PARIS — Vegetarian sushi and rugby brought the leaders of Britain and France together after years of Brexit rows.
U.K. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and French President Emmanuel Macron on Friday held the two countries’ first bilateral summit in five years, amid warm words and wishes for closer post-Brexit cooperation.
“This is an exceptional summit, a moment of reunion and reconnection, that illustrates that we want to better speak to each other,” Macron told a joint press conference afterward. “We have the will to work together in a Europe that has new responsibilities.”
Most notably from London’s perspective, the pair agreed a new multi-annual financial framework to jointly tackle the arrival of undocumented migrants on small boats through the English Channel — in part funding a new detention center in France.
“The U.K. and France share a special bond and a special responsibility,” Sunak said. “When the security of our Continent is threatened, we will always be at the forefront of its defense.”
Macron congratulated Sunak for agreeing the Windsor Framework with the European Commission, putting an end to a long U.K.-EU row over post-Brexit trade rules in Northern Ireland, and stressing it marks a “new beginning of working more closely with the EU.”
“I feel very fortunate to be serving alongside you and incredibly excited about the future we can build together. Merci mon ami,” Sunak said.
It has been many years since the leaders of Britain and France were so publicly at ease with each other.
Sunak and Macron bonded over rugby, ahead of Saturday’s match between England and France, and exchanged T-shirts signed by their respective teams.
Later, they met alone at the Élysée Palace for more than an hour, only being joined by their chiefs of staff at the very end of the meeting, described as “warm and productive” by Sunak’s official spokesman. The pair, who spoke English, had planned to hold a shorter one-to-one session, but they decided to extend it, the spokesman said.
They later met with their respective ministers for a lunch comprising vegetarian sushi, turbot, artichokes and praline tart.
Macron congratulated Sunak for agreeing the Windsor Framework with the European Commission | Christophe Archambault/AFP via Getty Images
Speaking on the Eurostar en route to Paris, Sunak told reporters this was the beginning of a “new chapter” in the Franco-British relationship.
“It’s been great to get to know Emmanuel over the last two months. There’s a shared desire to strengthen the relationship,” he said. “I really believe that the range of things that we can do together is quite significant.”
In a show of goodwill from the French, who pushed energetically for a hard line during Brexit talks, Macron said he wanted to “fix the consequences of Brexit” and opened the door to closer cooperation with the Brits in the future.
“It’s my wish and it’s in our interests to have closest possible alliance. It will depend on our commitment and willingness but I am sure we will do it,” he said alongside Sunak.
Tackling small boats
Under the terms of the new migration deal, Britain will pay €141 million to France in 2023-24, €191 million in 2024-25 and €209 million in 2025-26.
This money will come in installments and go toward funding a new detention center in France, a new Franco-British command centre, an extra 500 law enforcement officers on French beaches and better technology to patrol them, including more drones and surveillance aircraft.
The new detention center, located in the Dunkirk area, would be funded by the British and run by the French and help compensate for the lack of space in other detention centers in northern France, according to one of Macron’s aides.
According to U.K. and French officials, France is expected to contribute significantly more funding — up to five times the amount the British are contributing — toward the plan although the Elysée has refused to give exact figures.
A new, permanent French mobile policing unit will join the efforts to tackle small boats. This work will be overseen by a new zonal coordination center, where U.K. liaison officers will be permanently based working with French counterparts.
Sunak stressed U.K.-French cooperation on small boats since November has made a significant difference, and defended the decision to hand more British money to France to help patrol the French northern shores. Irregular migration, he stressed, is a “joint problem.”
Ukraine unity
Sunak and Macron also made a show of unity on the war in Ukraine, agreeing that their priority would be to continue to support the country in its war against Russian aggression.
The French president said the “ambition short-term is to help Ukraine to resist and to build counter-offensives.”
“The priority is military,” he said. “We want a lasting peace, when Ukraine wants it and in the conditions that it wants and our will is to put it in position to do so.”
The West’s top priority should remain helping Ukrainians achieve “a decisive battlefield advantage” that later allows Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to sit down at the negotiating table with Russian President Vladimir Putin from a stronger position, Sunak said en route to the summit.
“That should be everyone’s focus,” he added. “Of course, this will end as all conflicts do, at the negotiating table. But that’s a decision for Ukraine to make. And what we need to do is put them in the best possible place to have those talks at an appropriate moment that makes sense for them.”
The two leaders also announced they would start joint training operations of Ukrainian marines.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )
Staff departures from any administration are common following a midterm election. But news of the impending exits comes days after the Biden administration announced its most restrictive border control measure to date: a proposed rule that will bar some migrants from applying for asylum in the U.S. if they cross the border illegally or fail to first apply for safe harbor in another country. The proposal — which immigrant advocates refer to as the “transit ban” or the “asylum ban” — will take effect on May 11 and serve as its policy solution to the long-awaited end of Title 42, a pandemic-era restriction that lifts the same day.
The policy prompted immediate backlash from immigrant advocates and Democrats who accused the White House of perpetuating a Donald Trump-like approach to border politics that President Joe Biden pledged on the campaign trail to end. Advocacy groups also said they were considering lawsuits.
Amid the blowback, administration officials criticized Congress, arguing that the White House has been left to roll out new policies to fill the “void” left by inaction on the Hill.
“To be clear, this was not our first preference or even our second. From day one, Biden has urged Congress to pass comprehensive immigration reform and border security measures to ensure orderly, safe and humane processing of migrants at our border,” a senior administration official said in a call with reporters on Tuesday.
The White House did not immediately respond to requests for comment on the departures.
Clavel and Perez-Davis’ exit from the administration are just the latest changes on Biden’s team handling migration and the border in his first two years. Tyler Moran, Biden’s senior adviser for migration, left in January 2022, after replacing Amy Pope the previous summer. Esther Olavarria, the deputy assistant to the president for immigration at the Domestic Policy Council, also retired that month.
Roberta Jacobson, Biden’s “border czar” left in April 2021, and some mid and low-level aides have also departed.
Jason Houser, who POLITICO reported was preparing to depart as chief of staff at the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, will also leave in the coming days. He was the highest-ranking political appointee at the DHS agency since there is no Senate-confirmed director.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
The new proposal — which immigrant advocates refer to as the “transit ban” or the “asylum ban” — is the White House’s most restrictive border control measure to date and essentially will serve as its policy solution to the long-awaited end of Title 42. Within minutes of its posting, the Biden administration faced a flood of backlash from immigrant advocates and Democrats who accused officials of perpetuating the Trumpian approach to border politics that Biden pledged on the campaign trail to end. Threats of lawsuits also began to percolate.
Former Biden White House official Andrea Flores, who now serves as chief counsel for Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.), condemned the administration for resurrecting a policy that “normalizes the white nationalist belief that asylum seekers from certain countries are less deserving of humanitarian protections.”
Administration officials in their call with reporters rejected the notion that the proposed regulation was like the Trump transit ban, noting it was not a “categorical ban” on asylum seekers. Instead, they said, the administration had expanded “existing lawful pathways” through the parole programs, and that the measures were not intended to curb people from seeking asylum but to help ensure order at the southern border.
The Biden administration has repeatedly warned of an influx of migrants amid the end of Title 42, which has been used more than 2 million times to expel asylum seekers on public health grounds. Administration officials on Tuesday said the new rule will help the administration manage a bogged-down border and asylum processing system.
But for critics, those utterances and the implementation of the new rule only underscored the degree to which the administration continues to see the southern border as a political issue, and not a humanitarian challenge, facing Biden’s presidency.
Krish O’Mara Vignarajah, president of Lutheran Immigration & Refugee Service and a former Obama official, said the rule “reaches into the dustbin of history to resurrect one of the most harmful and illegal anti-asylum policies of the Trump administration.” Rep. Chuy Garcia (D-Ill.) called on Biden to “abandon this misguided policy now.” And Sergio Gonzalez, president of the Immigration Hub, said the move “flies in the face” of Biden’s campaign promise to “rebuild a fair, humane and orderly immigration system.”
Lee Gelernt, deputy director of the ACLU’s Immigrants’ Rights Project and lead attorney in Title 42-related lawsuits, said in a statement to POLITICO that he’s prepared to take legal action.
“We successfully sued to stop the Trump asylum bans and will sue again if the Biden administration enacts these anti-asylum rules,” Gelernt said.
Tuesday’s proposed regulation was first floated in January, when Biden unveiled a new border measure that involved accepting 30,000 migrants a month from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela while cracking down on those who fail to use the plan’s legal pathways. The policy forced migrants to apply for asylum from their home country, while expelling those who try to enter the U.S. unlawfully from Mexico. Migrants were only approved if they had a verified sponsor and were allowed to enter the U.S. by air.
The number of migrants and asylum seekers attempting to cross the border has dropped by 40 percent since December, which administration officials credit to the new measures.
Administration officials on Tuesday said they were looking into expanding the humanitarian parole program for other nationalities and are “working closely with our partners across the hemisphere to encourage them to also expand their legal pathways.”
During his speech last month, Biden also unveiled a new app for asylum seekers and other migrants to schedule appointments to be considered for entry into the United States. Advocates scoffed at the administration’s pushback on Tuesday.
“While the Biden admin has launched a smartphone app for asylum appointments and expanded a temporary parole option for an extremely limited subset of four nationalities, these measures are no substitute for the legal right to seek asylum, regardless of manner of entry,” O’Mara Vignarajah said.
Administration officials also used Tuesday’s announcement to criticize Congress, arguing that the White House has been left to roll out new policies to fill the “void” left by inaction on the Hill.
“To be clear, this was not our first preference or even our second. From day one, President Biden has urged Congress to pass comprehensive immigration reform and border security measures to ensure orderly, safe and humane processing of migrants at our border,” a senior administration official said.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
At least 43 migrants drowned on Sunday after the fishing boat on which they were traveling sank off the coast of the Italian region of Calabria.
According to local authorities, some 250 migrants were crammed aboard the ship, which broke in two about 20 kilometers from the city of Crotone. Over 100 passengers have been rescued, but at least 70 of the people who were aboard the ship remain missing.
Over the course of the morning, bodies, including those of children and at least one newborn baby, have washed ashore in the resort town of Steccato di Cutro, according to local reports.
Although the ship’s port of origin was in Turkey, authorities say the majority of the migrants that have been rescued are from Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Italian Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi said the disaster was “a huge tragedy that demonstrates how necessary it is to oppose the chains of irregular migration,” adding that more needed to be done to clamp down on “unscrupulous smugglers” who, “in order to get rich, organize improvised trips with inadequate boats and in prohibitive conditions.”
Calabrian President Roberto Occhiuto slammed EU authorities for their inaction in addressing the migration crisis and asked “what has the European Union been doing all these years?”
“Where is Europe when it comes to guaranteeing security and legality?” he asked, adding that regions like his were left on their own to “manage emergencies and mourn the dead.”
According to the International Organization for Migration’s Missing Migrants Project, at least 2,366 migrants lost their lives attempting to cross the Mediterranean last year; at least 124 have been reporting missing in its waters since the beginning of this year.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )
LONDON — It was clear when Boris Johnson was forced from Downing Street that British politics had changed forever.
But few could have predicted that less than six months later, all angry talk of a cross-Channel trade war would be a distant memory, with Britain and the EU striking a remarkable compromise deal over post-Brexit trade rules in Northern Ireland.
Private conversations with more than a dozen U.K. and EU officials, politicians and diplomats reveal how the Brexit world changed completely after Johnson’s departure — and how an “unholy trinity” of little-known civil servants, ensconced in a gloomy basement in Brussels, would mastermind a seismic shift in Britain’s relationship with the Continent.
They were aided by an unlikely sequence of political events in Westminster — not least an improbable change of mood under the combative Liz Truss; and then the jaw-dropping rise to power of the ultra-pragmatic Rishi Sunak. Even the amiable figure of U.K. Foreign Secretary James Cleverly would play his part, glad-handing his way around Europe and smoothing over cracks that had grown ever-wider since 2016.
As Sunak’s Conservative MPs pore over the detail of his historic agreement with Brussels — and await the all-important verdict of the Democratic Unionist Party of Northern Ireland — POLITICO has reconstructed the dramatic six-month shift in Britain’s approach that brought us to the brink of the Brexit deal we see today.
Bye-bye Boris
Johnson’s departure from Downing Street, on September 6, triggered an immediate mood shift in London toward the EU — and some much-needed optimism within the bloc about future cross-Channel relations.
For key figures in EU capitals, Johnson would always be the untrustworthy figure who signed the protocol agreement only to disown it months afterward.
In Paris, relations were especially poisonous, amid reports of Johnson calling the French “turds”; endless spats with the Elysée over post-Brexit fishing rights, sausages and cross-Channel migrants; and Britain’s role in the AUKUS security partnership, which meant the loss of a multi-billion submarine contract for France. Paris’ willingness to engage with Johnson was limited in the extreme.
Truss, despite her own verbal spats with French President Emmanuel Macron — and her famously direct approach to diplomacy — was viewed in a different light. Her success at building close rapport with negotiating partners had worked for her as trade secretary, and once she became prime minister, she wanted to move beyond bilateral squabbles and focus on global challenges, including migration, energy and the war in Ukraine.
“Boris had become ‘Mr. Brexit,’” one former U.K. government adviser said. “He was the one the EU associated with the protocol, and obviously [Truss] didn’t come with the same baggage. She had covered the brief, but she didn’t have the same history. As prime minister, Liz wanted to use her personal relationships to move things on — but that wasn’t the same as a shift in the underlying substance.”
Indeed, Truss was still clear on the need to pass the controversial Northern Ireland Protocol Bill, which would have given U.K. ministers powers to overrule part of the protocol unilaterally, in order to ensure leverage in the talks with the European Commission.
Truss also triggered formal dispute proceedings against Brussels for blocking Britain’s access to the EU’s Horizon Europe research program. And her government maintained Johnson’s refusal to implement checks on goods entering Northern Ireland from Great Britain, causing deep irritation in Brussels.
But despite the noisy backdrop, tentative contact with Brussels quietly resumed in September, with officials on both sides trying to rebuild trust. Truss, however, soon became “very disillusioned by the lack of pragmatism from the EU,” one of her former aides said.
“The negotiations were always about political will, not technical substance — and for whatever reason, the political will to compromise from the Commission was never there when Liz, [ex-negotiator David] Frost, Boris were leading things,” they said.
Former British Prime Minister Liz Truss announces her resignation outside 10 Downing Street in central London on October 20, 2022 | Daniel Leal/AFP via Getty Images
Truss, of course, would not be leading things for long. An extraordinary meltdown of the financial markets precipitated her own resignation in late October, after just six weeks in office. Political instability in Westminster once again threatened to derail progress.
But Sunak’s arrival in No. 10 Downing Street — amid warnings of a looming U.K. recession — gave new impetus to the talks. An EU official said the mood music improved further, and that discussions with London became “much more constructive” as a result.
David Lidington, a former deputy to ex-PM Theresa May who played a key role in previous Brexit negotiations, describes Sunak as a “globalist” rather than an “ultra-nationalist,” who believes Britain ought to have “a sensible, friendly and grown-up relationship” with Brussels outside the EU.
During his time as chancellor, Sunak was seen as a moderating influence on his fellow Brexiteer Cabinet colleagues, several of whom seemed happy to rush gung-ho toward a trade war with the EU.
“Rishi has always thought of the protocol row as a nuisance, an issue he wanted to get dealt with,” the former government adviser first quoted said.
One British officialsuggested the new prime minister’s reputation for pragmatism gave the U.K. negotiating team “an opportunity to start again.”
Sunak’s slow decision-making and painstaking attention to detail — the subject of much criticism in Whitehall — proved useful in calming EU jitters about the new regime, they added.
“When he came in, it wasn’t just the calming down of the markets. It was everyone across Europe and in the U.S. thinking ‘OK, they’re done going through their crazy stage,’” the same officialsaid. “It’s the time he takes with everything, the general steadiness.”
EU leaders “have watched him closely, they listened to what he said, and they have been prepared to trust him and see how things go,” Lidington noted.
Global backdrop
As months of chaos gave way to calm in London, the West was undergoing a seismic reorganization.
Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine triggered a flurry of coordinated work for EU and U.K. diplomats — including sanctions, military aid, reconstruction talks and anti-inflation packages. A sense began to emerge that it was in both sides’ common interest to get the Northern Ireland protocol row out of the way.
“The war in Ukraine has completely changed the context over the last year,” an EU diplomat said.
A second U.K. official agreed. “Suddenly we realized that the 2 percent of the EU border we’d been arguing about was nothing compared to the massive border on the other side of the EU, which Putin was threatening,” they said. “And suddenly there wasn’t any electoral benefit to keeping this row over Brexit going — either for us or for governments across the EU.”
A quick glance at the electoral calendar made it clear 2023 offered the last opportunity to reach a deal in the near future, with elections looming for both the U.K. and EU parliaments the following year — effectively putting any talks on ice.
“Rishi Sunak would have certainly been advised by his officials that come 2024, the EU is not going to be wanting to take any new significant initiatives,” Lidington said. “And we will be in election mode.”
The upcoming 25th anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday peace agreement on April 10 heaped further pressure on the U.K. negotiators, amid interest from U.S. President Joe Biden in visiting Europe to mark the occasion.
“The anniversary was definitely playing on people’s minds,” the first U.K. official said.“Does [Sunak] really want to be the prime minister when there’s no government in Northern Ireland on the anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement?”
The pressure was ramped up further when Biden specifically raised the protocol in a meeting with Truss at the U.N. General Assembly in New York in late September, after which British officials said they expected the 25th anniversary to act as a “key decision point” on the dispute.
The King and I
Whitehall faced further pressure from another unlikely source — King Charles III, who was immediately planning a state visit to Paris within weeks of ascending the throne in September 2022. Truss had suggested delaying the visit until the protocol row was resolved, according to two European diplomats.
The monarch is now expected to visit Paris and Berlin at the end of March — and although his role is strictly apolitical, few doubt he is taking a keen interest in proceedings. He has raised the protocol in recent conversations with European diplomats, showing a close engagement with the detail.
One former senior diplomat involved in several of the king’s visits said that Charles has long held “a private interest in Ireland, and has wanted to see if there was an appropriately helpful role he could play in improving relations [with the U.K].”
By calling the deal the Windsor framework and presenting it at a press conference in front of Windsor Castle, one of the king’s residences, No. 10 lent Monday’s proceedings an unmistakable royal flavor.
The king also welcomed von der Leyen for tea at the castle following the signing of the deal. A Commission spokesperson insisted their meeting was “separate” from the protocol discussion talks. Tory MPs were skeptical.
Cleverly does it
The British politician tasked with improving relations with Brussels was Foreign Secretary Cleverly, appointed by Truss last September. He immediately began exploring ways to rebuild trust with Commission Vice-President and Brexit point-man Maroš Šefčovič, the second U.K. official cited said.
His first hurdle was a perception in Brussels that the British team had sabotaged previous talks by leaking key details to U.K. newspapers and hardline Tory Brexiteers for domestic political gain. As a result, U.K. officials made a conscious effort to keep negotiations tightly sealed, a No. 10 official said.
“The relationship with Maroš improved massively when we agreed not to carry out a running commentary” on the content of the discussions, the second U.K. official added.
This meant keeping key government ministers out of the loop, including Northern Ireland Minister Steve Baker, an arch-Brexiteer who had been brought back onto the frontbench by Truss.
British Foreign Secretary James Cleverly is welcomed by European Commission Vice-President Maroš Šefčovič ahead of a meeting at the EU headquarters in Brussels on February 17, 2023 | Kenzo Tribouillard/AFP via Getty Images
The first U.K. official said Baker would have “felt the pain,” as he had little to offer his erstwhile backbench colleagues looking for guidance while negotiations progressed, “and that was a choice by No. 10.”
Cleverly and Šefčovič “spent longer than people think just trying to build rapport,” the second U.K. officialsaid, with Cleverly explaining the difficulties the protocol was raising in Northern Ireland and Šefčovič insistent that key economic sectors were in fact benefiting from the arrangement.
Cleverly also worked at the bilateral relationship with German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, while Sunak made efforts to improve ties with French President Emmanuel Macron, Lidington noted.
A British diplomat based in Washington said Cleverly had provided “a breath of fresh air” after the “somewhat stiff” manner of his predecessors, Truss and the abrasive Dominic Raab.
By the Conservative party conference in early October, the general mood among EU diplomats in attendance was one of expectation. And the Birmingham jamboree did not disappoint.
Sorry is the hardest word
Baker, who had once described himself as a “Brexit hard man,” stunned Dublin by formally apologizing to the people of Ireland for his past comments, just days before technical talks between the Commission and the U.K. government were due to resume.
“I caused a great deal of inconvenience and pain and difficulty,” he said. “Some of our actions were not very respectful of Ireland’s legitimate interests. I want to put that right.”
The apology was keenly welcomed in Dublin, where Micheál Martin, the Irish prime minister at the time, called it “honest and very, very helpful.”
Irish diplomats based in the U.K. met Baker and other prominent figures from the European Research Group of Tory Euroskeptics at the party conference, where Baker spoke privately of his “humility” and his “resolve” to address the issues, a senior Irish diplomat said.
“Resolve was the keyword,” the envoy said. “If Steve Baker had the resolve to work for a transformation of relationships between Ireland and the U.K., then we thought — there were tough talks to be had — but a sustainable deal was now a possibility.”
There were other signs of rapprochement. Just a few hours after Baker’s earth-shattering apology, Truss confirmed her attendance at the inaugural meeting in Prague of the European Political Community, a new forum proposed by Macron open to both EU and non-EU countries.
Sunak at the wheel
The momentum snowballed under Sunak, who decided within weeks of becoming PM to halt the passage of the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill in the House of Lords, reiterating Britain’s preference for a negotiated settlement. In exchange, the Commission froze a host of infringement proceedings taking aim at the way the U.K. was handling the protocol. This created space for talks to proceed in a more cordial environment.
An EU-U.K. agreement in early January allowed Brussels to start using a live information system detailing goods moving from Great Britain to Northern Ireland, seen as key to unlocking a wider agreement on physical checks under the protocol.
The U.K. also agreed to conduct winter technical negotiations in Brussels, rather than alternating rounds between the EU capital and London, as was the case when Frost served as Britain’s chief negotiator.
Trust continued to build. Suddenly the Commission was open to U.K. solutions such as the “Stormont brake,” a clause giving the Northern Ireland Assembly power of veto over key protocol machinations, which British officials did not believe Brussels would accept when they first pitched them.
The Stormont brake was discussed “relatively early on,” a third U.K. official said. “Then we spent a huge amount of effort making sure nobody knew about it. It was kept the most secret of secret things.”
Yet a second EU diplomat claimed the ideas in the deal were not groundbreaking and could have been struck “years ago” if Britain had a prime minister with enough political will to solve the dispute. “None of the solutions that have been found now is revolutionary,” they said.
An ally of Johnson described the claim he was a block on progress as “total nonsense.”
The ‘unholy trinity’
Away from the media focus, a group of seasoned U.K. officials began to engage with their EU counterparts in earnest. But there was one (not so) new player in town.
Tim Barrow, a former U.K. permanent representative to the EU armed with a peerless contact book, had been an active figure in rebuilding relations with the bloc since Truss appointed him national security adviser. He acquired a more prominent role in the protocol talks after Sunak dispatched him to Brussels in January 2023, hoping EU figures would see him as “almost one of them,” another adviser to Sunak said.
Ensconced in the EU capital, Barrow and his U.K. team of negotiators took over several meeting rooms in the basement of the U.K. embassy, while staffers were ordered to keep quiet about their presence.
Besides his work on Northern Ireland trade, Barrow began to appear in meetings with EU representatives about other key issues creating friction in the EU-U.K. relationship, including discussions on migration alongside U.K. Home Secretary Suella Braverman.
Barrow “positioned himself very well,” the first EU diplomat quoted above said. “He’s very close to the prime minister — everybody in Brussels and London knows he’s got his ear. He’s very knowledgeable while very political.”
But other British officials insist Barrow’s presence was not central to driving through the deal. “He has been a figure, but not the only figure,” the U.K. adviser quoted above said. “It’s been a lot of people, actually, over quite a period of time.”
When it came to the tough, detailed technical negotiations, the burden fell on the shoulders of Mark Davies — the head of the U.K. taskforce praised for his mastery of the protocol detail — and senior civil servant and former director of the Northern Ireland Office, Brendan Threlfall.
The three formed an “unholy trinity,” as described by the first U.K. official, with each one bringing something to the table.
Davies was “a classic civil servant, an unsung hero,”the official said, while Threlfall “has good connections, good understanding” and “Tim has met all the EU interlocutors over the years.”
Sitting across the table, the EU team was led by Richard Szostak, a Londoner born to Polish parents and a determined Commission official with a great CV and an affinity for martial arts. His connection to von der Leyen was her deputy head of cabinet until recently, Stéphanie Riso, a former member of Brussels’ Brexit negotiating team who developed a reputation for competence on both sides of the debate.
Other senior figures at the U.K. Cabinet Office played key roles, including Cabinet Secretary Simon Case and senior official Sue Gray.
The latter — a legendary Whitehall enforcer who adjudicated over Johnson’s “Partygate” scandal — has a longstanding connection to Northern Ireland, famously taking a career break in the late 1980s to run a pub in Newry, where she has family links. More recently, she spent two years overseeing the finance ministry.
Gray has been spotted in Stormont at crunch points over the past six months as Northern Ireland grapples with the pain of the continued absence of an executive.
Some predict Gray could yet play a further role, in courting the Democratic Unionist Party as the agreement moves forward in the weeks ahead.
For U.K. and EU officials, the agreement struck with Brussels represented months of hard work — but for Sunak and his Cabinet colleagues, the hardest yards may yet lie ahead.
This story was updated to clarify two parts of the sourcing.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )
European Union leaders want to reinforce their controversial “fortress Europe” policies by clamping down even harder on inward migration. This reveals a deep and self-defeating disconnect between the 27-nation bloc’s internal actions and its international aspirations.
The EU’s self-image is that of a benign power and a force for global good. European leaders spend a lot of time telling the world about the virtues of “European values”. There is even an EU commissioner whose sole task it is to promote the “European way of life”. Other countries are constantly taken to task, often through the imposition of sanctions, for their failure to align with international human rights standards.
Yet external perceptions of the bloc are determined not by fictionalised narratives but by the real-life experience of African, Asian and Middle Eastern migrants and refugees who seek EU protection. The EU’s image is also increasingly judged against the treatment of its own black and brown citizens. Regrettably, the record is poor on both counts, prompting justified accusations that the bloc is guilty of double standards and has a human rights policy based on selective outrage.
Internal squabbling, rising numbers of migrant crossings and racist far-right narratives that demonise migrants and refugees have left EU plans for more humane migration management in tatters. Instead, taboos are falling fast and the previously inadmissible is becoming acceptable as a frightening disregard for the human rights of refugees from Africa, Asia and the Middle East is embedded in EU migration policy.
Having once denounced Donald Trump’s plans to build a wall on the US border with Mexico as morally unacceptable, the bloc now has nearly 20 external steel walls or razor-wire fences, running to a combined length of nearly 2,000km. Twenty years ago there were no walls around the EU.
While these barriers were paid for by national governments, EU leaders have just agreed to “immediately mobilise substantial EU funds and means” to help member states bolster their “border protection capabilities and infrastructure”. In other words, more cameras, drones and watchtowers.
Britain’s blueprint for outsourcing asylum applications to African countries such as Rwanda is now also on EU leaders’ agenda, as are plans to make EU development assistance, trade deals and visa liberalisation policies conditional on countries’ readiness to take back people who are denied EU asylum.
Ukrainians at the Medyka border crossing, Poland, March 2022. Photograph: Jeff J Mitchell/Getty Images
Hans Leijtens, a senior Dutch official and former commander of the military police in the Netherlands, is the new head of Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, which faces a spate of criticism, court cases and investigations into alleged “pushbacks” and other breaches of human rights. Leijtens has promised “tangible results” in defending the EU’s external borders, which raises concerns that little will improve on his watch.
The EU’s embrace of the far right’s corrosive “stop migration” agenda is a violation of human rights and a breach of the bloc’s international humanitarian obligations. It is also shortsighted, given ageing Europe’s need for labour and the central role played by migrants as frontline workers, a fact underlined during the Covid-19 pandemic.
Even more damaging, by normalising the policies of far-right politicians – of those who are in government and those outside them – the EU is eroding its own once impressive credentials as a global defender of democracy, good governance and the rule of law. As far-right ideas seep even further into the EU mainstream, Europe’s internal societal cohesion and measures to boost cultural, religious and ethnic coexistence are at risk.
In danger also is the EU’s promise to stop racism, discrimination and police violence against Europe’s black and brown citizens through an ambitious anti-racism action plan. Hastily crafted in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests in June 2020, the blueprint breaks new ground by calling for EU-wide action to root out structural and institutional racism against Europeans of colour.
Also, significantly, after years of paralysis on the issue – and despite some internal resistance – there is, for the first time, a drive to diversify the “Brussels so white” bubble by recruiting more non-white Europeans as EU interns and members of staff. EU bodies now run seminars on unconscious bias and microaggression. A new EU “coordinator” has been tasked to fight EU-wide racism and discrimination. After almost a year’s wait, the commission also has a new “anti-Muslim hatred” coordinator in addition to the one dealing with antisemitism who has been in office since 2015.
These gains in fighting racism in Europe are modest and remain contested. Their chances of survival are slim if, as many fear, EU politics slide further to the right through a wider alliance between the European parliament’s centre-right European People’s Party (EPP) and the Italian prime minister Giorgia Meloni’s hard-right European Conservatives and Reformists party.
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Such a move would give rightwing parties a stronger say in appointing the presidents of the European Commission, the European Council and the head of the European external action service, the EU’s diplomatic arm. It is not even clear if the post of an EU commissioner for equality would survive such an overhaul.
This would have serious consequences for migration and anti-racism policies, but also for the EU’s geopolitical standing. Racism, xenophobia and Europe’s colonial legacies are increasingly acute obstacles to EU efforts to open a new chapter in relations with Africa.
This became clear last year when many African countries declined to join the EU’s stance over the war in Ukraine, arguing, as the Senegalese president Macky Sall did, that the “burden of history” makes them wary of involvement in a new cold war. Contrasting the EU’s warm welcome to those fleeing Ukraine with Europe’s stop-migration policies for others, Martin Kimani, Kenya’s ambassador to the UN, urged the EU to ensure that movement to Europe is also “safe and dignified”.
EU leaders may live in a well-insulated parallel universe where domestic and external issues are unconnected. Kimani’s words are a warning that Europe should practise at home what it preaches abroad. Failure to do so is an abdication of responsibility towards these countries’ citizens of colour and to refugees and migrants. It is also eroding the EU’s global standing.
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( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )
Srinagar is expanding fast as hoards of rich, professionals and fortune hunters from Kashmir periphery are making Srinagar their home. Raashid Andrabi explains the trend
This is the main Srinagar city called the down-town where congested housing is the norm. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur
Syed Ishfaq, 42, a resident of border Tanghdar town shifted to Srinagar in 2017 when his son started preparing for his Board examination classes. He chose Lawaypora, almost 150 km from Karna, where his relatives were already living. Ishfaq, a teacher, headed a 4-member nuclear family but found it difficult to educate his children in his hometown with negligible exposure and facilities.
“I was born in Tanghdar, and I used to visit Srinagar very less, mostly when I had to visit any of my relatives here or for any medical or official emergency,” Ishfaq said. Tanghdar, 67 km from Kupwara, is literally located on the Line of Control, the de facto border between two halves of Kashmir. “It isn’t just about the future of my children alone. It is about a place where you can receive all basic services. Moreover, the chances of work here are better than in the villages.”
A New Trend
Over the years, a huge population from the Kashmir periphery moved to Srinagar for one or the other reason. Mostly, it was the education of children that was a key factor. However, there are countless families that migrated – partially or fully, even in certain cases seasonally, to Srinagar for a professional career, better life, and fortune hunting.
In certain cases, migration was dictated by development. Gurez is one of the best illustrations where the NHPC required the depopulation of a vast belt to set up the dam for the Kishangaga Hydroelectric Power Project. This area was routinely inaccessible for nearly half of the year as the Razdan Pass would remain snow-covered.
After the residents, mostly Shina-speaking Dard people lost their battles against the power giant, they took the compensation and moved out of the beautiful valley. Though in Bandipore, they have a housing colony, where most of them live but most of them have decided to move to Srinagar directly. In various parts of Srinagar city, there are clusters of people who have acquired small properties in recent years.
Root Reconnect
While a section of these neo-migrants felt consumed by the comparatively fast urban life, there are many who still live with the “loss”.
Aleem, 23, sitting on the banks of Dal lake to watch the lovely sunset was snapping pictures of it. “It’s stunning, isn’t it? I frequently think about how much quiet and tranquillity there is in my home village back in Ganderbal,” Aleem said. “My parents purchased a home here in Srinagar after my brother finished his 12th grade with excellent grades. They believed that life in the city is better. For the last three years we have been living in the city, we hardly visit the ancestral home.”
Aleem sees city life as monotonous, and misses the get-togethers with his peers and neighbours, playing cricket in just-harvested rice fields and taking a dip in the riverside. He feels lonely and does not know even the names of his neighbours as everybody is preoccupied with moving on in their lives. Social life is completely neglected. My village resembled a big family,” Aleem regretted.
After spending 23 years in Srinagar, Abubakar Hakeem, now a resident of Zainakote, has opened a 24 x7 business in Bandipora, his ancestral home. In 2011, his family moved to Srinagar, leaving their home, agricultural land uninhabited.
“We left Bandipora for a decent education. I wanted to start a new business after studying business,” Hakeem said. Lured by the departmental store concept, he decided to start his own store. “In 2022, I started construction of my store in Bandipora. It helped me reconnect with my root and address a deficit.” His Blue Basket is up and running and he has hired the entire human resource locally.
White Collar Issues
Kashmir’s agricultural land is already in so short supply that families are unable to manage their livelihoods from small pieces of land. Coupled with the stigma of being a farmer, they move towards cities. In elder generation is either getting agricultural implements to replace the lost manpower or simply have abandoned the small patches of land and surviving on the earnings of their younger generation.
Section of the people who are posted in Srinagar gradually decide to have a flat or small home of their own. At some point in time, this home becomes their new permanent address.
Mubashir Dewani, a public servant, is from Bandipora. Currently, he divides his week between his residence in Srinagar and his hometown of Kunan. Father of two young girls, he struggled with the choice of letting his children pursue their education in his hometown or relocating to Srinagar.
“We didn’t choose to send our children to study in Srinagar; we had no choice but to do so,” Mubashir said. “How could I leave my daughters in Bandipore, when their mother works in Srinagar?” Mubashir believes urbanization has two sides. People flourish in rural areas before leaving for urban areas due to societal stigma after achieving some success there, he said.
Most of the rich people in the periphery own a house in Srinagar. The same is true with the best professionals who eventually had no option but to work in Srinagar. In most cases, however, they retain their inheritance and belongings in the villages and usually manage their time between the two homes.
Unlike the rich, who can afford to manage their incomes from their rural and urban properties, people like Mubashir could not. “My family moved to Srinagar, and I lost my herds, chickens, and fishery farms, all of which had a positive impact on both me and my village’s economic well-being,” Mubashir said. “As I was sucked by my 10 am – 4 pm career, the farms collapsed.” He regrets that he is not alone. “Individuals who had the capacity to contribute to the betterment of the village relocated as a result of which the villages continue to be as primitive.”
The internal migration has created a situation that Srinagar is now a huge city. It has already got into Budgam, Ganderbal and Pulwama and within a few years, parts of Baramulla will be included in Srinagar Municipal Corporation. Gradually, this is adding to the unfair and uneven distribution of populations between the city and the periphery.
This is enforcing choices on people. Many of the Srinagar neighbourhoods were rural or semi-rural villages. As the cost of the land escalated, they sold out their lands, changed their lifestyle and culture and are as urban as Zaina Kadal.
Opportunities
Over the years, the Kashmir villages are better moneyed, thanks to the cash crops that replaced the rice in most of the south and parts of north Kashmir. In Srinagar’s expansion, a lot of them see fortunes. The land in Srinagar is perhaps one of the most lucrative investments.
Ibrahim Ahmad, a resident of Srinagar’s Natipora neighbourhood, relocated to Srinagar with his wife, three children, and parents from Pulwama. “I purchased this piece of land back in 2018, and throughout the following few years, its value has increased substantially,” Ahmad said. “Before the end of the year, I sold a portion of it and gained a respectable profit. I then used the same money to build my house, and after my kids were admitted to some colleges in Srinagar, we decided to move here.”
There are dozens of people who had invested in land in the city periphery in the last century. All of them are millionaires now. In most cases, the appreciation is more than 100 per cent. No land in Srinagar sells at Rs 70 lakh a kanal. In certain cases, it is as high as Rs 3.5 crore.
A 21-year-old cluster university student from Srinagar, Zuhaib Ahmad Bhat recently launched a Srinagar-based real estate firm. Given that he has sold a significant number of homes to residents of Zainakote, Bemina, Soura, and other locations, Zuhaib has been pleased with the prospects of this firm. “More than half of my buyers were from Kashmiri villages,” he said. “People primarily move here from these areas due to the greater opportunities and facilities.”
The massive escalation in land prices has created an interesting trend. Now a section of people from the city moves towards the periphery. They sell their belongings in the heart of the city and get better land plots on extreme borders of the city. The reverse migration from the city is the outcome of the failure of the governance structure in offering some way out to the hugely congested Srinagar city, especially the Shahr-e-Khas.
Insiders in the real estate sector suggest that while education and jobs could be a reason, the claims that Srinagar has better facilities do not sound plausible. “You can reach Anantnag in less time than SKIMS from Batamaloo,” Abdul Rashid, who buys and sells property around the so-called 90-Feet said. “You have train connectivity with Sopore and Baramulla that is cheap and fast. There are better roads, good schools and most of the uptown brands in almost all major towns. In fact, the market in Anantnag is better and cheap than in Srinagar. Yes, the only issue is that of power supply that is slightly improved in Srinagar.”
Rashid believes that migration to Srinagar is being seen as part of “upward mobility” and not dictated by the absence of infrastructure. This might be true in a section of the neo-migrants but this is not the whole story.
Cairo: Italy’s chief diplomat held talks Sunday with Egyptian and Arab League officials in Cairo that focused on regional security and the conflict in neighboring Libya, as well as sensitive bilateral issues.
Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani said he raised with Egypt’s president the case of Giulio Regeni, an Italian graduate student who was kidnapped, tortured, and killed in Cairo in 2016, and that of Patrick George Zaki, an Egyptian activist studying in Bologna who had been detained for nearly two years.
“I asked for and received assurances for strong cooperation on the Regeni and Zaki cases,” Tajani wrote on Twitter. Later in the day, he told a joint news conference with Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry that Cairo “is ready to remove roadblocks” to resolve both cases. He did not offer further details.
Tajani said his meeting with President Abdel Fattah el-Sissi also covered energy security and economic cooperation in the Mediterranean, but focused “above all” on political instability in Libya and the efforts to stop “irregular immigration” from that country.
The Italian foreign minister also met with Arab League Secretary-General Ahmed Aboul-Gheit.
The Regeni case roiled Cairo’s relations with Rome, with Regeni’s family and Italian authorities accusing Egyptian security forces of torturing and killing him. Egypt’s security services have denied any involvement in Regeni’s abduction or death.
Regeni, 28, was a Cambridge University doctoral student researching labor movements in Egypt when he was abducted on Jan. 25, 2016. His body was found along a roadside several days later bearing marks of extensive torture, of the kind that activists and rights groups say is widespread within Egyptian detention facilities.
Zaki, meanwhile, was released in December 2021 pending his trial on charges of spreading false news about Egypt, both domestically and abroad and was unable to travel since his release.
Zaki’s detention and trial became front page news in Italy and sparked a wave of student protests there. For many Italians, his detention was reminiscent of Regeni’s death.
Tajani said his trip to Egypt and before that Tunisia, and that of Italian Premier Giorgia Meloni to Algeria were part of the Italy’s efforts to boost its energy ties in the region and most importantly to stem the flow of migrants crossing the Mediterranean Sea to Europe.
Egypt, which hosts more than 6 million migrants, has touted for years its efforts to prevent migrant boats departing from its shores. But in 2022 Egyptian migrants were among the top nationalities arriving to European shores mainly by traveling first through neighboring Libya before taking perilous sea voyages.
Libya has become a hub for African and Middle Eastern migrants seeking to travel to Europe, with Italy receiving tens of thousands every year. Rome has struck deals with the authorities in the Libyan capital of Tripoli in recent years to try to prevent the flow of migrants.
Libya has been mired in chaos since a NATO-backed uprising toppled and killed longtime dictator Moammar Gadhafi in 2011. The country is now split between two rival administrations claiming legitimacy. Egypt supports forces based in Libya’s east while Italy has backed the administration based in Tripoli.
