Tag: promised

  • Nikki Haley promised to address abortion ‘directly and openly.’ Then she didn’t.

    Nikki Haley promised to address abortion ‘directly and openly.’ Then she didn’t.

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    One area in which Haley was clear, however, was her expectation that nothing far-reaching would hit her desk, should she end up in the White House. “We have to face this reality. The pro-life laws that have passed in strongly Republican states will not be approved at the federal level,” Haley said. “That’s just a fact.”

    Haley’s struggle to articulate a clear position on abortion in an address that was billed as a chance to do just that highlights how fraught the issue is for Republicans on the national campaign trail. GOP candidates have lost a number of races to Democrats who championed abortion rights in the post-Dobbs era, and, over the past few weeks, presidential aspirants have walked on eggshells when discussing the topic.

    Haley is seeking to position herself as a candidate uniquely capable of tackling the debate. On Tuesday, she spoke from her own perspective as a woman and mother — identities unmatched among a slate of male Republican opponents. Haley said her husband’s adoption out of foster care as a young child and her own struggle with infertility made her opposed to abortion — “not because the Republican Party told me to be.” She discussed her friend’s rape and subsequent fear of becoming pregnant.

    “I don’t judge someone who is pro-choice any more than I want them to judge me for being pro-life,” said Haley, who as governor of South Carolina, signed a law restricting abortion after 20 weeks of pregnancy.

    While Jeanne Mancini, president of the March for Life, attended the address and called Haley “a remarkable leader,” others in the movement were left wanting. After Haley finished, prominent anti-abortion activist Lila Rose called the speech “disappointing” and “not what pro-life voters are looking for.”

    Haley’s address Tuesday came hours before Vice President Kamala Harris was scheduled to join abortion rights groups in D.C. for a “rally for reproductive freedom,” an event celebrating a Supreme Court decision to temporarily block a lower court’s restriction of access to abortion pill mifepristone.

    In an interview Monday, Marjorie Dannenfelser, president of Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America, stressed the need for candidates to show “boldness in communicating” their positions on abortion laws. Dannenfelser has maintained that her organization will oppose Republican presidential candidates who don’t embrace, at minimum, a national 15-week limit on abortions. A week prior, the group had taken the extraordinary step of criticizing former president Donald Trump for saying that he believed abortion policy should be left to the states, essentially swearing off support for any federal legislation.

    That had left an opening for Haley. But as Dannenfelser looked on during Haley’s speech Tuesday, the former governor and United Nations ambassador didn’t articulate the extent to which she believes the federal government should go in restricting abortion access. In fact, Haley downplayed the likelihood of any highly restrictive national law being passed, noting that the Senate lacks the votes. Haley instead noted policies that she believes most Americans can agree on, including opposing “abortion up to the point of birth” or jailing women who receive abortions.

    Afterward, a spokesperson for Haley clarified that she has not called for a 15-week national restriction, even as SBA released a statement applauding Haley’s pledge to do so. An SBA spokesperson told POLITICO that Haley “has assured us that she will commit to 15 weeks.”

    Later, a person familiar with the conversation, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said Haley privately told SBA officials “exactly what she said in her speech today,” and did not commit to a 15-week law, but rather only to “find a consensus to ban late-term abortion.”

    “I think that potential Republican voters are getting to know each of the candidates, and they deserve to know exactly where they stand on this issue, which is at its peak of importance given the overturning of Roe v. Wade,” Dannenfelser said in the interview.

    Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.), who hasn’t yet officially declared his candidacy but has launched an exploratory committee, spent days earlier this month publicly working through his answer to the abortion question, initially declining to provide any specifics before agreeing he would sign a national law limiting the procedure to 20 weeks, a measure he has supported in the Senate. Later, Scott said he would sign “the most conservative pro-life legislation” Congress would pass.

    Former Vice President Mike Pence has been perhaps the clearest on his intentions to restrict the procedure if elected president, saying last month he would support a six-week federal limit. More recently, Pence has floated a 15-week restriction as something that should be “part and parcel of debate.”

    Vivek Ramaswamy, another Republican seeking the nomination, in an interview Monday said he has been “unapologetically pro-life” since high school, as well as an “unapologetic defender of the Constitution.” And he said he believes abortion is a “form of murder,” but shouldn’t be regulated federally.

    “Federal law does not govern murder. State laws do,” Ramaswamy said.

    Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, an as-of-yet-undeclared presidential hopeful, drew national headlines this month for signing into law an abortion prohibition after six weeks, though he has shied away from commenting on what kind of national abortion law he would support as president. DeSantis failed to tout his state’s new wide-reaching abortion restriction when he spoke the following day at Liberty University, the nation’s leading evangelical Christian college.

    Former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson, another candidate, has said he would support a national ban on the procedure after 15 weeks of pregnancy.

    Jim McLaughlin, a Republican pollster whose clients include Trump, suggested there’s wisdom to Trump walking a fine line between touting his past accomplishments for anti-abortion activists, while leaving the door open to appeal to abortion-rights supporters going forward.

    “I think President Trump, you know, he could take credit with the pro-life movement because it was his judges that have changed the laws, and they’ve been making progress,” McLaughlin said. “But I also think … pro-choice voters do not feel threatened with Donald Trump’s position on abortion. So I think he’s got the best of both worlds there.”

    Adam Wren contributed to this story.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Why is Lesotho’s cannabis boom failing to deliver the prosperity it promised?

    Why is Lesotho’s cannabis boom failing to deliver the prosperity it promised?

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    In Mapoteng, in north-western Lesotho, near the border with South Africa, on sloping landscapes that in winter are the colour of the donkeys that traverse them, cannabis grows – in hard-to-access ravines and in people’s front yards, alongside pea and spinach patches.

    The plants are mostly hidden, because even though legislation in 2008 made it possible to grow cannabis for medical or scientific purposes in Lesotho, doing so without a licence from the health ministry, and for recreational use, remains illegal.

    Mapoteng in Berea District, Lesotho
    Mapoteng in Berea District, Lesotho, where people farm cannabis in their gardens and in ravines, hidden from view. Photograph: Cebelihle Mbuyisa/The Guardian

    By the time the first licences were issued in 2017, Teboho Mohale* had just finished high school. Except for a police station and the Maluti Adventist hospital, which employ a handful of people, there are few job opportunities in Mapoteng. So, Mohale started planting matekoane (cannabis) to sell to local people. Five years on, he still does not have a licence and at a cost of 500,000 maloti (about £23,000), he doubts he will ever get one.

    He and other Basotho people, many of whom have grown cannabis for decades, say only the elite and multinationals have benefited from the legislation that was heralded as something that would spread the economic gains among many.

    In the 2019 African Cannabis Report, Lesotho’s industry was projected to be worth at least $92m (£76m) by 2023. Yet Mohale and others, whose plants take eight months to mature in open fields, say they have been left out of the booming industry.

    All Mohale can do is sell the crop from his roadside stall where grilled chicken gizzards and feet, among other things, are also on offer. “When I sell to locals for 5 maloti or 10 maloti, sometimes I get 600 maloti in total,” he says.

    His customers are poor and pay in trickles, “like droplets from a tap”. So he prefers selling his entire harvest, 12.5kg of cannabis, in Hlotse, a market town near the South African border, where he gets 500 maloti in one go – not enough for the monthly upkeep of his family.

    Part of Tebogo Mohale’s 2022 cannabis harvest
    Part of Tebogo Mohale’s 2022 cannabis harvest. He says he farms and sells illegally because he has no choice. Photograph: Cebelihle Mbuyisa/The Guardian

    Since the first marijuana cultivation licence was issued, Lesotho’s politicians have talked about opening up the industry to benefit ordinary people.

    Emmanuel Letete, then an economist at the ministry for development planning, said in 2019 that cannabis was going to “set the country free”. Letete, now governor of the Central Bank of Lesotho, says the industry hasn’t lived up to expectations. He said the government has not done much to improve the possibilities of those already farming cannabis outside the legal framework because “there are no resources”.

    The then prime minister, Moeketsi Majoro, said he wanted to see commercial cannabis companies forming partnerships with communities. But neither his government nor his party, the All Basotho Convention, has achieved any. Likewise, in 2018, the then health minister, now opposition leader Nkaku Kabi, said that he was working to allow more Basotho to benefit from the cannabis industry. Nearly five years on, there has been no word from government or opposition on any such strategy.

    One of the first companies to get a licence in 2017 was Medigrow Health, which in 2021 announced it had brokered a multimillion-pound deal to sell medicinal cannabis into Europe. Andre Bothma, its CEO, did not respond to a Guardian request for an interview, but did tell a Quartz Africa journalist in 2019 that he planned to employ the entire village of Marakabei, where the company is located and which has a population of about 2,000.

    Women pick cannabis leaves at a Medigrow greenhouse near Marakabei, Lesotho, August 2019.
    Women pick cannabis leaves at a Medigrow greenhouse near Marakabei, Lesotho, August 2019. Photograph: Guillem Sartorio/AFP/Getty Images

    In 2022, he said in another interview that he employed 200 people from the local communities. In a country where almost a quarter of the population is unemployed, and 31% live below the poverty line, any jobs are significant.

    However, Mohale says employment is not the goal for him. He would like to grow cannabis legally on his own land. He says he would have started already had it not been for the prohibitive cost of the government licence.

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    New commercial companies, with international investors, continue to move into Lesotho, building production plants in rural communities. In 2020, Morama Holdings started operations at Ohala Matebele in Letsatsing, in the north-east. When the company launched, Majoro praised the investors for giving a 20% shareholding of the company to Basotho nationals. However, Samuel Molemo, chief of the Letsatsing area was unhappy that the Basotho shareholders in Morama are not local people, but from the capital Maseru.

    Molemo says the way Lesotho politicians make deals has to change. “We need to change our mindsets, especially when it comes to things that we own, like cannabis, natural resources and water. We need to have total control of our natural resources as Africans.”

    “But as a chief, I have no say on people’s personal land and payment issues because in Lesotho we don’t sell (communal) soil,” says Molemo.

    Dr Motšelisi Mokhethi of the University of Lesotho says some of these companies give landowners a lump sum to establish plants in rural areas. “Initially, the money seems significant. But they only realise after a few years that they got a raw deal,” says Mokhethi.

    Dr Julian Bloomer, of Mary Immaculate College in Ireland, has written extensively about Lesotho’s long historical connections with cannabis cultivation. “Whilst I heard of the desire to help those from the illicit cannabis sector into the medical cannabis sector, I haven’t seen any plans for how this might happen.

    “Clearly the high cost of licences mean that only those with access to capital have been able to enter the medical cannabis market,” he says.

    From left, Nyefolo Mathinya and Liteboho Thahamane who are both seeking work at Morama Holdings cannabis plant in Letsatsing.
    From left, Nyefolo Mathinya and Liteboho Thahamane who are both seeking work at Morama Holdings cannabis plant in Letsatsing. Photograph: Cebelihle Mbuyisa/The Guardian

    But there are undeniably jobs from this new industry. Thato Polane, 21, has been hired by Morama Holdings and takes home 3,000 maloti ($179) a month in return for tending plants. Far better than the 500 maloti ($30) a month she used to earn as a cleaner.

    She is luckier than her two friends, Nyefolo Mathinya, 31, and Liteboho Thamahane, 23, who go every day to the gates of the cannabis plant to ask for work. Mathinya says she wakes up with the chickens every morning so she can walk there. She is tired but won’t give up. Like many young people in Lesotho, they have never been formally employed and the cannabis farms are the first industry to arrive in their area in their lifetimes.

    A spokesperson for Morama Holdings said: “We take our community responsibility very seriously, hence we have an incredibly stable workforce with most of the team being with us since we started operations.”

    * Name changed on request

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    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )