, giving birth to a vibrant culture of wartime canoes. During the 1890s alone, over 30,000 trees were harvested to produce 10,000 vessels. While these canoes varied in size, the most prominent class was around 25 feet long and 5 feet wide, designed to carry around half a ton. Roosevelt, a former assistant secretary of the Navy, was shocked by what he saw.

    Roosevelt’s avowed interest in other cultures, however, had yet to dim his sense of white supremacy. He agreed with notions that Filipinos, whose country was then under the control of the United States, were too backward to participate fully in their own governance. He helped arrange exhibitions that treated indigenous peoples from other countries almost like caged animals. And he was an apologist for European colonialism.

    But what he saw in Buganda that Christmas changed him. Roosevelt’s political language and approach to Black politics began veering in a new direction. Here in the heart of Africa was a highly functioning political state with a level of order exceeding that in many European countries or anything he had encountered during his extensive travels. The reality of Buganda’s political sophistication commanded not only his respect. Buganda compelled Roosevelt to rethink his fundamental assumptions regarding Black progress and civilization. As he would note in one speech shortly after his visit, Baganda stood “far above most … in their capacity for progress towards civilization.”

    That observation was to alter not only his own views on Africans, but on African Americans. And his changed attitude toward race would reverberate through the country he had led and would seek to lead again.

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    #Real #Wakanda #East #African #Kingdom #Changed #Theodore #Roosevelt #American #Democracy
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Opinion | The Real 2024 Battle: Trump vs. Reagan

    Opinion | The Real 2024 Battle: Trump vs. Reagan

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    20230304 cpac trump 18 francis 2

    This way of thinking in a Republican primary is something new. Once upon a time, pretty much every Republican wanted to be a Reagan Republican. If the Trump camp gets its way, Reaganism will have gone from passé in 2016 to an affirmative vulnerability in 2024.

    There are layers to this intra-Republican debate. It is certainly true that conservatives became overly obsessed with identifying themselves with Ronald Reagan. By the time something becomes an -ism, it is likely to be simplified and ossified, and so it was.

    Then, there’s the sheer passage of time. Reagan left office 34 years ago. As of 2020, more than half of Americans were under age 40, meaning they have no real memory of Reagan. Trying to run again on a version of the Reagan platform would be like doing the same thing with Abraham Lincoln’s program in 1899, or someone being a devoted acolyte of Joe Biden in the 2050s.

    Neither the pro- or anti-Reagan side tends to do justice to the real, historical political figure, instead creating an uncomplicated archetype to be embraced or rejected. Reagan was right on much, wrong on some things (immigration), and flexible and practical the way a successful practical politician needs to be.

    Reagan was a free marketeer, but wasn’t doctrinaire. He accepted the fact of the New Deal.

    He was a free-trader, yet acted to protect American auto makers and Harley Davison from Japanese imports.

    If he was hawkish on foreign policy, he was always prudent. The defense budget grew, and he was insistent on deploying intermediate-range nuclear missiles in Europe. He pursued missile defense over fierce opposition. He was unsparing in his anti-Soviet rhetoric and armed anti-Soviet guerrillas. He forcefully promoted human rights.

    On the other hand, he was cautious about deploying U.S. troops overseas, and pulled back from Lebanon after the devastating attack at the Marine barracks in Beirut. Despite calling the Soviet Union an “evil empire,” he was willing to talk to Mikhail Gorbachev and even contemplated eliminating nuclear weapons at a summit with Gorbachev in Reykjavik.

    Some populist nationalists tend to think of pre-Trump conservatism as being complacent on social issues. But Reagan allied with the religious right and wrote an anti-abortion book when he was in office. He banned the use of federal funds for abortions overseas. He wanted a constitutional amendment to allow prayer in schools and said, “the truth is, politics and morality are inseparable.”

    If Reagan eventually came to define conventional Republicanism, he took on his party’s liberal establishment and brought a populist voice to issues like the Panama Canal and crime.

    So he is more complex than advertised, but the so-called Zombie Reaganism that the populists inveigh against is a real phenomenon.

    This thoughtless version of Reaganism doesn’t take sufficient account of how circumstances in the country have changed over the last 30 years. Take taxes. The burden of federal income taxes isn’t nearly as heavy on middle-class families as it was in the 1970s and 1980s, when inflation pushed them into ever-higher tax brackets. And Republicans have cut taxes so many times, any positive economic effect of further reductions is limited.

    Nonetheless, for the longest time, the standard Republican approach to domestic policy, with some differences in emphasis, was to cut taxes and reduce the debt, with everything else fading to the background. As it happens, Trump also ran on these two priorities in 2016, although he was only serious about the tax cuts. Not schooled in Republican orthodoxies, Trump mixed in new policies and attitudes, on the border, entitlements, trade and foreign policy. He expanded the Overton window well beyond what most people would have thought possible.

    Other Republicans should be similarly coming up with an agenda to meet the challenges of today, not those of the 1970s (although the problems of inflation and crime are common to both eras).

    All that said, Reagan’s achievements are momentous and should be acknowledged as such by all Republican factions. He set the predicate for winning the Cold War without firing a shot. He slayed inflation, both by sticking by Federal Reserve Chair Paul Volcker, despite considerable political pressure to buckle, and by pursuing pro-growth policies that created more supply in the economy. He ended the energy crisis. His administration gave a boost to the nascent conservative legal movement. He brought a new constituency into the Republican Party, the so-called Reagan Democrats (an analogue of Democrats who would vote for Trump), and forced a turn to the center by the Democratic Party under Bill Clinton. He changed the mood of the country.

    As a sheer political matter, it doesn’t make any sense for Trump to assail Reagan by name, given his standing in the party.

    A Pew Research survey in December 2020 found that 42 percent of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents picked Reagan when asked which president had done the best job of the last four decades, and 37 percent picked Trump.

    Even the Trump partisans feel warmly toward Reagan: 73 percent make him their second choice.

    At the end of the day, Reagan can’t be separated from the Cold War context that so defined him and the conservative movement of his era. There’s no substitute for the coherence brought by that long-running conflict, a truly existential struggle that activated all elements of the Republican coalition: The defense hawks, obviously, but also social conservatives, who opposed godless communism, and free-marketeers determined to see capitalism triumph over unchecked statism.

    There’s been a fracturing in Republican politics ever since. The famous Reaganite three-legged “stool” is rickety but is still standing. Freedom is a major theme for both DeSantis and Nikki Haley, and the House Freedom Caucus is going to put spending cuts front and center this year; the crusade against all things “woke” can be seen as another front in the party’s long-standing fight for traditional values; and the GOP’s withering reaction to Biden’s Afghan withdrawal and its support for aid to Ukraine — for now — show its reflex is still toward strength in foreign affairs.

    Meanwhile, the example of Reagan, like that of all talented and accomplished statesmen, offers broad-gauge lessons that can be continually drawn on — about how to balance prudence and principle, how to affect a broad political vision, how to deplore what ails the country without giving in to despair, and how to build coalitions.

    The last may be most useful to Ron DeSantis once he enters the nomination battle. Trump wants to tempt DeSantis to try follow him in his “Maga More Than Ever” messaging, but the governor can only go so far down this path. He’s not going to peel off enough Trump voters to beat Trump. To win the nomination, DeSantis is going to need to win over a segment of Trump populists at the same time he locks down Republican voters who like Reagan more than Trump. (He presumably reached these type of voters with his speech to a packed auditorium at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library while Trump was at CPAC.)

    The Trump forces are going to try to make DeSantis’ roots in the party of Reagan disqualifying. Instead, played correctly, it can be a strength.

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    #Opinion #Real #Battle #Trump #Reagan
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

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  • We Have a Real UFO Problem. And It’s Not Balloons

    We Have a Real UFO Problem. And It’s Not Balloons

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    congress ufo 05121

    Initially, the objects were showing up on our newly upgraded radars and we assumed they were “ghosts in the machine,” or software glitches. But then we began to correlate the radar tracks with multiple surveillance systems, including infrared sensors that detected heat signatures. Then came the hair-raising near misses that required us to take evasive action.

    These were no mere balloons. The unidentified aerial phenomena (UAP) accelerated at speeds up to Mach 1, the speed of sound. They could hold their position, appearing motionless, despite Category 4 hurricane-force winds of 120 knots. They did not have any visible means of lift, control surfaces or propulsion — in other words nothing that resembled normal aircraft with wings, flaps or engines. And they outlasted our fighter jets, operating continuously throughout the day. I am a formally trained engineer, but the technology they demonstrated defied my understanding.

    After that near-miss, we had no choice but to submit a safety report, hoping that something could be done before it was too late. But there was no official acknowledgement of what we experienced and no further mechanism to report the sightings — even as other aircrew flying along the East coast quietly began sharing similar experiences. Our only option was to cancel or move our training, as the UAP continued to maneuver in our vicinity unchecked.

    Nearly a decade later we still don’t know what they were.

    When I retired from the Navy in 2019, I was the first active-duty pilot to come forward publicly and testify to Congress. In the years since, there has been some notable coverage of the encounters and Congress has taken some action to force the military and intelligence agencies to do much more to get to the bottom of these mysteries.

    But there has not been anything near the level of public and official attention that has been paid to the recent shoot downs of a Chinese spy balloon and the three other unknown objects that were likely research balloons.

    And that’s a problem.

    Advanced objects demonstrating cutting-edge technology that we cannot explain are routinely flying over our military bases or entering restricted airspace.

    “UAP events continue to occur in restricted or sensitive airspace, highlighting possible concerns for safety of flight or adversary collection activity,” the Director of National Intelligence reported last month, citing 247 new reports over the last 17 months. “Some UAP appeared to remain stationary in winds aloft, move against the wind, maneuver abruptly, or move at considerable speed, without discernible means of propulsion.”

    The Navy has also officially acknowledged 11 near misses with UAP that required evasive action and triggered mandatory safety reports between 2004 and 2021. Advanced UAP also pose a growing safety hazard to commercial airliners. Last May, the Federal Aviation Administration issued an alert after a passenger aircraft flying over West Virginia experienced a rare failure of two major systems while passing underneath what appeared to be a UAP.

    One thing we do know is these craft aren’t part of some classified U.S. project. “We were quite confident that was not the explanation,” Scott Bray, the deputy director of the Office of Naval Intelligence, testified before Congress last year.

    Florida Sen. Marco Rubio confirmed in a recent interview that whatever the origin of these objects it is not the U.S. military. “We have things flying over our military bases and places where we’re conducting military exercises and we don’t know what it is and it isn’t ours,” said Rubio, who is vice chair of the Intelligence Committee.

    President Joe Biden rightly points out the real national security and aviation safety risks, from “foreign intelligence collection” to “hazard to civilian air traffic,” that arise from low-tech “balloon-like” entities. I applaud his new order to create an interagency UAP taskforce and a government-wide effort to address unidentified objects, and his proposal to make sure all aerial craft are registered and identifiable according to a global standard is good common-sense.

    However, what the president did not address during his press conference Feb. 16 were the UAP that exhibit advanced performance capabilities. Where is the transparency and urgency from the administration and Congress to investigate highly advanced objects in restricted airspace that our military cannot explain? How will this new taskforce be more effective than existing efforts if we are not being clear and direct about the scope and nature of advanced UAP?

    The American public must demand accountability. We need to understand what is in our skies — period.

    In the coming days, I will launch Americans for Safe Aerospace (ASA), a new advocacy organization for aerospace safety and national security. ASA will support pilots and other aerospace professionals who are reporting UAP. Our goal is to demand more disclosure from our public officials about this significant safety and national security problem. We will provide credible voices, public education, grassroots activism and lobbying on Capitol Hill to get answers about UAP.

    President Biden needs to address this issue as transparently as possible. The White House should not conflate the low-tech objects that were recently shot down with unexplained high-tech, advanced objects witnessed by pilots. Our government needs to admit that it is possible another country has developed game-changing technology. We need to urgently address this threat by bringing together the best minds in our military, intelligence, science and tech sectors. If advanced UAP are not foreign drones, then we absolutely need a robust scientific inquiry into this mystery. Obfuscation and denial are a recipe for more conspiracy theories and greater distrust that stymie our search for the truth.

    We need a coordinated, data-driven response that unites the public and private sectors. The North American Aerospace Defense Command, the U.S. Space Force and a host of other military and civilian agencies need to be marshaled in support of a much more aggressive and vigilant effort, along with our scientific community and private industry.

    Right now, the pieces of the UAP puzzle are scattered across silos in the military, government and the private sector. We need to integrate and analyze these massive data sets with new methods like AI. We also need to make this data available to the best scientists outside of government.

    We have strong supporters of more data sharing. Sen. Rubio has suggested the Pentagon’s All-domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO), which was set up by Congress last year, share its data on unidentified objects with academic institutions and civilian scientific organizations. The American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics and the Galileo Project at Harvard, tech startups like Enigma Labs, and traditional defense contractors could all play a role.

    Unfortunately, all UAP reports and videos are classified, meaning active-duty pilots cannot come forward publicly and FOIA requests are denied. These are two major steps backwards for transparency, but they can be mitigated with data-sharing.

    I am impressed by the recent whistleblower protections enacted last year to encourage more pilots and others to come forward, and I support the fresh push by Rubio and Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) for full funding of AARO. Given the stakes, Congress also needs to fund grants for more scientific inquiry of UAP.

    Above all, we need to listen to pilots. Military and civilian pilots provide critical, first-hand insights into advanced UAP. Right now, the stigma attached to reporting UAP is still too strong. Since I came forward about UAP in 2019, only one other pilot from my squadron has gone public. Commercial pilots also face significant risks to their careers for doing so.

    New rules are needed to require civilian pilots to report UAP, protect the pilots from retribution, and a process must be established for investigating their reports. Derision or denial over the unknown is unacceptable. This is a time for curiosity.

    If the phenomena I witnessed with my own eyes turns out to be foreign drones, they pose an urgent threat to national security and airspace safety. If they are something else, it must be a scientific priority to find out.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Real Madrid vs FC Barcelona: how to watch it on TV, live stream, news, injuries, line-ups and prognosis

    Real Madrid vs FC Barcelona: how to watch it on TV, live stream, news, injuries, line-ups and prognosis

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    FC Barcelona and Real Madrid will face each other this Thursday in the Clásico of the first leg of the Copa del Rey semifinals. The Catalans come from a tough defeat at Almería, while Real Madrid were unable to beat Atleti at the Santiago Bernabéu in the Madrid derby.

    City: Madrid

    Stadium: Santiago Bernbeu

    Day and time: Thursday 2 March. 9:00 p.m. Spain, 2:00 p.m. Mexico, 5:00 p.m. Argentina

    TV channels: La1

    Live streaming: the1 website

    TV channels: ESPN

    Live streaming: Star+

    TV channels: ESPN Mexico

    Live streaming: Star+

    Robert Lewandowski

    Robert Lewandowski/Aitor Alcalde Colomer/GettyImages

    Robert Lewandowski will not be present. FC Barcelona has communicated this morning through its social networks that the Polish player suffers an injury that will keep him away from the pitch for 14 days. The former Bayern player joins Pedri and Ousmane Dembélé on the list of players who will not travel to Madrid. Very important losses for Barcelona fans.

    On the part of Real Madrid, the infirmary is not so full. Rodrygo, Alaba and Mendy are the players who will not be available for the big game on Thursday.

    Barça have been at a very low level for two consecutive games, while Madrid were not able to defeat Atlético de Madrid, but last week they exhibited themselves at Anfield.

    From 90min we are betting on a close match with few goals, because although the meringues have more ballots to win given the losses of Barça, in the rear the culés are still impeccable.

    Luka modric

    Luka Modric/Quality Sport Images/GettyImages

    Courtois, Nacho, Rüdiger, Militao, Carvajal, Camavinga, Valverde, Modric, Kroos, Vinícius and Benzema

    Ter Stegen, Balde, Koundé, Araújo, Christensen, Busquets, De Jong, Kessié, Gavi, Ferran Torres and Raphinha

    Real Madrid 2-1 FC Barcelona

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    ( With inputs from : pledgetimes.com )

  • I-League: Real Kashmir FC Defeats TRAU By 2-0

    I-League: Real Kashmir FC Defeats TRAU By 2-0

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    SRINAGAR: Real Kashmir defeated Tiddim Road Athletic Union (TRAU) 2-0 to register their second away win of the season in the I-League 2022-23 at the Khuman Lampak Stadium on Sunday. Real Kashmir went past TRAU into fifth place.

    In the first half, defender Richard Osei Agyemang scored his fourth goal of the year, and substitute Phrangki Buam teamed with Ibrahim Nurudeen to score his first goal. From the outset, both teams adopted a cautious attitude and built their attacks from the back. Over the hosts, Real Kashmir had the advantage. Samuel Kynshi had an opportunity to score first in the 22nd minute, but his volley from the edge of the penalty area missed the mark.

    Nonetheless, the midfielder assisted the visitors in breaking the tie after 30 minutes. Richard Osei Agyemang made a run into the six-yard box to unleash a thunderous header into the back of the net after Kynshi’s corner kick hit the near post and TRAU defender Sagolsem Bikash Singh failed to clear the ball.

    Kynshi nearly doubled the lead two minutes later. From outside of the 18-yard box, the 22-year-old took a shot, but it was directly towards the goalkeeper Lunkhominlenmang Jedidi Haokip.

    Akashdeep Singh nearly caught Jedidi Haokip off his line in the 34th minute, but the goalkeeper recovered in time to tip Singh’s attempt over the crossbar.

    The hosts nearly equalised five minutes before halftime, but the crossbar saved them. Salam Ranjan Singh collected the ball close to the penalty area after Naresh Singh Yendrembam launched a lengthy throw-in. The Real Kashmir goalkeeper and captain, Subhasish Roy Chowdhury, was defeated by the defender’s volley, but the crossbar saved Real Kashmir.

    TRAU skipper Komron Tursunov took a stinging long shot five minutes into the second session, but Roy Chowdhury blocked it. When Tursunov was open on the rebound of Sapam Bishorjit Meitei’s long-range effort for the Red Pythons in the 70th minute, the Tajik’s acrobatic shot was directed straight at goalkeeper Roy Chowdhury.

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    ( With inputs from : kashmirlife.net )

  • Hessian Broadcasting is cutting jobs and examining real estate

    Hessian Broadcasting is cutting jobs and examining real estate

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    At Hessischer Rundfunk, staff will be reduced. © Boris Roessler/dpa

    The financial situation at Hessischer Rundfunk has been tense for years. After a year in office, director Florian Hager is now presenting a reform plan for the ARD building.

    Frankfurt/Main – Hessischer Rundfunk (HR) intends to reduce staff over the next few years. Director Florian Hager told the German Press Agency: “The number of jobs will be reduced.” He did not give an exact number and the period. The downsizing will be done in a socially responsible manner. There should be no layoffs. The broadcaster employs around 1,700 people, plus around 990 freelancers.

    According to HR information, the downsizing and the changed working environment are accompanied by a reduction in the space required at the Frankfurt site. The broadcaster is currently examining various options up to and including the sale of real estate.

    Austerity course in the public service

    Like the entire ARD, Hessischer Rundfunk is in the midst of a transformation. Digital offers apart from TV or radio programs are becoming increasingly important. At the same time, public service broadcasters are encouraged to save – several Prime Ministers recently made it clear that they would not support an increase in the broadcasting fee, which is used to finance ARD, ZDF and Deutschlandradio.

    The federal states set the amount of the contribution – currently 18.36 euros per month – in a state treaty, but must be based closely on a recommendation from a commission. The current contribution period expires at the end of 2024. ARD is currently looking for more synergies within the nine state broadcasters.

    The Hessischer Rundfunk is one of the medium-sized ARD houses. In recent years, his tense financial situation has been an issue again and again. There was also a fear that the station would have to be financially supported by other ARD houses, as is the case with Saarländisches Rundfunk and Radio Bremen. So far this has not happened.

    HR Director: “We have to transform”

    The proven digital expert Florian Hager has been HR Director for around a year. The 46-year-old said: “At the same time as we are shrinking, we need to transform ourselves.” Offer profile was very stable – i.e. with a television channel and radio channels with broadcasting slots. But we are now entering a time when the broadcasting slots are becoming less important.”

    He explained: “We are now trying to eliminate the silos that exist in the structure of the house. We want to build ourselves more as a network structure. Broadcast slots and channels are nothing more than silos.”

    The demolition affects all areas of the house. With a view to the restructuring of content and the focus on the digital, new capacities would also be created at the same time. It will also be checked what can still be done in-house in the future, what can be purchased in cooperation with other public institutions and what can also be purchased as an external service. “That means we will shrink during this time and still have to create new jobs in order not only to attract younger people to HR, but also people with skills that we don’t have.”

    retirement provision is an issue

    Hager also said: “Our cost structure is very much characterized by fixed costs.” This is due to the fact that HR has aligned its organization to a structure of offers that remains the same through fixed broadcast slots and channels.

    Hager also addressed the topic of old-age provision, which is clearly reflected in the economic plans of public broadcasting: “We want to get the fixed costs down further. The burden of retirement provision is there, but it is no longer increasing. These contracts that result in this burden have not been offered for over 25 years.”

    Hager also spoke in the dpa interview about the self-image of the house: “We have to think about our role again. We have clearly anchored in the media state treaty to contribute to the formation of opinions and to social cohesion.” Hager added: “And I do ask myself whether what we are currently doing is a contemporary translation of it or whether we are still are in this world of slot logic.”

    All areas of the station affected

    The broadcaster boss said: “We have the task of being there for Hesse.” One is deeply rooted in Hessian society. “We make 70 percent of our reach via linear radio.” The director also referred to this: “The more we get into digital, I’m convinced, the more present we have to be on site.”

    Regarding the pressure for reform in public service broadcasting, which has increased since the summer due to the crisis surrounding allegations of nepotism and waste at the ARD broadcaster Rundfunk Berlin-Brandenburg (RBB), Hager said: “HR can now play a certain pioneering role in the whole discussion .”

    Because you are most clearly forced to make these changes and not just talk about them, he added with a view to your own financial situation. “We will see where we can work together even better, reduce redundancies and enter into partnerships.” This affects all areas such as the program, but also administration, technology and IT. dpa

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    #Hessian #Broadcasting #cutting #jobs #examining #real #estate
    ( With inputs from : pledgetimes.com )