Tag: race

  • DeSantis scrambles RNC race after praising Dhillon and urging ‘new blood’

    DeSantis scrambles RNC race after praising Dhillon and urging ‘new blood’

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    DeSantis made his comments during an interview with Charlie Kirk, the conservative founder of Turning Point USA who is supporting Dhillon.

    DeSantis went on to criticize the GOP for losses in the 2022 midterm elections, when the political environment was “tailor-made to make big gains in the House and the Senate and state houses all around the country. And yet that didn’t happen.”

    In the aftermath of the 2022 midterms, the Florida GOP governor drew accolades from Republicans across the country after he won reelection by historic margins, including in the traditional blue stronghold of Miami-Dade county.

    At a press conference in Miami later Thursday, DeSantis did not address his decision to make last-minute comments on the chairman’s race.

    DeSantis’ support for Dhillon is the most high profile so far. Dhillon counts Fox News stars who carry significant influence in the conservative movement — including Tucker Carlson and Laura Ingraham — among her supporters. Roughly 30 RNC members have been listed on her campaign’s official website, but it’s unclear if she has the kind of widespread support among the voting members to win. McDaniel in November, prior to Dhillon announcing her bid, boasted the support of 107 members.

    Former President Donald Trump, who picked McDaniel for chair of the RNC following his 2016 victory, and whom Dhillon represents in legal cases, has so far stayed out of the race, declining to pick one over the other. But some of his top lieutenants, including Susie Wiles, have been supportive of McDaniel.

    After emerging from a members-only breakfast at the Waldorf Astoria Monarch Beach, where the RNC is gathering this week, Dhillon told reporters that she didn’t consider DeSantis’ praise an “endorsement.”

    “I call that answering a question and weighing in. An endorsement is something on somebody’s stationery, that says ‘I heartily endorse this person.’”

    Dhillon insisted she will remain neutral in any 2024 primary, and suggested McDaniel would not be. McDaniel has said she will remain neutral.

    “President Trump’s team is here whipping votes for Ronna … so I think that speaks for itself.”

    Dhillon’s team was caught off guard by DeSantis’ remarks on Thursday, though thrilled with his show of support, said Caroline Wren, Dhillon’s campaign adviser. Her allies believe it could further influence members to support Dhillon in the final hours of the campaign.

    Dhillon said while leaving the Thursday morning breakfast, she heard from multiple members who told her they were switching their votes, but declined to elaborate further on her vote count.

    Wren said DeSantis was among other influential figures in the conservative movement to call for a “change of leadership in the RNC” and who “want to start winning elections.”

    Soon after DeSantis’ announcement, another top Republican in Florida, Sen. Rick Scott, jumped to make his own comments on the RNC chair race, praising McDaniel but also falling short of issuing an explicit endorsement. In a tweet, Scott praised McDaniel’s “major role in helping turn Florida red,” despite DeSantis claiming Republican gains in the state were not due to the RNC’s efforts.

    McDaniel has boasted having the support of the overwhelming majority of RNC members in her reelection bid, though Dhillon’s team argues McDaniel’s support has been soft ahead of Friday’s secret ballot vote.

    McDaniel was in the same closed-door breakfast as Dhillon when the DeSantis news broke, and members weren’t immediately available to comment on the development.

    DeSantis’ decision to weigh on the RNC race came hours after Trump gave an endorsement — not in the contentious battle for chair but in the race for RNC treasurer. Trump backed Joe Gruters, a state senator and current chair of the Republican Party of Florida. Gruters is a backer of McDaniel and has not had a close relationship with DeSantis

    Last week, Gruters was forced to call a meeting at which the party was being asked to consider a no confidence vote in McDaniel. Ultimately, the vote was not considered because not enough Florida GOP executive committee members showed up. But a rally outside the vote drew a large crowd of conservatives, including Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.).

    Trump has also endorsed in the co-chair race, backing North Carolina GOP chair Michael Whatley.

    Gary Fineout contributed to this report.



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    #DeSantis #scrambles #RNC #race #praising #Dhillon #urging #blood
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Mitch McConnell won’t wade into the heated race for RNC chair: “I think they’ll be able to figure that out themselves.”

    Mitch McConnell won’t wade into the heated race for RNC chair: “I think they’ll be able to figure that out themselves.”

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    20230123 mcconnell francis 3
    The battle between current chair Ronna McDaniel and challenger Harmeet Dhillon has divided GOP members.

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    #Mitch #McConnell #wont #wade #heated #race #RNC #chair #theyll #figure
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Upsize, downsize? Why the Covid property race for space went sour for homebuyers

    Upsize, downsize? Why the Covid property race for space went sour for homebuyers

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    In the summer of 2020, when British society emerged from months of Covid lockdown, the UK housing market reopened and began booming, amid fierce demand for larger homes as buyers sought more space, better home working environments or a garden.

    Fuelled by ultra-low interest rates and then-chancellor Rishi Sunak’s stamp duty holiday, the numbers of homeowners moving to new properties began to rise sharply from June 2020, and by August mortgage approvals had jumped to their highest level since October 2007.

    In March 2021, the number of completed loans for house purchases formovers was 142% higher than a year earlier, according to UK Finance, and by May the average UK house price had risen 10.2% in 12 months.

    Fast forward to today and the situation has changed dramatically: in December the average UK house price fell for the fourth month in a row, with experts expecting a further slowdown in a struggling economy. Bank of England policymakers have raised interest rates nine times in the past year and are forecast to do so again when they next meet. Borrowers re-fixing their mortgages are among those hit hardest in the cost of living crisis.

    People walking past and looking in an estate agent;’s window, seen from the other side of the street
    People at an estate agent’s window in November 2020, near the start of the market’s post-lockdown boom. Photograph: Maureen McLean/Shutterstock

    A number of homeowners who moved to a bigger property during the pandemic have spoken to the Observer about how their larger homes have turned into financial burdens.

    Claire and her husband James, who did not want to give their full names, upsized from their three-bedroom mid-terrace former council house in central Hertfordshire to a £600,000 five-bed in a Cambridgeshire town in spring 2021, in the belief that mortgage rates would remain low. “We stretched our budget to move to our dream house. Monthly payments have just increased by £370, after we rushed to re-fix for five years at just under 4% in November,” Claire says.

    The couple, who have two children, have a household income of just over £60,000, and do not qualify for any government help apart from the £400 energy grant. They hope that meticulous budgeting will enable them to keep the house, but worry they may not succeed.

    Downsizing right now would, the couple is acutely aware, come with enormous penalties and costs, such as stamp duty, but every time they talk about it “it becomes a bit less of a joke”, says James, a middle manager in a tech company who currently works mostly from home.

    He also fears being asked to return full-time to the office. “If I would have to do the 80-minute one-way commute to work in Hertfordshire again, just the fuel costs would blow us financially out of the water.

    “When we bought, it was inconceivable to me that interest rates would be going up this much. I’m not sure we’d be able to weather another big financial change. Retrospectively, I feel it was quite irresponsible for the bank to lend us this much, and I know they would have lent us more.”

    Rishi Sunak leaving No 11 Downing Street with a red folder under his arm
    As chancellor, Rishi Sunak introduced a stamp duty holiday in 2020. Photograph: Leon Neal/Getty Images

    After having a second child in 2020 and spending a lot of time together working from home and home schooling during Covid lockdowns, Barbara and her husband, John, decided that their three-bedroom house was becoming “claustrophobic”, and upsized to a period property twice the size in central Plymouth.

    “It was a step up the ladder, we weren’t overstretching ourselves with our new mortgage and we had some money put aside to renovate the house,” Barbara says. “Then came the cost of living crisis, higher energy bills and our nursery fees rose to over £900 a month. We cut back on everything, but when Trussonomics tanked the pound, we knew what it meant for our mortgage renewal.

    “We came to the awful conclusion that the only way to avoid financially struggling in future was to sell our home before we got into trouble.

    “We both have well-paid academic jobs – 10 years ago we had a far more modest income but could still afford to travel, save money, eat out and so on. Our income is higher than ever before but our standard of living has dropped substantially. We watch every penny.”

    During the Covid buying frenzy, housing price growth reached its highest rate in more than a decade, while prices of houses grew more quickly than prices of flats across all UK regions. A Bank of England report suggests homebuyers’ preference for houses over flats was associated with about 38% of the housing price increase between 2020 and 2021, and probably the most important factor in the boom.

    Halifax now predicts house prices will fall by about 8% this year. The number of inquiries from potential homebuyers fell for a fifth month in a row in September, while sales dropped to the lowest level since May 2020.

    Barbara and John put their home on the market last month, and have already had to reduce the price. “We are likely now to make a loss upon sale. We are so angry and upset with the government that we have ended up here.”

    For others, upsizing was motivated not primarily by a quest for more space but by the idea that buying a house would be a good investment. Amy, 35, an analyst from London who lives on her own, traded her one-bedroom flat for a £475,000 three-bedroom house in January 2021.

    A woman pushing a baby in a pushchair walks past an estate agent’s window
    An estate agent’s window in November 2022, by which point house prices were falling steadily. Photograph: Kin Cheung/AP

    Feeling that the high service charges in her previous flat were a waste of money, she made more than 20 offers on houses, but kept getting outbid by £50,000 to £75,000. “I had to go over budget to get this house, by a lot,” Amy says. “But mortgage rates were really good when I bought, I was able to borrow £285,000 at 1.2%.”

    When she had to re-fix her mortgage in December last year, however, her monthly payments rose by £397, from £844 to £1,241, thanks to a new rate of 4.74%.

    “I’m considering moving to a smaller property somewhere cheaper,” Amy says. “I looked at a couple of flats in Stratford [in east London], but their service charges were even higher than in my previous flat, £5,000 to £6,000 annually.

    “I’m also apprehensive, as house prices have not risen as much as they could have. But if I could downsize to a property in a cost-effective way, I’d do that. I’d have to.”

    Adam Fahey, an architect and father of four from Surrey, is one of a several homeowners who told the Observer their finances would not stretch far enough to comfortably absorb significantly higher mortgage rates coupled with the higher cost of living. The family is now downsizing to a property worth just over half the value of their current home.

    “We have just accepted an offer on our home for £1.4m and had our offer on a new home in West Sussex accepted, for £750,000. The house we’re moving to is much smaller: we’ll have about 650 sq feet less than in our current house, which is a six-bed with four reception rooms.

    “We have a £290,000 mortgage we are keen to remove, to reduce financial stress. The only way to do this is to downsize. The school run will take 30 to 40 minutes longer, but the improved standard of living will be worth it. Our mortgage and energy bills will be approximately £2,000 cheaper each month in the new house.

    “We are looking forward to meals out and family holidays – our move will allow us to do such things again.”

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    #Upsize #downsize #Covid #property #race #space #sour #homebuyers
    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )

  • What I tell my Black Jewish children about Kanye West, antisemitism and race | Jason Stanley

    What I tell my Black Jewish children about Kanye West, antisemitism and race | Jason Stanley

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    My children are blessed to have been raised in a country different from the Germany of the 1930s and the Poland of the immediate postwar era. Both of my parents are refugees from European antisemitism, and my mother’s comments about her experiences in Poland can seem mysterious to my kids. They haven’t been raised with material exhibitions of antisemitism, and our discussions about it over the years have seemed more like lessons in history.

    But antisemitism is on the rise again in the United States. Harmful tropes have returned to explicit politics, with help from the last president. Meanwhile, remarks by Kanye West and Nick Cannon echo ancient conspiratorial themes.

    My two children are seven and 11. They are Black and Jewish and have to understand racism and antisemitism when most adults don’t or won’t understand either. How do we address these issues with them?

    Black children growing up in America absorb much about race from their environment. Many live in largely segregated cities and experience largely segregated spaces – they see what is happening from an early age. The repeated instances of police violence and Black protest, followed by white backlash – what the historian Elizabeth Hinton calls “the cycle” – do not go unnoticed by Black children.

    Meanwhile, leading Republican candidates talk in antisemitic stereotypes – the “dual loyalty” trope that Jewish Americans have a primary loyalty to Israel, or conspiracy theories such as QAnon that resemble the ancient Christian antisemitic conspiracy theory of blood libel. My 11-year-old likes Ye’s music, and now feels bad listening to it. But it’s important that my kids recognize that the narratives he and others share are already embedded in American society.

    For some Jewish Americans, remarks and posts by Ye, Cannon and Kyrie Irving come together in a concept that one could, very tendentiously, label “Black antisemitism”. But we must be vigilant to the fact that what could be mislabeled as such is instead antisemitism of other varieties. If Ye describes Jewish financial domination, or control of the media, it is not “Black antisemitism”. It is garden-variety American antisemitism. Christian nationalism is the view that the US was founded as a Christian nation, and its exceptional nature is a testament to the abiding Christian character of its founding laws and culture. Christian nationalism is also a traditional source of antisemitism, the blame for which can hardly be placed on Black Americans.

    Even when we look at antisemitic comments made by Black Hebrew Israelites, or some of the leaders of the Nation of Islam, we need to ask whether the antisemitism has anything to do with being Black American, or rather some other source (eg certain forms of Christianity or Islam). There are a variety of sources of antisemitism. None of them are specifically Black.

    It is tempting for Jewish Americans to displace the threat of antisemitism on to another minority group. But the real threats we Jewish people face in America have nothing to do with Black Americans, who generally have been and always will be our allies.

    US anti-Black racism, unlike antisemitism, is at the heart of the policies that formed our country. The legacy of slavery runs deep in our institutions, culturally and otherwise. Antisemitism, on the other hand, is less intrinsic to the American identity.

    baldwin gestures with one hand
    James Baldwin in 1985. Photograph: Associated Press

    As Black Americans are to the United States, Jews were to many European nations – for centuries, their national minority. Elections swung on their issues. The Nazis killed two out of three European Jews. Even in Poland, a country where we numbered for centuries 10% of the national population, it is as if we were never there.

    As James Baldwin powerfully argued, in his 1967 essay Negroes Are Antisemitic Because They’re Anti-White, this European past, as horrific as it was, has not prevented many Jewish Americans from claiming the privileges of whiteness here. Baldwin aptly writes: “One does not wish, in short, to be told by an American Jew that his suffering is as great as the American Negro’s suffering. It isn’t, and one knows that it isn’t from the very tone in which he assures you that it is.” Even my Black Jewish American children, as young as they are, are keenly aware of these facts. They also know that unlike most American Jews, they cannot escape into whiteness.

    The reality is that the fate of Black and Jewish Americans are linked, as Jewish people are characteristically targeted by conspiracy theories that are at the heart of white ethnonationalism and fascism. “Until we see antisemitism as a toxic species of the white supremacy that threatens Black security,” Michael Eric Dyson has written, “none of us are truly safe.”

    My kids’ strong sense of social justice is, I recognize, in large part personal – for example, the journeys of all refugees from hatred and discrimination remind them of my parents’ similar flights. Antisemitic conspiracy theorists, however, have a quite different view of the source of Jewish support of refugees. According to classic Nazi thinking, Jews were instead drawn to supporting refugees because it was a method to dilute and weaken native white Christian populations. “The Jews will not replace us,” uttered in Charlottesville, Virginia, in a very different political and historical context, is a clear reference to this; it also fueled the murder of Jewish worshipers at the Tree of Life Synagogue in 2018.

    In Nazi and KKK ideology, Jews are the secret agents behind social justice movements. But even recent attacks on critical race theory (CRT) target Jews and Blacks together, albeit covertly. Attacks on CRT are a version of the old “cultural Marxism” conspiracy theory, and as such appeal to antisemites, who will make the racist assumption that the “theorists” behind it are Jews. There are clear overlaps in the multiple conspiracy theories behind European fascism and those animating the far right in the US. Both target Black people and Jewish people simultaneously.

    We owe to Black writers and thinkers very early recognition of these parallels. As the historian Matthew Delmont has memorably put it, Langston Hughes in 1937 essentially described fascism as Jim Crow with a foreign accent. The Pittsburgh Courier, one of the main Black newspapers in the US, had a “Double V” victory campaign in the 1940s – victory was to be fought abroad against fascism and here against racism. Black Americans knew that Nazism was a racist project, since antisemitism is a form of racism. As I see it, and tell my children, Black Americans are Jewish Americans’ greatest allies against the forces facing both of us here. More generally, fascist antisemitism is simultaneously mixed with threats to other minorities and marginalized groups and we need to stand against it together.

    Mourners hug last year after lighting a candle in memory of Melvin Wax, one of 11 Jewish worshippers killed at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh.
    Mourners hug last year after lighting a candle in memory of Melvin Wax, one of 11 Jewish worshippers killed at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh. Photograph: Gene J Puskar/AP

    Some prominent Black American intellectuals, as well as the movements their work has helped spark, have directed ire against actions taken by the state of Israel, which subjects Palestinians to mass over-policing, over-incarceration, and unjust imprisonment. The ubiquitous intrusive checkpoints remind many of the straight line between Jim Crow, Ferguson and Palestine. But my kids are being raised as American Jews, not as citizens of another nation. They are similarly critical of these actions of the state of Israel, and its current direction, as are many other young American Jews.

    All talk of “Black antisemitism” is therefore nothing more than a dangerous distraction. Here is the reality.

    The most specific threat as a group we Jewish people face in America is the omnipresent threat we Jews will always face, the threat of Christian nationalism, including forms of Christianity that are deeply and sophisticatedly based on Christian teachings. It’s Christian nationalism that maintains that Jews must play a subordinate role in the workplace and elsewhere to Christians. These forms of Christianity have for countless centuries been our most dedicated ideological enemy. As Christian nationalism rises, you will see more antisemitism of the variety that grants that while Jews shouldn’t be exterminated, they need to take a cultural and political backseat to Christians.

    Christian nationalists see Israel as belonging, at least for now, to Jewish people – but they feel the US is theirs. They explicitly want American Jews to be second-class citizens. This is Ye’s real beef, and it’s an ancient one. His claim that Jews should work for Christians is not “Black antisemitism” (whatever that would be) – it is rather a traditional, perpetually threatening form of antisemitism.

    I invite my children to embrace the remarkable American promise of a multiracial, multireligious democracy, inclusive and fully accepting of the many identities that make up a free society. But it would be foolish to leave them ignorant about the very real obstacles to this ideal.

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    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )