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Tag: pitch

  • PM holds massive road-show in Bengaluru as BJP raises poll pitch

    PM holds massive road-show in Bengaluru as BJP raises poll pitch

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    Bengaluru: With just four days left for Assembly polls in Karnataka, Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Saturday held a massive road show in the city, waving at a large number of enthusiastic crowd, who had lined up on both sides of the route.

    The 26 km roadshow from Someshwar Bhavan RBI Ground in Bengaluru South to Malleshwaram’s Sankey Tank, was covered in about three hours.

    Modi’s roadshow traversed through parts of south and central Bengaluru, touching about a dozen Assembly segments.

    MS Education Academy

    The Prime Minister was accompanied by Bengaluru South MP, Tejasvi Surya and Bengaluru Central MP, P C Mohan.

    Standing on the specially designed vehicle, Modi greeted the crowd gathered on the sides of the roads and on nearby buildings, many of whom were seen chanting ‘Modi, Modi’, ‘Jai Bajarangbali’, ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’ slogans and shouting loud cheers in what appeared to be a “festive atmosphere” in several places.

    At many places, people showered flower petals as his cavalcade passed through the stretch slowly, amid sounds of drum beats. The Prime Minister too responded by showering the flower petals gathered on the vehicle, back at the crowd.

    Massive arrangements had been made along the stretch, including erecting barricades, to ensure that the roadshow goes on smoothly. Tight security was put in place.

    modi bengaluru

    According to state BJP sources, tens of thousands of people had gathered along the roadside.

    The entire distance was decked up with saffron hues as BJP flags were seen on either side of the road, and thousands of party workers and supporters too were wearing saffron shawls and caps. Saffron flag, which looked like the ‘Bhagwa flag’ with lord Hanuman’s face on it, was spotted at several places.

    Cultural teams were also stationed at different places along the stretch to welcome Modi. A group of women ‘Pourakarmikas’ (civic workers) were seen gathered at a spot to greet Modi.

    The much shorter roadshow, about 10 km, between Kempegowda statue at Thippasandra to Trinity circle, will be held on Sunday.
    Keeping National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET) in mind, the BJP on Friday modified Modi’s two-day roadshow in Bengaluru, by scheduling the extensive event today and shorter one on May 7.

    The roadshow, earlier scheduled to be held for eight hours on Saturday alone, was split into two parts on Saturday and Sunday to avoid inconvenience to the public.

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    #holds #massive #roadshow #Bengaluru #BJP #raises #poll #pitch

    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • Sinema and Tillis pitch two-year border patch as Trump-era policy expires

    Sinema and Tillis pitch two-year border patch as Trump-era policy expires

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    kyrsten sinema 78570

    The legislation would provide protections for migrants whose return to their home countries would threaten their life, freedom, or expose them to torture. It also provides protections for migrants with acute medical needs, according to a Sinema aide.

    The legislation would need at least 60 votes to pass the Senate, making it all but guaranteed that it won’t pass before Title 42’s expiration, and it faces an uphill climb more broadly in a chamber that has struggled in recent years to find consensus on border and immigration issues.

    And it comes as the House is set to vote on its own sweeping border and immigration proposal next week. But it’s not meant to be a response to that bill — with aides and senators involved noting that Sinema, Tillis and others are holding broader talks on a separate track — but instead is in response to the looming May 11 date for the expiration of the Trump-era authority.

    The end of Title 42 has sparked fierce criticism from Republicans, as well as warnings from some Democrats who worry that the administration doesn’t have the resources positioned along the U.S.-Mexico border to be able to process an increase in migrants seeking entry into the United States.

    Eleven Senate Republicans — including Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) — sent a letter to Biden Wednesday urging him to reverse course and keep Title 42 in place. Graham, in a press conference on Wednesday, compared the end of Title 42 to “being hit by a slow moving truck in Kansas.”

    “I’m asking them to find an acceptable substitute for Title 42,” he added.

    The administration had initially planned to end the Trump-era program on May 23, 2022. But the policy got tied up in a lengthy court battle as Republicans made an effort to keep the authority in place. The Biden administration then announced in February that the end of the Covid-19 pandemic public health emergency would also terminate Title 42.

    But the issue is rife with potential political trip wires for the Biden administration, who faced public urging from Democrats over the past year to keep the program in place. Tillis and Sinema offered an amendment late last year that, among other provisions, would have extended Title 42 and boosted border funding. The proposal failed but got support from several senators up for reelection in 2024 in red and purple states: Sens. Sinema, Jon Tester (D-Mont.), Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.), Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) and Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio).

    Asked whether he would support a two-year expulsion authority similar to Title 42, Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.) told reporters on Thursday that he’s instead been “working on getting the resources” border officials need if Title 42 goes away.

    “We’re looking at other options. Right now I’ve been focused on getting the resources they need for when May 11 comes,” said Kelly, who previously voted for the duo’s amendment last year.

    Manchin, who like Sinema hasn’t yet announced if he will run for reelection, called the end of Title 42 a “shame” and appeared frustrated by Congress’ inability to legislate on the border.

    “I think the border has to be secure, period. … It’s a disaster at the border,” Manchin said in a brief interview, asked about steps the administration or lawmakers should take.

    The administration has been ramping up its response to the policy ending as they face concerns about being able to respond to a potential increase sparked by both the end of Title 42 and the upcoming summer season.

    The administration announced late last month that it would establish immigration processing centers throughout Latin America to help slow down the number of migrants coming to the U.S.

    And earlier this week the administration announced it would add another 1,500 active-duty troops to the southern border to deal with the influx of migrants expected with the expiration of Title 42.

    The additional troops, which are being sent to fill a request from the Department of Homeland Security, will fill “critical capability gaps,” including detection and monitoring, data entry and warehouse support. They will be there for up to 90 days, after which military reservists or contractors will do the work.

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    #Sinema #Tillis #pitch #twoyear #border #patch #Trumpera #policy #expires
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • McCarthy’s pitch to shrink food aid drawing skepticism from fellow Republicans

    McCarthy’s pitch to shrink food aid drawing skepticism from fellow Republicans

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    While praising the intent behind the House GOP efforts to expand work requirements for SNAP, which used to be known as food stamps, top Republican senators have sought to temper expectations about the proposal’s prospects in the upper chamber.

    “I’m sure it won’t be easy,” said John Thune (S.D.), the No. 2 Republican in the Senate, noting his party will get a second bite at the apple later this year during the farm bill reauthorization process.

    A GOP Senate aide, who was granted anonymity to discuss private conversations, was less diplomatic: “I mean, Godspeed. Get what you can. We’re going to live in reality over here.”

    Senate Republicans have been voicing similar skepticism since House Republicans began privately pitching new proposals to rein in SNAP last year, after they won back the chamber in November.

    Asked about the prospects for such measures in the next Congress, Sen. John Boozman (Ark.) the top Republican on the Agriculture Committee, which oversees SNAP, said in an interview a week after the 2022 midterms that the effort “would be difficult to pass in the Senate with 60 votes,” a nod to the threshold needed to overcome a Senate filibuster.

    And, given the GOP’s unexpectedly slim majority in the House, there’s no guarantee such controversial proposals could even get out of the lower chamber, Boozman pointed out. “You look at the margin in the House,” he said, “It might be difficult to pass it in the House.”

    McCarthy and his team are now confronting that reality as they try to hold together their own caucus vis-a-vis the debt ceiling negotiations with the White House. McCarthy, Graves and other top House Republicans have briefed most of the caucus on their plans in a series of calls that stretched into the weekend. So far, leaders have avoided key defections by staying away from too much detail — for example, they have yet to outline a specific plan to close the so-called “loopholes” in the existing SNAP work requirements, which Republicans complain primarily blue states are using to waive some work requirements. Taking a tough line would please the most conservative GOP members, but alienate Republicans from swing districts, and vice versa.

    Already, the talk of shrinking SNAP, which currently serves 41 million low-income Americans, is raising pressure on many Republicans that represent districts President Joe Biden won in 2020. Several of those members have raised internal concerns, especially about proposals from their colleagues that would add work requirements for some low-income parents who have children under 18 living at home, according to two other people involved in those conversations, who asked for anonymity to discuss internal caucus matters. A handful of GOP freshmen from New York, one of the states that consistently asks the federal government to waive some work requirements for SNAP recipients, are in an especially tricky spot. Constituents have begun pressing them to oppose efforts that would further restrict SNAP and other key assistance following the loss of key pandemic-era aid — which Biden administration officials argue helped keep the country from falling into a deeper hunger crisis in the wake of Covid-19.

    At a farm bill listening session in Rep. Marc Molinaro’s (R-N.Y.) upstate district last Friday, local farmers, food bank operators and anti-hunger advocates urged lawmakers to defend and even expand current SNAP programs.

    One state administrator called for “easing burdensome and complicated work and reporting requirements” to provide better access to the program, as the administration’s pandemic-era pause on certain SNAP work requirements is set to end in July. A food bank operator warned of a looming “hunger cliff” in the country as families continue to reel from the fallout of Covid-19. She urged members of Congress “not make decisions on the back of the most vulnerable people.”

    Eric Ooms, vice president of the New York branch of the American Farm Bureau Federation, the nation’s leading agricultural lobby, told the lawmakers who attended the listening session not to think of SNAP as a “city thing,” noting that the program is a key lifeline to low-income Americans in rural areas where food insecurity “is higher than it’s ever been.”

    Molinaro, who says his family relied on food stamps during his childhood, has indicated general support for some SNAP reforms, saying he understands the “inefficiencies” of the program through his experience as a former county executive charged with overseeing it. But he has declined to say if he would support the proposals to expand work requirements that his colleagues have been pushing for months.

    In his closing remarks on Friday, Molinaro sounded a note of support for SNAP but indicated only the most needy should get aid — an argument Republicans have used in their campaign to reduce the size of the program.

    “Yes, those that struggle the hardest need to know that they have the support, not only of SNAP, but of other wrap-around services,” he said.

    Derrick Van Orden, a Trump-aligned Republican who represents a swing district in Wisconsin, spoke during the listening session of his family’s struggle with poverty and reliance on food stamps when he was a child. While he acknowledges some flaws in the current system, he said, “I’m a member of Congress because of these programs.”

    “There’s a lot of people who have not gone to bed hungry at night, and I have. And there’s no place for that in America,” Van Orden said.

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    #McCarthys #pitch #shrink #food #aid #drawing #skepticism #fellow #Republicans
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • DeSantis’ pitch to New York donors: I’m not a chaos agent

    DeSantis’ pitch to New York donors: I’m not a chaos agent

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    In meetings with other wealthy businessmen, DeSantis has been even more explicit, portraying himself as an obvious choice for anyone frustrated by the former president Donald Trump’s legal troubles and antics.

    In the case of Lauder, DeSantis’ audience was well-chosen. The businessman has not been shy about his frustration with Trump, whom he backed in past races.

    Through a spokesperson, Lauder declined to comment.

    DeSantis’ spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.

    “I’m no drama. I’m no chaos,” one New York businessman said in paraphrasing the pitch the Florida governor made to other well-heeled New Yorkers. “I’m calm, cool and collected. Very focused.”

    That businessman, who continues to support the former president and counts him as a friend, said DeSantis has reached out to New York real estate moguls who own property in Florida. To that end, both DeSantis and Trump attended the wedding of real estate investor Steve Witkoff’s son in Palm Beach last year.

    In meetings, DeSantis emphasizes his military background and his record of getting “points on the scoreboard” as governor of the increasingly Republican state, said the person — who was granted anonymity to share details of private discussions.

    “From what I’ve heard, he does not say President Trump is drama and chaos. He just says he’s not. So, what is that implying?” the person said.

    The message mirrors DeSantis’ comments in a recent interview with Fox Nation’s Piers Morgan, during which he questioned Trump’s style and said: “I have what it takes to be president and I can beat Biden.”

    The outreach by DeSantis provides a window into the early calculations he and his team have made as they ready themselves for a presidential run. The governor has made a name for himself castigating corporate America, while also leaning on top finance figures for financial support. His team sees New York donors as prime turf, not only for their deep pockets but also because many of them backed Trump out of convenience rather than a shared ideology with his MAGA base.

    “Governor DeSantis is a conservative who is widely viewed as being far more electable than Trump in a general election. Given that he has the conservative policy minus the baggage, minus the legal problems, it’s no surprise that he would find some success among New York’s most important conservative donors,” Jon Reinish, a Democratic political consultant, said in an interview.

    DeSantis, who plans to deliver remarks on Long Island Saturday evening, has recently been struggling with sagging poll numbers, news cycles dominated by Trump and an initial statement casting skepticism on support for the Ukraine war that disappointed some Republicans.

    Just how big a draw DeSantis is for the New York crowd could be revealed in upcoming filings of super PACs that are boosting his expected candidacy, including one chaired by former Trump official Ken Cuccinelli. A filing for that committee is expected next month.

    Interviews with six people across senior levels of Wall Street’s biggest banks revealed an intense desire for a GOP candidate who could deny Trump the nomination. While the finance industry appreciated Trump’s tax cuts — partially designed by former Goldman Sachs executive Gary Cohn during his time in Trump’s White House — they grew to loathe his protectionist trade policies, penchant for attacking individual companies and firing off market-shaking tweets. His unwillingness to forcefully condemn white nationalist groups further alienated him from the industry.

    “Look there is no question that some of what he did was good for us,” a top executive at one of America’s largest banks said on condition of anonymity so as not to draw Trump’s fire. “But he’s bad for America. And ultimately that’s bad for us. And most of our employees can’t stand him.”

    Ben White and Sam Sutton contributed to this report.

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    #DeSantis #pitch #York #donors #chaos #agent
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Karnataka: PM Modi makes a strong pitch for return of BJP

    Karnataka: PM Modi makes a strong pitch for return of BJP

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    Davanagere: Making a powerful pitch for the return of the BJP government in Karnataka, Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Saturday urged the people of the State where Assembly polls are due by May, to give the party a full majority for a stable government.

    Stressing that fast-paced development was the need of the hour, he urged the people of Karnataka to help bring the State out of the “politics of manipulation”. The BJP wanted to make the State a driving force of developed India, while the Congress looked at it as “an ATM that fills the treasury of its leaders”, he alleged.

    “Karnataka has seen a long period of opportunistic and selfish coalition governments. Karnataka has faced losses due to such governments. So, for fast-paced development of Karnataka, BJP’s full majority, and stable government is needed,” Modi said.

    Addressing a mega public meeting here, he asked, “When no one gets full majority, will Karnataka be in bad shape or not? Do you want a strong and stable government or not? Do you want a government with full majority or not?

    “The first job should be to bring Karnataka out of the politics of manipulation and take it forward at a fast pace,” he said.

    Speaking at the rally held to mark the culmination of the BJP’s statewide ‘Vijay Sankalpa Yatre’ ahead of the Assembly polls, Modi asked the people if they wanted him to serve them and Karnataka. “If I have to serve you and do something for you, I will need BJP’s strong government in Karnataka, and you will have to make BJP win and bring in its strong government,” he asserted.

    ‘Vijaya Sankalpa Yatres’ had begun earlier this month from four different directions across the State, in specially-designed vehicles or “rathas”, and have covered all 224 Assembly segments.

    Targeting the opposition Congress, Modi said its leaders had been “wandering with a bag of false guarantees” ahead of elections. He claimed that the promises Congress had made ahead of polls in Himachal Pradesh did not find mention in their recent budget there.

    “Can we trust Congress that makes false promises? Should they be allowed to place a step inside Karnataka or should they be thrown out,” he asked, adding that people of Karnataka should be cautious and not give them an opportunity “to play their game”.

    Claiming that the Congress did not have any positive agenda for the country and Karnataka, Modi alleged that the opposition party had been dreaming and even publicly saying, “Modi teri kabr kudegi” (Modi, your grave will be dug).

    “But they don’t know that the people of Karnataka are saying, ‘Modi tera Kamal khilega’ (Modi, your lotus will bloom),” he said

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    #Karnataka #Modi #strong #pitch #return #BJP

    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • Democrats have a diverse bench waiting in the wings. They just need to pitch it to donors.

    Democrats have a diverse bench waiting in the wings. They just need to pitch it to donors.

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    pennsylvania governor inauguration 45058

    For years, party insiders have stressed that the donor class is too focused on federal races, and the highest profile ones at that. The lack of attention paid to state contests has not only led to more conservative policy outcomes in the states, they warn, but less Democratic talent moving through the ranks.

    The DLGA’s pitch to donors and other party leaders is a bench-building one: Today’s lieutenant governors are tomorrow’s senators and governors. They also note that Democratic lieutenant governors best represent a party that increasingly relies on the support of non-white and women voters. Of the 25 Democratic second-in-commands, which includes states where the secretary of state fills that role, 14 are women and 12 are people of color.

    “It is the most diverse organization of elected officials in the country,” said Austin Davis, who was recently elected as Pennsylvania’s first Black lieutenant governor. “If you look at the number of lieutenant governors that elevate — whether to the U.S. Senate, whether it’s governor, whether it’s Congress — this is clearly a bench of folks who are going to be leading our party into the future.”

    The DLGA is looking to fashion itself as a training ground for up-and-coming Democrats, connecting them with donors and helping them build policy chops as they consider their political futures beyond their current role.

    “For a long time, I think the role of lieutenant governor was sort of in the background,” Peggy Flanagan, the Minnesota lieutenant governor who serves on the organization’s executive committee, said in an interview during a meeting of the organization in Washington this week.

    Two of Senate Democrats’ highest profile midterm recruits were lieutenant governors: Mandela Barnes, who narrowly lost in Wisconsin to incumbent Sen. Ron Johnson, and now-Sen. John Fetterman, who won a close contest in Pennsylvania against Trump recruit Mehmet Oz. And overall in 2022, four now-former lieutenant governors won election as their states’ chief executives, either winning a term outright or winning a full term of their own after previously assuming the governorship following a resignation.

    DLGA leadership says that it is eager to foster members’ future ambitions. Kevin Holst, who was recently named the committee’s executive director, noted that would-be donors can “form relationships early” with a “future rockstar in the party.”

    Holst said that, beyond putting LGs forth as key fundraisers, one particular area of focus would be turning the committee into a centralized services hub for current and aspiring lieutenant governors.

    “It’s a unique committee in which we are focused on electing more LGs, but we recognize that LG isn’t likely the endpoint for a lot of these elected officials,” he said. “Can we provide the fundraising support? … Can we help with press support? Can we help with profile building in their states?”

    Republicans also have a party committee focused on lieutenant governors, which is an arm of the Republican State Leadership Committee. The GOP version focuses on all down ballot races in states, including state legislator and secretary of state contests. The RSLC lieutenant governors’ website notes that “these experiences often prepare our lieutenant governors for higher office,” and that over a third of the country’s Republican governors were previously lieutenant governors.

    Two tests in the upcoming years for the DLGA will be North Carolina in 2024 and Virginia in 2025, states where the lieutenant governor is elected independently of the governor.

    The officeholders in both states are currently Republicans — and both are considered potential gubernatorial candidates in the upcoming cycle.

    Part of the impulse behind getting involved in these races is because Democrats lost an ultimately consequential race in North Carolina in 2020, a race the committee says it spent $1 million on. Now Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson, a controversial and bombastic Republican in the state, is a likely candidate as Republicans look to flip the governorship next year.

    “LG was a race that many people didn’t pay attention to in 2020, and now it is biting us in the ass,” Holst said.

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    #Democrats #diverse #bench #waiting #wings #pitch #donors
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Karantaka: BJP raises poll pitch in Old Mysuru with ambition to regain power

    Karantaka: BJP raises poll pitch in Old Mysuru with ambition to regain power

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    Bengaluru: With Assembly elections round the corner, the BJP is focused on the Old Mysuru region, where significant electoral gains are seen to be crucial for the party to come back to power in Karnataka on its own.

    For decades, the BJP has struggled to spread its wings in the Vokkaliga community-dominated Old Mysuru region, with the well entrenched JD(S) and Congress holding sway.

    The region comprises Ramanagara, Mandya, Mysuru, Chamarajanagar, Kodagu, Kolar, Tumakuru and Hassan districts.
    JD(S) leader and former Chief Minister H D Kumaraswamy and President of the Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) D K Shivakumar belong to this community.

    Among the 58 Assembly seats in these districts, JD(S) represents 24, Congress 18 and BJP 15. BJP also has the backing of expelled BSP MLA N Mahesh, who represents Kollegal in Chamarajanagar district.

    In the Vokkaliga heartland of Mandya district, the JD(S) has six out of seven MLAs, three of four MLAs in Ramanagara and six of the seven seats in Hassan.

    The JD(S) has four out of 11 seats in Mysuru, whereas the Congress has four and BJP three in this district.

    The regional party also has three seats in Tumakuru but the party is wary about the Gubbi MLA S R Srinivas who allegedly voted in favour of the BJP candidate during the Rajya Sabha elections in June last year.

    The BJP top brass has acknowledged that improving the electoral tally in this region is key to regaining power on its own steam.
    The party came to power in Karnataka four times and every time it emerged as the single largest party but fell short of the majority mark.

    Twice, the party had to allegedly resort to ‘Operation Lotus’ to woo disgruntled opposition members and form a majority government.

    The BJP, however, put up an impressive show in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, winning 25 of the 28 seats.

    Shivakumar’s brother D K Suresh won from Bengaluru Rural Lok Sabha constituency and JD(S) supremo and former prime minister H D Deve Gowda’s grandson Prajwal Revanna emerged victorious in Hassan.

    To BJP’s comfort, the party backed independent candidate Sumalatha Ambareesh won from Mandya constituency, which had always been a JD(S) citadel.

    The actor-turned-politician Sumalatha who defeated Deve Gowda’s grandson and former Chief Minister H D Kumaraswamy’s son Nikhil Kumaraswamy in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, extended her ‘full support’ to the BJP on March 11, a day ahead of Prime Minister’s visit to Mandya to launch a slew of projects including the most ambitious one Bengaluru-Mysuru Expressway.

    The inauguration could have been done either in Mysuru or Bengaluru, but the Prime Minister opted for Mandya.

    “The voters of Mandya hardly get carried away by emotional issues,” a political analyst said.

    The JD(S) suffered a blow when the KR Pet MLA K C Narayana Gowda ditched the party during the “Operation Lotus” in 2019 and was among the MLAs who resigned from the Assembly, joined the BJP and successfully contested the by-election on a BJP ticket and became a minister.

    With this, the BJP got its first legislator from the JD(S) citadel, Mandya.

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    #Karantaka #BJP #raises #poll #pitch #Mysuru #ambition #regain #power

    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • 15 budget asks that are actually Biden’s reelection pitch

    15 budget asks that are actually Biden’s reelection pitch

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    biden budget 97027

    The proposal touts trillions of dollars in spending and policies enacted on Biden’s watch, building on passage of the $1.9 trillion coronavirus aid package and bipartisan infrastructure bill, plus Democrats’ signature tax, climate and health law.

    Here are 15 ways the president’s fiscal 2024 budget request frames his electoral pitch:

    China hawk

    Under tremendous pressure to appear tough on Beijing, the president is trying to deepen ties with other nations in the Indo-Pacific to outcompete China on trade.

    Details: To build up trade alliances with Indo-Pacific countries, Biden’s budget calls for $2 billion to secure supply chains and boost economic competitiveness, $2 billion for hard infrastructure and $2 billion to aid projects the U.S. International Development Finance Corp supports.

    Reality check: Biden has bipartisan support for deeper economic engagement in the Indo-Pacific. But the Republican-controlled House will rebuff many funding requests, and many will oppose proposals to invest billions of federal dollars overseas.

    — Steven Overly

    Robinhood taxman

    Biden is calling for tax increases on the wealthy and big business, along with tax cuts for low- and average-income people, recycling unfulfilled ideas from last year’s budget. He’s also proposing a significant cash infusion to fuel an IRS goal to crack down on tax cheats, doubling down on a Democratic message that giving the agency more money is ultimately a “deficit-reducing” measure.

    Details: Biden proposes scrapping tax breaks for oil and gas production, a change the White House predicts would drive $31 billion in new revenue over the next decade. The White House is also floating a new 25 percent minimum tax on those whose net worth exceeds $100 million, as well as an increase in the corporate tax rate from 21 percent to 28 percent.

    In the flavor of tax breaks, Biden is seeking to expand the Child Tax Credit again, after the popular pandemic-era increase expired at the end of 2021.

    The president requests more than $14 billion for the IRS, a 15 percent increase, including nearly $650 million to improve the taxpayer experience and outreach to low-income communities.

    Reality check: Tax reform definitely isn’t the bipartisan olive branch of the 118th Congress. House Republicans will reject tax increases outright.

    — Benjamin Guggenheim, Brian Faler and Kelsey Tamborrino

    Amtrak Joe, the bridge builder

    “Anytime I see a train door open, I head for it,” the president likes to say. And Biden isn’t going to miss an opportunity to use his budget to remind voters that he signed bills that are now funding new roads, bridges and train tunnels, as he leans into the “Amtrak Joe” nickname.

    Details: Seeking to build on the bipartisan infrastructure law, Biden’s budget calls for about a 7 percent increase in funding for the Department of Transportation. He’s also calling for the hiring of more air traffic controllers and extra cash for the reporting system that helps railroad employees flag unsafe behavior without the fear of reprisal.

    Reality check: While transportation funding is likely to be tight under a Republican-run House, lawmakers might be willing to approve higher funding for rail safety in the wake of the derailment in East Palestine, Ohio.

    — Alex Daugherty

    Climate defender

    The president’s plan repeats his old promise to quadruple climate aid to poor countries by 2024. Leaders of nations most vulnerable to the effects of climate change have long complained that rich countries, who emit more greenhouse gases, have shirked responsibility for climate challenges.

    Details: To fulfill that commitment, the U.S. would have to surpass $11 billion in international climate spending each year.

    Reality check: House Republicans are not big fans of increasing global climate assistance, putting a damper on any legislative prospects.

    — Zack Colman

    Deficit reducer

    The budget aims to cut $3 trillion from the deficit over a decade.

    Details: Biden would hack away at the federal budget gap through a combination of tax hikes and health savings, including a new 25 percent tax on wealthy Americans and an increase in the corporate tax rate from 21 percent to 28 percent.

    Reality check: The president’s shift to deficit reduction comes as Republicans rail against the party-line spending packages passed by Democrats during his first two years in office, arguing that the legislation left the country in a worse fiscal state and drove record-high inflation. But even if there’s bipartisan appetite to chip away at the deficit, Republicans will never accept the tax increases pitched by Biden’s fiscal 2024 blueprint.

    — Caitlin Emma

    Defense budget booster

    Biden is asking Congress to fund the largest Defense Department budget in history, requesting $842 billion for the Pentagon, a $26 billion or 3.2 percent increase.

    Details: The budget would bolster U.S. military forces in the Pacific to counter China’s aggression, as well as continue support for Ukraine’s war against Russia and bringing the country’s nuclear arsenal up to date.

    Biden’s plan includes $9.1 billion for the Pentagon’s Pacific Deterrence Initiative, $6 billion for Ukraine, NATO and other European partners, and nearly $38 billion to maintain the nuclear deterrent. It includes an average 5.2 percent pay raise for service members and Defense Department civilian workers, the largest in decades.

    Reality check: The fiscal 2024 request stresses the administration’s dedication to countering China and maintaining support for Ukraine.

    But it will almost certainly be rejected by leaders on Capitol Hill, particularly Republicans who have pushed Biden to seek military budgets that outpace inflation to keep up with China’s military modernization.

    Congress has already given the Pentagon billions of additional dollars in the last two years that Biden didn’t seek. This fiscal year’s $858 billion national defense budget, for example, is $45 billion more than Biden requested after lawmakers rallied around a significant bipartisan spending hike.

    — Lara Seligman and Connor O’Brien

    Medicare savior

    Biden’s plan would extend the life of Medicare by at least 25 years.

    Details: The fiscal 2024 request would increase Medicare taxes on Americans making more than $400,000, close a loophole that has shielded some from paying that levy and allow Medicare to negotiate more prescription drug prices, pouring about $200 billion in savings into the program.

    Reality check: GOP leaders on the Hill and former President Donald Trump have promised to preserve Medicare and Social Security, while some fiscal conservatives argue that entitlement cuts should be considered in a debt ceiling standoff this year. Any effort to overhaul the programs, however, amounts to a massive bipartisan lift in Congress that lawmakers aren’t close to achieving.

    — Caitlin Emma

    Affordable-housing creator

    Amid rising mortgage rates and an ongoing affordable housing shortage, Biden calls in his budget for a combination of tax perks and federal cash to boost housing supply.

    Details: His plan includes $51 billion in increased tax incentives to spur construction and funding for new project-based rental assistance contracts.

    Reality check: There’s bipartisan support for increasing the tax benefits, including the low-income housing credit and a new “neighborhood homes” credit.

    Support could also grow for plans to use $10 billion to reward state and local governments that ease zoning rules and other barriers to construction. But there’s less bipartisan momentum behind a proposal to steer $10 billion to a program to help cover down payments for first-generation homeowners.

    — Katy O’Donnell

    Elections protector

    The administration wants $5 billion in new election assistance cash for states, doled out over the course of 10 years.

    Details: The funding would start with an infusion of $1.6 billion in 2024, with an additional $375 million each year after that. The money would flow through the Election Assistance Commission, a small federal agency set up in the aftermath of the 2000 presidential election to spearhead election modernization efforts.

    Reality check: Congress, even under Democratic control, hasn’t fulfilled Biden’s election funding requests in previous budgets. Case in point, his fiscal 2023 budget asked for $10 billion over 10 years, a request that didn’t come to fruition. Republicans on key committees in the House have also said they believe election funding should be doled out on an as-needed basis.

    — Zach Montellaro

    Workingman’s friend

    Biden is re-upping his asks for paid family and medical leave, plus other employee protections, fashioning himself as a working-families advocate.

    Details: The budget seeks up to 12 weeks of paid family and medical leave, and urges Congress to guarantee that employers offer a minimum of seven sick days that workers could use throughout the year without penalty. It also calls for $430 million in increased funding for the Labor Department’s worker protection branches, as part of a $1.5 billion overall boost.

    Reality check: Paid leave was left by the wayside during Democrat’s party-line spending deal, in part due to opposition from centrist Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) and Republicans. And there is little chance GOP leaders in the House will agree to lavish money on the Labor Department to launch more employer probes.

    — Nick Niedzwiadek

    STEM job-creator

    Trying to magnify a legislative win he already notched last year, Biden’s budget calls for a buildup of the country’s science and tech apparatus. That includes billions of dollars more for programs created under the law he signed last summer to claw back a larger share of the global chip manufacturing market from Asia.

    Details: Biden is seeking an extra $6.5 billion to that end, including a $1.8 billion boost for the National Science Foundation. New cash would also be used to wrangle investments in science and emerging technologies, in part through a budget boost for a new National Science Foundation effort to coordinate dollars from the business world with public research and development money.

    Reality check: While leaders in both parties are keen on supercharging federal science and tech programs in a bid to outcompete China, it’s not clear that Republicans will want to shell out significantly more money for research or advanced manufacturing projects.

    — Brendan Bordelon and John Hendel

    No C-suite ally

    Biden’s budget calls for quadrupling a tax on Wall Street share buybacks, a request that will strengthen his bonafides among his party’s most liberal voters. Progressive icons Sens. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) and Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) have both decried the stock-buyback tactic as an example of public companies prioritizing shareholders over investments in their workforces or communities.

    Details: The White House is framing the proposed 4 percent tax as a way to push companies to direct funds toward expansion rather than well-heeled foreign shareholders. But buybacks also benefit major institutional investors in the U.S., including public pensions and retirement systems.

    Reality check: The 1 percent levy on buybacks that Biden signed into law as part of Democrat’s climate and health care law last year has done little to dissuade public companies from repurchasing their shares on the open market. And Biden’s buyback plan has little chance of surviving the Republican-led House, having already elicited opposition from the likes of Warren Buffet, who recently called the rejection of buybacks the work of “an economic illiterate or a silver-tongued demagogue.”

    — Sam Sutton

    Advocate for low-income families

    The president is calling on Congress to allow SNAP benefits, formerly known as food stamps, for more people, including those who have been in jail, and to hike funding for the WIC program that helps parents buy baby formula and other food.

    Details: Biden’s budget seeks to broaden eligibility rules for the SNAP program and let people receive the benefits for longer. He proposes $6.3 billion for the WIC program, a 5 percent increase.

    Reality check: Republican lawmakers want cuts to the food stamp program and are also eager to enforce work requirements that have been waived during the pandemic.

    — Garrett Downs

    Education booster

    Biden’s budget re-ups two big-ticket education proposals he trumpeted on the campaign trail the first time around — universal pre-K and free community college, both broadly popular ideas among Democratic voters.

    Details: The plans call for major new federal spending. Expanding preschool for three- and four-year-olds would cost $200 billion over the next decade. Free community college would be about $90 billion over that timeframe.

    Reality check: Democrats failed to enact those plans during Biden’s first two years in office, despite controlling both chambers of Congress. Now Republicans control the House, and the proposals are non-starters as the new majority pushes to cut federal spending.

    — Michael Stratford

    Health cost cutter

    Biden wants an extra $15 billion for the Department of Health and Human Services, amounting to a more than 11 percent increase for the agency, while building on efforts to lower the cost of prescription drugs, expand health care access and advance his cancer “moonshot.”

    Details: The budget includes $150 billion over a decade for Medicaid home- and community-based services, $20 billion for pandemic preparedness, nearly $20 billion for mental health and $10.9 billion for global health.

    The proposal also includes additional cash for long-term care improvements, maternal health, telehealth and family planning.

    Notably, Biden didn’t ask for significant new Covid funding, a reminder of the administration’s plan to wind down its emergency pandemic response in the coming months amid congressional Republican resistance to providing more money.

    Reality check: GOP leaders aren’t feeling especially charitable to help enact big health spending increases after Democrats secured significant investments through Biden’s $1.9 trillion Covid aid bill during his first year in office and the party’s health, tax and climate legislation last year.

    — Daniel Payne

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden echoes House Dems’ early 2024 pitch: Look what we accomplished

    Biden echoes House Dems’ early 2024 pitch: Look what we accomplished

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    In his nearly half-hour speech, he later told Democrats exactly what they were hoping to hear: “I promised to partner with you and coordinate with you to make sure the implementation of these laws is done efficiently and effectively, and let the American people know who did it. As they feel the benefits of the investment, you did it.”

    The lion’s share of caucus members cheered Biden on in Charm City, though several skipped his speech and stayed in D.C. for a tribute concert honoring singer-songwriter Joni Mitchell.

    “Folks are going to understand what you’ve done. We’re going to make sure of it,” Biden said about his 2024 plan.

    At one point, Biden even took a swing at Freedom Caucus member Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), suggesting her politics are driving Republicans to the Democratic Party.

    “A little bit more Marjorie Taylor Greene, a few more and you’re gonna have a lot of Republicans run on our way,” he joked to House Democrats as they laughed in the audience. “Isn’t she amazing? Oof.”

    Biden also took a handful of questions from lawmakers in a closed-door session following his remarks about the implementation of policies, the war in Ukraine, inflation, the train derailment in East Palestine, Ohio, and workers rights, according to two people familiar with his remarks.

    Biden told lawmakers, “Russia has already lost” before clarifying to say that Russia wouldn’t be able to occupy Ukraine but could still destroy it, according to the people familiar with his remarks. He also predicted the Federal Reserve could hike interest rates by as much as 25 basis points over the next three quarters, the people said.

    Biden’s outreach to Hill Dems comes at a key point for the party. They have to run their 2024 message from both sides now, defending the White House and Senate while trying to take back the House. Divided government gives Democrats little room to legislatively deliver over the next two years, but also stops them from simply running against Republicans.

    So House Democrats are focusing instead on their major accomplishments from the last Congress, as the effects of those laws — some of which take years to implement — become more evident over time. They’re looking to the president to guide messaging on that front, as well as set realistic goals for what the party can achieve before 2024.

    Touting their track record, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, who introduced the president, said their mantra of “People Over Politics” had been a “way of life” for Democrats as “we govern together under the leadership of President Biden and Speaker Pelosi in partnership with House Democrats and Senate Democrats.”

    The relaxed tone of this year’s gathering stands in contrast to last year’s chaotic dash to Philadelphia following a bruising rank-and-file revolt over a spending deal. There had even been questions about canceling that retreat, amid caucus-wide frustrations and lingering ideological divisions over the fate of a mammoth party-line spending bill.

    Now in the minority, Democrats are having an easier time unifying without the pressures of governing — allowing them to fully focus on campaign messaging for 2024.

    “We’re recruiting great candidates across the country, we’re going to defend our incredible members, and take the majority so that we have Speaker Hakeem Jeffries,” Rep. Suzan DelBene (D-Wash.), the chair of House Democrats’ campaign arm, told reporters.

    Democratic House members are also gathering in different groups to discuss a variety of policy messages, including national security and health care. And there’s even a closed-door session where Jordan Klapper of the Daily Show will interview Jeffries, Minority Whip Katherine Clark (D-Mass.) and Caucus Chair Pete Aguilar (D-Calif.).

    Other sessions will involve huddles with Biden administration officials and a series of closed-door strategy meetings as they formulate their best path to victory. Most of the sessions aren’t expected to prompt any fireworks, though one closed-door panel will tackle border issues, featuring a conversation between Hispanic Caucus chair Rep. Nanette Barragán (D-Calif.) and border-district members who have pushed for more border resources, such as Rep. Gabe Vasquez (D-N.M.).

    Members of the Hispanic Caucus have already sparred with the Biden administration over proposed rules that could make it harder for many migrants to claim asylum, though Barragán said the planned discussion was mostly to allow border-district members to relay their experiences to others in the caucus.

    “I think Democrats need a unified message around immigration reform, and we have to stand for something and not being on defense opposing what Republicans have proposed for many years,” said Vasquez, who flipped a seat in the 2022 elections.

    Some Democrats, anticipating gridlock on hot-button issues like immigration in the divided Congress, are already looking to the president to take executive action.

    “I’m not very positive and optimistic that we’re going to find some bipartisan legislation,” said Rep. Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.) “And so what are the executive things we can do to maintain protections while we work and build ourselves for the next session?”

    Other Democrats are also hopeful for modest progress across the aisle, hoping to convince some moderate Republicans to join their legislative goals, including on Ukraine aid or legislation to combat China.

    “Hopefully we can get some Republicans crossing the line so that we can still get some things done for the American people. Because that’s what it’s all about,” said New York Rep. Gregory Meeks, top Democrat on the Foreign Affairs Committee.

    Sarah Ferris contributed to this report.

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    #Biden #echoes #House #Dems #early #pitch #accomplished
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • One House Republican’s unique anti-Santos pitch: Block him from profiting off his lies

    One House Republican’s unique anti-Santos pitch: Block him from profiting off his lies

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    20230110 gop 2 francis 7

    The idea that once Santos leaves office, he could profit off of his story with a book or movie contract has privately percolated among — and annoyed — House Republicans.

    The bill would “prohibit Members of the House of Representatives who are convicted of offenses involving financial or campaign finance fraud from receiving compensation for biographies, media appearances, or expressive or creative works, and for other purposes,” according to the text.

    Separately, D’Esposito is pushing a resolution that proposes similar changes to the House rules. A spokesperson for D’Esposito declined to comment.

    The move underscores the acutely bad blood among New York Republicans, some of whom have also called for expelling Santos from Congress. But it’s unclear how many other GOP members would sign on to the effort, as many have expressed anger at Santos’ actions but indicated they plan to keep their distance.

    A spokesperson for Santos railed against the move, calling on his GOP colleagues to turn their attention to Democrats instead, as well as issues like inflation and crime rates that propelled them to the majority.

    Santos faced an almost domino-like effect with his GOP colleagues calling for him to resign — mostly New York Republicans freshmen, in addition to freshman Rep. Max Miller (R-Ohio) — in early January after a series of interviews where he wasn’t able to clear the air about his background — and even at times raising additional questions about how he made his money.

    Since then, Santos has largely kept to himself, even announcing to his colleagues that he’d remove himself temporarily from his two assigned committees until there was clarity, amid federal and House Ethics probes.

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    #House #Republicans #unique #antiSantos #pitch #Block #profiting #lies
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )