Tag: Mayors

  • Spy hunt or witch hunt? Ukrainians fear the two are merging

    Spy hunt or witch hunt? Ukrainians fear the two are merging

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    KYIV — From the glass cage in a Kyiv courtroom, Roman Dudin professed his innocence loudly.

    And he fumed at the unusual decision to prevent a handful of journalists from asking him questions during a break in the hearing.

    The former Kharkiv security chief is facing charges of treason and deserting his post, allegations he and his supporters deny vehemently. 

    “Why can’t I talk with the press?” he bellowed. As he shook his close-cropped head in frustration, his lawyers, a handful of local reporters and supporters chorused his question. At a previous hearing Dudin had been allowed during a break to answer questions from journalists, in keeping with general Ukrainian courtroom practice, but according to his lawyers and local reporters, the presence of POLITICO appeared to unnerve authorities. 

    Suspiciously, too, the judge returned and to the courtroom’s surprise announced an unexpected adjournment, offering no reason. A commotion ensued as she left and further recriminations followed when court guards again blocked journalists from talking with Dudin.

    ***

    Ukraine’s hunt for traitors, double agents and collaborators is quickening.

    Nearly every day another case is publicized by authorities of alleged treason by senior members of the security and law-enforcement agencies, prosecutors, state industry employees, mayors and other elected officials.

    Few Ukrainians — nor Western intelligence officials, for that matter — doubt that large numbers of top-level double agents and sympathizers eased the way for Russia’s invasion, especially in southern Ukraine, where they were able to seize control of the city of Kherson with hardly any resistance.

    And Ukrainian authorities say they’re only getting started in their spy hunt for individuals who betrayed the country and are still undermining Ukraine’s security and defense. 

    Because of historic ties with Russia, the Security Service of Ukraine and other security agencies, as well as the country’s arms and energy industries, are known to be rife with spies. Since the 2013-14 Maidan uprising, which saw the ouster of Viktor Yanukovych, Moscow’s satrap in Ukraine, episodic sweeps and purges have been mounted.

    As conflict rages the purges have become more urgent. And possibly more political as government criticism mounts from opposition politicians and civil society leaders. They are becoming publicly more censorious, accusing Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and his tight-knit team of using the war to consolidate as much power as possible. 

    GettyImages 1245774603
    Volodymyr Zelenskyy said authorities were investigating more than 650 cases of suspected treason and aiding and abetting Russia by officials | Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images

    Last summer, Zelenskyy fired several high-level officials, including his top two law enforcement officials, prosecutor general Iryna Venediktova and security chief Ivan Bakanov, both old friends of his. In a national address, he said authorities were investigating more than 650 cases of suspected treason and aiding and abetting Russia by officials, including 60 who remained in territories seized by Russia and are “working against our state.”

    “Such a great number of crimes against the foundations of national security and the connections established between Ukrainian law enforcement officials and Russian special services pose very serious questions,” he said. 

    ***

    But while there’s considerable evidence of treason and collaboration, there’s growing unease in Ukraine that not all the cases and accusations are legitimate.

    Some suspect the spy hunt is now merging with a political witch hunt. They fear that the search may be increasingly linked to politicking or personal grudges or bids to conceal corruption and wrongdoing. But also to distract from mounting questions about government ineptitude in the run-up to the invasion by a revanchist and resentful Russia. 

    Among the cases prompting concern when it comes to possible concealment of corruption is the one against 40-year-old Roman Dudin. “There’s something wrong with this case,” Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze, a former Ukrainian deputy prime minister and now opposition lawmaker, told POLITICO. 

    And that’s the view of the handful of supporters who were present for last week’s hearing. “This is a political persecution, and he’s a very good officer, honest and dignified,” said 50-year-old Irina, whose son, now living in Florida, served with Dudin. “He’s a politically independent person and he was investigating corruption involving the Kharkiv mayor and some other powerful politicians, and this is a way of stopping those investigations,” she argued. 

    Zelenskyy relieved Dudin of his duties last May, saying he “did not work to defend the city from the first days of the full-scale war.” But Dudin curiously wasn’t detained and charged for a further four months and was only arrested in September last year. Dudin’s lead lawyer, Oleksandr Kozhevnikov, says neither Zelenskyy nor his SBU superiors voiced any complaints about his work before he was fired. 

    “To say the evidence is weak is an understatement — it just does not correspond to reality. He received some awards and recognition for his efforts before and during the war from the defense ministry,” says Kozhevnikov. “When I agreed to consider taking the case, I told Roman if there was any hint of treason, I would drop it immediately — but I’ve found none,” he added.

    The State Bureau of Investigation says Dudin “instead of organizing work to counter the enemy … actually engaged in sabotage.” It claims he believed the Russian “offensive would be successful” and hoped Russian authorities would treat him favorably due to his subversion, including “deliberately creating conditions” enabling the invaders to seize weapons and equipment from the security service bases in Kharkiv. In addition, he’s alleged to have left his post without permission, illegally ordered his staff to quit the region and of wrecking a secure communication system for contact with Kyiv. 

    But documents obtained by POLITICO from relevant Ukrainian agencies seem to undermine the allegations. One testifies no damage was found to the secure communication system; and a document from the defense ministry says Dudin dispersed weapons from the local SBU arsenal to territorial defense forces. “Local battalions are grateful to him for handing out weapons,” says Kozhevnikov. 

    And his lawyer says Dudin only left Kharkiv because he was ordered to go to Kyiv by superiors to help defend the Ukrainian capital. A geolocated video of Dudin in uniform along with other SBU officers in the center of Kyiv, ironically a stone’s throw from the Pechersk District Court, has been ruled by the judge as inadmissible. The defense has asked the judge to recuse herself because of academic ties with Oleh Tatarov, a deputy head of the presidential administration, but the request has been denied. 

    According to a 29-page document compiled by the defense lawyers for the eventual trial, Dudin and his subordinates seem to have been frantically active to counter Russia forces as soon as the first shots were fired, capturing 24 saboteurs, identifying 556 collaborators and carrying out reconnaissance on Russian troop movements. 

    Roman2
    Roman Dudin is facing charges of treason and allegations that he eased the way for Russian invaders | Jamie Dettmer for POLITICO

    Timely information transmitted by the SBU helped military and intelligence units to stop an armored Russian column entering the city of Kharkiv, according to defense lawyers. 

    “The only order he didn’t carry out was to transfer his 25-strong Alpha special forces team to the front lines because they were needed to catch saboteurs,” says Kozhevnikov. “The timing of his removal is suspicious — it was when he was investigating allegations of humanitarian aid being diverted by some powerful politicians.” 

    ***

    Even before Dudin’s case there were growing doubts about some of the treason accusations being leveled — including vague allegations against former prosecutor Venediktova and former security chief Bakanov. Both were accused of failing to prevent collaboration by some within their departments. But abruptly in November, Venediktova was appointed Ukraine’s ambassador to Switzerland. And two weeks ago, the State Bureau of Investigation said the agency had found no criminal wrongdoing by Bakanov.

    The clearing of both with scant explanation, after their humiliating and highly public sackings, has prompted bemusement. Although some SBU insiders do blame Bakanov for indolence in sweeping for spies ahead of the Russian invasion. 

    Treason often seems the go-to charge — whether appropriate or not — and used reflexively.

    Last month, several Ukrainian servicemen were accused of treason for having inadvertently revealed information during an unauthorized mission, which enabled Russia to target a military airfield. 

    The servicemen tried without permission to seize a Russian warplane in July after its pilot indicated he wanted to defect. Ham-fisted the mission might have been, but lawyers say it wasn’t treasonable.

    Spy hunt or witch hunt? With the word treason easily slipping off tongues these days in Kyiv, defense lawyers at the Pechersk District Court worry the two are merging.



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    #Spy #hunt #witch #hunt #Ukrainians #fear #merging
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )

  • Russia ‘evacuates’ area around major nuclear plant in Ukraine

    Russia ‘evacuates’ area around major nuclear plant in Ukraine

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    russia ukraine war nuclear plant 47976

    Hundreds of civilians on Sunday fled Ukrainian territories under Russian control as part of an “evacuation” ahead of what’s feared to be intense fighting around an area home to Europe’s largest nuclear power plant.

    A Ukrainian mayor slammed Moscow’s move as a cover-up operation to move troops, while the U.N. nuclear watchdog raised concerns over heavy fighting during a potential spring counteroffensive when Ukrainian forces are expected to seek to regain control of territories lost to Russian control.

    Russian forces announced the evacuation for 18 settlements on Friday, and over the weekend, civilians have been rushing to leave those areas. The Ukrainian mayor of Melitopol, Ivan Fedorov, called it a “mad panic” as thousands of cars were stuck on the roads with five-hour waits, BBC reported.

    Meanwhile, Russian paramilitary group Wagner’s boss on Sunday signaled that his men would continue to fight in the Ukrainian city of Bakhmut, a U-turn from an earlier threat — made in a video filmed alongside dead bodies — to withdraw from there as he criticized Moscow for failing to supply his group with the ammunition it needed.

    Russian defense officials reportedly had reservations about over-assisting Yevgeny Prigozhin, whose Wagner mercenaries have played a key role in securing control over Ukraine’s eastern territories.

    In Bakhmut, Ukraine has accused Russia of attacking the besieged city with phosphorus munitions.

    Russia’s Federal Security Services claimed on Sunday they had foiled an attempt by Ukrainian intelligence to attack a military airfield in central Russia with drones stuffed with explosives. Kyiv has not responded to the accusation but previously attributed such actions to “false flag” operations or Russians opposed to President Vladimir Putin.



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    #Russia #evacuates #area #major #nuclear #plant #Ukraine
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )

  • The truth about crime in American cities? We asked 50 mayors.

    The truth about crime in American cities? We asked 50 mayors.

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    Peoria, Ill., saw a spike in violent crime through the pandemic that startled local leaders.

    Gun violence among young people in particular was going up at a disturbing pace in a city that already had one of the highest murder rates in the country. Democratic Mayor Rita Ali needed a plan to yank the numbers back down.

    She hired a new top cop two months after being sworn in in 2021 who sought to make the police more visible and opened a tip line at the beginning of 2022. The city launched a violence “interrupter” program. A community center started offering school tutoring, physical fitness classes and mentoring on how to handle conflicts without picking up a gun.

    We asked these 50 mayors what they considered to be the leading causes of crime in their cities. Here’s what they told us:

    15 mayors mentioned
    drugs or addiction

    12 mayors mentioned
    economic inequality, poverty or lack of opportunities

    Eight mayors mentioned
    guns or illegal firearms

    Seven mayors mentioned
    mental health

    Four mayors mentioned
    car theft or other types of theft

    Peoria still had a high rate of gun violence last year. But shootings and homicides fell roughly 26 percent, compared to 2021, a drop Ali and other local leaders attribute to the new suite of programs.

    “We’re looking block by block how we can address gun violence and really transform the situation within these hot spots,” Ali, the first Black woman elected to lead Peoria, a city 160 miles southwest of Chicago, said in an interview. “We think if we can interrupt the violence within these hot spots, that it’s going to have a collective impact within our community.”

    There’s a similar scene playing out across the country. Leaders for communities of all sizes are desperate to restore the broad, steady declines in violence that preceded Covid-19. What’s happening is an experimentation with anti-crime methods that respect the protests that erupted across the nation after the police killing of George Floyd in 2020. How mayors address the issue of public safety will decide their political fate, whether their cities prosper or stagnate, and to what degree their residents can live without fear for their lives or their family.

    For 2023, POLITICO assembled 50 mayors — one from every state — to shine a light on the challenges their communities face and offer up the lessons they’ve learned on the job. Throughout the year, members of the inaugural Mayors Club will share their perspective on key issues that weigh on them and their peers, in both surveys and interviews. We’ll hear directly from leaders who are far from Washington’s corridors of power, representing cities and towns big and small, urban and suburban.

    The first topic we asked the members of the Mayors Club about: Crime and policing.

    Nearly half of the 50 mayors in The Mayors Club said public safety was the single most pressing issue in their communities. We had them rank it on a scale of 1 to 10, with 1 being the most important.

    Ali and mayors all over the country are grappling with a similar surge in violence, anchored with the huge responsibility of reducing crime rates with limited money and limited power. It’s a confluence of forces that leave mayors exasperated — often feeling boxed in by a frightened public and an intractable problem.

    Here these mayors will discuss their search for solutions to many of the same problems: Understaffed police departments facing low morale — and a public uneasiness with the people hired to protect them. A steady flow of illegal guns. Inflamed and inaccurate rhetoric. State lawmakers who get in their way. And, of course, insufficient funds.

    “It’s a very volatile situation,” Cleveland Mayor Justin Bibb, a Democrat, said of crime in his city. “We can have a very safe month, then you can have a mass shooting and the next month is challenging.”

    Just three mayors we surveyed said their constituents were not concerned about crime.

    33 were a little or somewhat worried

    The majority of the Mayors Club said their concerns about crime aligned with their residents’ — and a quarter reported being more worried.

    2

    Less worried about crime

    36 were as worried about crime as their constituents

    Mayors Club members believe their constituents have a mostly accurate view of crime rates in the communities. We had them rank it on a scale of 1 to 10, with 1 being not at all accurate and 10 being completely accurate.

    Louisville, Ky., Mayor Craig Greenberg, a Democrat, campaigned on combating gun violence, and a few months into his tenure he’s trying to fulfill that promise. It’s an issue that became deeply personal for him — and predates this week’s shooting less than a mile from City Hall: He survived a shooting at his campaign headquarters last year when a candidate for city council fired several rounds before a door was closed and barricaded. No one was injured but a bullet grazed the sweater Greenberg was wearing.

    A few weeks into office, Greenberg announced a new plan unique to Kentucky: Guns seized by the police department would be disabled before being turned over to the state. Their firing pins would be removed and a label added saying that the gun may have been used in the killing of a child or to commit other homicides in Louisville. Kentucky law mandates that all forfeited guns must be auctioned, a requirement Greenberg said is “dangerous and absurd” because it allows for the weapons to be recirculated.

    “There are thousands and thousands of guns in our possession we are going to be rendering inoperative,” Greenberg said in an interview before the downtown bank shooting that left at least four people dead on Monday. “We believe it’s important to do everything we can to continue to reduce gun violence.”

    Greenberg, as mayor of Kentucky’s largest city, is likely setting himself up for a legal challenge to this workaround as well as a confrontation with the conservative state legislature behind the decades-old law. And proceeds from the auctions go toward buying equipment like body armor and tasers for police departments.

    The Kentucky State Fraternal Order of Police opposes the mayor’s plan and said it “will have far reaching ramifications for police and sheriffs departments.”

    Greenberg has promised that his initiative won’t hurt funding for law enforcement.

    More than 75 percent of The Mayors Club reported that they believe their constituents trust their police force. About 14 percent were neutral.

    39

    Strongly agree or agree

    Strongly disagree or disagree

    4

    7 mayors said they were neutral

    More than 90 percent of the Mayors Club said they would feel comfortable approaching their police chief to talk about their constituents’ complaints.

    47

    Strongly agree or agree

    No mayors said they were neutral

    Mayors told POLITICO they are consumed with figuring out how to keep guns off the streets — and they’re facing new challenges all the time.

    In Lancaster, Penn., Mayor Danene Sorace said the police department has discovered an uptick in ghost guns — untraceable firearms that can be bought online or assembled at home using a 3D printer. A recent federal report found that the use of ghost guns has risen by more than 1,000 percent since 2017.

    “As a mayor, you feel that you have no sense of control over these things, especially given the climate around guns in our country and the lack of support for law enforcement to help stem the tide of illegal guns,” Sorace, a Democrat, said in an interview. “It’s really frustrating.”

    In Columbia, S.C., Mayor Daniel Rickenmann is in the process of setting up a new anti-gun violence office, an effort he imagines will consolidate resources and deploy a coordinated response across city agencies. Rickenmann, a Republican, has sparred with the city council over funding, arguing that Columbia — which experienced more shootings in 2021 than any year on record — needs a central hub dedicated to the issue.

    Some council members have balked at the price tag, which is estimated at more than $800,000 in federal funds over three years.

    Rickenmann also wants to see the state legislature, ruled by a Republican supermajority, pass some gun restrictions while also preserving the right to own a firearm.

    “We’ve got to show people you’ve got to be responsible,” he said in an interview. “I don’t think we should take away the opportunity for people to own a firearm … but it doesn’t mean you can take it to the mall.”

    He added: “I don’t think the intent was that everything is a free-for-all, and I do think we’ve got to have some boundaries and restrictions.”

    An increasing number of cities across the country are rolling out violence interruption initiatives — programs that send individuals out onto the streets to deescalate the potential for crimes before they occur. These interrupters often have a criminal record and relationships with gang members after following that life themselves. Their salaries are paid for by a combination of federal and local funding, depending on the city.

    In Birmingham, Ala., Mayor Randall Woodfin is bringing the city’s interrupters into the hospital by sending workers to the bedside of gunshot victims admitted to the trauma department.

    “What we want is not only for that victim to survive, what we want is for them not to retaliate,” Woodfin, a Democrat, said.

    But these interrupter programs have run into problems getting off the ground, mainly with building the trust of law enforcement and community members and convincing those leaders to spend significant sums. It’s difficult for advocates of these efforts to prove they prevented crimes that never occurred and the interrupters can sometimes face tremendous risk.

    In Baltimore, which has had a violence interrupter program since 2007, three workers employed on behalf of the city’s Safe Streets initiative were recently shot and killed on the job over an 18-month period. One of those men was Dante Barksdale, the director of Safe Streets and a close friend of Democratic Mayor Brandon Scott, a Black man who grew up in the Park Heights neighborhood, a predominantly low-income area with high crime rates.

    Following the murders, Baltimore’s leaders faced questions about the program’s risks and whether there are better approaches.

    “The day that [Barksdale] died is one of the hardest days of my life as an elected official,” said Scott, who got choked up when talking about his death. But he said Barksdale was committed to the effort.

    Barksdale would tell Scott: “We’ve got to go deeper. We’ve got to do more of it, not less, because it’s necessary and it works.”

    Scott is pushing a comprehensive public safety strategy that not only relies on law enforcement but also programs like Safe Streets and the recently reimagined Group Violence Reduction Strategy that directs job training, drug counseling, housing and behavioral health support to at-risk individuals.

    “When you think about gun violence as a disease or a cancer, you have to cure the whole cancer, not just one symptom,” Scott said.

    What do you wish state lawmakers better understood about crime in your community?

    A headshot of Maria Rivera, Central Falls, Rhode Island

    “Police officers need more mental health support and services. No one really prepares us for if there’s a homicide in the city or what happens when you lose an officer.”

    — Maria Rivera, Central Falls, Rhode Island

    A headshot of Brad Cavanagh, Dubuque, Iowa

    “We still struggle in Iowa with some of the small drug offenses. Marjuana is not legalized here for recreational use and [we have] limited medical use. There’s not any real agreement. They’re just not open to that conversation right now.”

    — Brad Cavanagh, Dubuque, Iowa

    A headshot of Todd Gloria, San Diego, California

    “[Fentanyl] is new, very powerful, extremely addictive and very deadly. We need state laws addressing the people directly dealing that poison.”

    — Todd Gloria, San Diego, California

    Members of The Mayors Club said it is crucial to encourage law enforcement to embrace community policing tactics: being more visible within their cities and towns and directing nonviolent 911 calls to mental health professionals. That approach, they believe, will help build trust between law enforcement and residents.

    In few places has that mandate been more difficult than in Tacoma, Wash., where Manuel Ellis, a 33-year-old Black man, died during an arrest in 2020. The incident sparked a crisis for the city and state, pulling in the governor and leading Mayor Victoria Woodards to immediately call for the removal and prosecution of the four police officers on the scene after video footage of the altercation was released showing the officers choking Ellis and repeatedly tasing him. Three of the officers are awaiting trial on murder and manslaughter charges. The Tacoma Police union has called the prosecution’s case a “witch hunt” and that the officers acted “in accordance with the law.”

    Woodards, a Democrat and the city’s first Black mayor, said she found the Ellis killing and its fallout “devastating” as she dealt with her own emotions about “representing the system that has now hurt my community.”

    “Mayors have to be really careful. … I’ve got to call out what’s wrong but I also have to balance that with still saying that those who are still left, those who are waking up every day fighting crime, still have to be honored in the work that they’re doing,” she said. “It’s a tightrope. It’s not easy.”

    A majority of the Mayors Club said they intended to spend more money on their police department this year than last year.

    29

    More money than was spent last year

    16 said the same amount as last year

    When given three choices for how to spend a hypothetical $500,000 public safety budget surplus, nearly 70 percent said they’d hire social workers.

    11 mayors said
    create/hire more police officers

    34 mayors said
    hire social workers to handle nonviolent policing duties such as mental health issues

    Five mayors said
    invest in drug rehabilitation programs

    When offered several choices for how to spend a broader hypothetical $500,000 budget surplus, more than one-third said they would spend the money on housing.

    Mayors shared deep concerns about the quality of life for police officers, who they say are experiencing low morale amid the national discourse over policing and mental health issues associated with their dangerous jobs.

    And law enforcement resources are stretched thin, an issue exacerbated by recruitment challenges.

    “People just don’t want to be police officers and that’s a big challenge,” Dubuque, Iowa, Mayor Brad Cavanagh, a Democrat, said in an interview. “Recruiting and hiring is our biggest concern right now.”

    The Dubuque police department currently has 14 vacancies and no longer receives a comparable amount of applicants for open positions that it used to.

    “It’s a challenge when you have a national narrative where people are not as supportive of the police, and for some really legitimate reasons,” he said of the police department’s personnel setbacks. “There’s been some terrible things that have happened at the hands of police officers in the United States. And it leads to a larger discussion that doesn’t attract somebody to the profession.”

    LONG TERM POLICY AMBITIONS

    One-third of the mayors in the club reported drugs and addiction as the leading cause of crime in their communities. Nearly a quarter cited economic inequality, poverty and a lack of opportunities.

    Some mayors are hoping to address a few of these root causes with a greater focus on lifting people out of poverty or helping those struggling with substance abuse.

    In Louisville, Ky., the city is exploring how to create a universal pre-kindergarten program.

    The city of San Diego is lobbying the California Legislature to crack down on dealers of illicit fentanyl, who prey on the homeless population.

    In Birmingham, Ala., the city has provided more than $3 million in college tuition assistance to more than 800 high school students.

    Here is what some mayors said they would change about their police department — if there were no political blowback:

    new patrol cars

    more officers living inside city limits

    ending qualified immunity

    proactive in citing violators

    cameras in public areas

    hire a full time psychologist

    terminate bigoted officers

    more social workers

    All these efforts are intended to get at systemic issues mayors believe may meet long term policy goals — and could be better realized with the support of state and federal government and more money.

    “We’re dealing with the symptom and not the underlying cause,” Democratic Santa Fe, N.M., Mayor Alan Webber said.

    What do you wish state lawmakers better understood about crime in your community?

    A headshot of Justin Bibb, Cleveland, Ohio

    “We need more tools at the local level to enforce the illegal trafficking of guns in our city. The legislature here in Ohio has undermined home rule for us as mayors to cut down on guns. That plays a large driver in the homicides we see across the state.”

    — Justin Bibb, Cleveland, Ohio

    A headshot of Randall Woodfin, Birmingham, Alabama

    “What’s happening right now in 2023 with the proliferation, the ease and access to guns in urban cores across America is extremely reminiscent of the crack cocaine epidemic in the 80’s.”

    — Randall Woodfin, Birmingham, Alabama

    A headshot of Alan Webber, Santa Fe, New Mexico

    “One of the things the state needs to recognize is that at the same time we want more officers and more response to things that are crimes, we want more prevention and intermediation and diversion for things that are social problems not criminal problems. It’s underfunded, it’s harder to explain to the public, it is less politically popular than being ‘tough on crime.’”

    — Alan Webber, Santa Fe, New Mexico

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    #truth #crime #American #cities #asked #mayors
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • POLITICO’s Mayors Club: A roundtable of 50 American mayors

    POLITICO’s Mayors Club: A roundtable of 50 American mayors

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    hub mini landing

    America’s mayors are on the frontlines of crises hitting cities across the country, finding themselves consumed with fighting drug epidemics, homelessness and the devastating effects of climate change.

    Yet mayors aren’t often heard from on the national stage. Until now.

    Welcome to POLITICO’s Mayors Club, a first-of-its-kind roundtable of 50 mayors, one from each state. We convened these mayors to tell us how they’re tackling the issues their own voters are demanding action on – and what they’re pushing state and national leaders for. Mayors – regardless of their party, the size of their population or their location – are judged on some of the most mundane aspects of government, like filling potholes and plowing snow. But they’re also charged with navigating some of the most complex, like tax and real estate policy.

    Mayors are also often more nimble than their counterparts in higher levels of government, possessing the flexibility to experiment with policy and try out new potential solutions to persistent problems.

    These mayors are from small towns like Gibbon, Neb., (pop. 1,889) and big cities like San Diego (pop. 1.38 million). They are Republicans and Democrats and independents. They are new to politics at 23 years old or in their seventh term in office at 68. They include military veterans, a social worker, a surgeon, a son of immigrants — and many mark a historic “first”: the first woman, or first openly gay person, or first person of color to lead their communities.

    Throughout the year, we will survey and interview these leaders on a variety of key issues plaguing cities and towns across the country — and what solutions mayors are rolling out. You’ll hear more of their stories as the project unfolds.

    Our Mayors Club marks a commitment from this newsroom to look beyond Washington and dig into state and local policy. Stay tuned for more.

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    #POLITICOs #Mayors #Club #roundtable #American #mayors
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • 50 American mayors on the biggest issues facing their cities

    50 American mayors on the biggest issues facing their cities

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    Being a mayor means being a manager, a problem-solver, a coach, an inspirational speaker, a people person and a punching bag. Anything and everything going on in town can wind up on your desk. And while you may have allies on your city council or in your state legislature, a mayor is the one most accountable to everyday people when something goes awry.

    The 50 mayors we will survey throughout 2023 represent big cities and small towns, but many face the same challenges: recovering from Covid-era business shutdowns and remote schooling, stubborn spikes in crime, growing homelessness and a mounting affordability crisis. These mayors will bring us in on what they’ve learned on the job and what still vexes them. We will hear from this inaugural class of the Mayors Club through both surveys and interviews.

    Here, you can learn about who they are in their own words — edited for length and clarity — and see their responses to our very first question: What keeps you up at night? The answers ranged from gun violence to homelessness to drugs.

    This is what they had to say:

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    #American #mayors #biggest #issues #facing #cities
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Nail-biter in Chicago: Mayor’s race too close to call

    Nail-biter in Chicago: Mayor’s race too close to call

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    election 2023 chicago mayor 08068

    Vallas and Johnson are vying to succeed incumbent Mayor Lori Lightfoot, who lost her reelection bid during the first round of the election Feb. 28.

    In that contest, Vallas, the only white candidate among nine contenders, came in first with 33 percent of the vote, followed by Johnson at 22 percent and Lightfoot at 17 percent, propelling Vallas and Johnson to Tuesday’s runoff.

    The outcome of the Chicago mayor’s race has been closely watched as Democrats across the country try to grapple with messaging over crime. Two years ago in New York, Eric Adams won his party’s nomination and, later, the general election running to the right of his fellow Democrats on criminal justice issues.

    Vallas, 69, and Johnson, 47, played to their bases during the first round of the election, with Vallas on the right, courting moderates and Republicans in the nonpartisan race, and Johnson on the left securing support from Democratic Socialists.

    They both steered their campaigns to the middle for Tuesday’s contest, trying to woo supporters of Lightfoot and Rep. Jesus “Chuy” Garcia, who came in fourth during the first round.

    Vallas and Johnson touted big-name endorsements in hopes of swaying voters. Johnson was backed by Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.). Johnson also was endorsed by civil rights leader and Chicago resident Rev. Jesse Jackson.

    For his part, Vallas was endorsed by Sen. Dick Durbin, popular former Illinois Secretary of State Jesse White and Tom Tunney, an alderman and chair of Chicago’s powerful Zoning Committee.

    Both Vallas and Johnson also were embraced by powerful unions, which helped fuel their bases but also raised concerns among moderate Democrats about how they would lead.

    Vallas is endorsed by the Chicago Fraternal Order of Police, and Johnson is backed by the Chicago Teachers Union, for which he also worked. The CTU also funded Johnson’s campaign, donating more than $2.5 million to the effort. While Vallas accepted the FOP support, he didn’t take money from the organization.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Nearly half of Chicago voters tapped a loser. Now they can sway the mayor’s race.

    Nearly half of Chicago voters tapped a loser. Now they can sway the mayor’s race.

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    Things aren’t any easier for Brandon Johnson, Vallas’ Black, left-leaning rival in the April 4 runoff, who won the second spot with 21 percent — and a radically different coalition to go with his perspective on crime, policing and education.

    The Cook County commissioner’s best opening to pull in a large chunk of voters will be among the 17 percent who voted for Lightfoot. Yet that still leaves him scavenging in areas like moderate Latino-majority wards and even his home precinct.

    “Race is one of the most definitive predictors in how an area votes in Chicago, like in many other areas,” said Frank Calabrese, an independent political consultant who has studied several campaigns in Illinois. “If Vallas is doing 30, 35, 40 percent in Black wards, that means he’s doing really well.”

    How Vallas wins

    Vallas didn’t even come close to 30 percent numbers in most Black-majority wards on Election Day. And although that was a contest divided among nine candidates, he typically landed third or fourth place in those areas — several points behind Johnson, and where Lightfoot did her best.

    However, Vallas, who got the endorsement of the Chicago Fraternal Order of Police and ran a tough-on-crime campaign, did well with voters in areas that resoundingly rejected the incumbent mayor: white-majority wards on the city’s North and Southwest sides, where a mix of wealthy families and civil service workers like police officers or firefighters live.

    The prime pockets of voters available to Vallas are those who went for Willie Wilson, a prominent Black conservative businessperson who also ran for mayor on a police-heavy platform. In the handful of majority-Black precincts Wilson captured, he got up to 42 percent of the vote, and came in second or third in many others — capturing voters unlikely to swing left to Johnson without a lot of convincing.

    What may bridge Vallas’ shortfall with Black voters is the outpouring of support he’s winning from well-known Black Democratic political figures, including former Secretary of State Jesse White and several respected City Council members.

    “It’s a Black man running against a white man when it comes down to Black wards,” Calabrese said of Johnson. “That being said, Black residents… care about crime and quality of life issues at the same level, if not more than other parts of the city. Vallas is going to have a resonating message.”

    Latinos and Asian voters are big unknowns

    Demographically, the city is split evenly among white, Black and Latino residents, but it doesn’t break down that way when it comes to who actually shows up to cast ballots.

    Despite having a Latino candidate on the ballot in García, participation among Latino voters “was abysmal” last week, said Jaime Dominguez, a Northwestern professor who worked on a rare poll with BSP Research weighted toward measuring Black and Latino voters.

    The demographic already does not vote in droves, he said, and it didn’t help that Garcia entered the race late and missed out on big union support, like Johnson’s backing from the Chicago Teachers Union. A large share of Latino voters were still undecided leading before Election Day last week.

    Vallas can keep building off of the Latino votes he already won, Dominguez and Calabrese said. The frontrunner clinched several majority-Latino wards last week, and placed second in other moderate areas receptive to his law-and-order messaging.

    “I’ll be honest with you — I think that some people think Vallas is a Latino last name,” Ald. Carlos Ramirez-Rosa said in an interview, laughing. As his team went door-to-door in majority-Latino communities, that comment came up “quite a lot.”

    Then there are Asian American voters, who have a stronger stake in Chicago politics this cycle, after post-2020 redistricting led to Chinatown and surrounding neighborhoods becoming a slightly majority Asian ward, which is also 20 percent Latino and 25 percent white. Vallas came away with 58 percent of the vote there, while Johnson and Garcia had about 13 percent each.

    This shows the division among Asian communities on the issue of public safety, said Grace Pai, executive director of Asian Americans Advancing Justice in Chicago. Progressives want non-police options to address a rise in general violence and anti-Asian attacks, while she said others want more law enforcement present to protect businesses and patrol. And both sides are vocal within the communities that comprise about 7 percent of the city.

    Johnson had made more of a concerted effort than Vallas to reach out to Asian American surrogates during the campaign’s initial stages, she said.

    What’s also unclear is how Johnson’s aspirations of decreasing police funding will ring with a broader set of voters, though he distanced himself from those remarks before last week’s election.

    “Whether you’re Latino, Caucasian, African American — public safety is resonating,” Ald. Gil Villegas, who was endorsed by García and is heading to a runoff of his own, said in an interview. “If you’re not speaking about that… regardless of your ethnicity or your gender, people want to feel safe. Quality of life is a big issue.”

    How Johnson wins

    One analysis shows Vallas could pick up García’s Latino voters and Johnson could consolidate the Black vote — but low Hispanic voter turnout and incoming endorsements from Black and Latino leaders will blur the election picture.

    Johnson won over Ramirez-Rosa’s ward on the Northwest Side, which is more than half Latino and has a significant white population, by a high margin — making the area more of an exception among the city’s Latinos.

    The alderman endorsed Johnson and was confident about his ability to attract Latino voters in the runoffs. Ramirez-Rosa pointed to Johnson’s use of Spanish-language advertising, as well as recent wins from progressive Latinos, including himself and Rep. Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.), who also endorsed Johnson.

    Now, Johnson faces challenges in keeping up appeal with the progressives he won over while not turning off Latinos by going too far to the left, Dominguez said. Surrogates for either candidate will make a large difference during the runoff campaign process, and some believe Latino leaders — including García — will eventually back Johnson.

    Johnson making the runoff shows the potential success of a candidate running on a nuanced public safety plan, said Patrice James, founding director of the Illinois Black Advocacy Initiative, recently founded to promote Black interests in the state.

    Black voters are not only sophisticated, James said, but have “long memories” of Chicago’s lack of investment in their communities — such as former Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s controversial shuttering of 50 schools in mostly Black neighborhoods. Vallas has his own history with school closures when he led the system in the 1990s.

    “They remember disinvestment and the fallout of what it means when schools close in your neighborhood and how that impacts home values,” she said. “It’s no secret Johnson is about community. … I think that will resonate with a lot of voters.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Democratic mayors lead course correction on psychiatric commitments

    Democratic mayors lead course correction on psychiatric commitments

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    To sell the new policies to voters, as well as the mental health and homelessness advocates who have overwhelmingly panned them, lawmakers have employed a strikingly similar vocabulary to the one advocates used in the 1960s and 1970s to empty psychiatric institutions across the U.S. They speak of a moral responsibility to provide a compassionate response to inhumane conditions.

    “We have to stop allowing individuals to essentially kill themselves on the street,” Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, a Democrat, said last year when she was campaigning.

    “It is not acceptable for us to see someone who clearly needs help and walk past,” Adams, a retired NYPD captain, said during a November press conference announcing his policy directive. “If severe mental illness is causing someone to be unsheltered and a danger to themselves, we have a moral obligation to help them get the treatment and care they need.”

    Still, the anti-crime undertones are clear.

    “You can’t effectively have public safety without adequate mental health care — the two go hand-in-hand,” New York City Deputy Mayor for Public Safety Philip Banks III said in a statement accompanying Adams’ November announcement. “For too long, public safety personnel’s hands have been tied in getting those in need care before they hurt themselves or others,” said Banks, another former NYPD leader and close confidant of the mayor.

    Critics of the new policies argue that people who are unhoused and living with serious mental illnesses are more likely to be the victims of a crime than the perpetrators. But murders and shootings surged during the worst of the pandemic, and New Yorkers became fixated on whether they could take the subway without feeling threatened, said Hank Sheinkopf, a veteran Democratic political consultant.

    “There’s a relationship between chaos and crime in the eyes of voters,” Sheinkopf, whose clients included Bill Clinton and Michael Bloomberg, said in an interview. “The politics are governing the response, not great social policy.”

    The policy shift — and the language around it — point to the rising influence of the Treatment Advocacy Center, an Arlington, Va.-based nonprofit started in 1998 to reform states’ civil commitment laws so people with severe mental health concerns receive treatment before they harm themselves or others.

    Over 30 states have reformed their civil commitment laws with support from the group, according to its website. An ongoing $13.4 million federal grant program to help local mental health systems establish court-ordered outpatient treatment programs, which launched in 2016, has its roots in a Treatment Advocacy Center policy recommendation. And the group even has a three-person implementation department that has advised recipients on how to spend the grants.

    The organization’s influence has been even more direct in New York City, where its former policy director, Brian Stettin, is the mayor’s senior adviser on severe mental illness. Stettin authored Adams’ recent policy directive.

    Stettin said the administration recruited him after he penned a New York Daily News op-ed advising Adams to broadly interpret the state’s civil commitment laws as including “any individual whose untreated mental illness prevents them from meeting basic survival needs.” Previously, the law targeted people who posed a risk to themselves or others. Adams called him the day the piece ran, Stettin said.

    “There’s a widespread view among some people who make policy in this area that recovery must always be self-directed and we have to wait for people to recognize they need treatment,” Stettin said in an interview.

    “I think that if you go about mental health reform with that in mind — that it’s only a question of creating resources for people to take advantage of — you’re going to miss opportunities to help the most vulnerable people,” he added.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Mayors Of Srinagar, Jammu Oppose Govt’s Move To Impose Property Tax In JK

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    SRINAGAR: The move by the  administration to impose property tax on those falling under the jurisdiction of Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) in Jammu and Kashmir from April 1 has come under fire, with the mayors of the twin capitals of the Union Territory speaking out against it.

    Srinagar City Mayor, Junaid Azim Mattu, called the imposition of the property tax “arbitrary” and stated that the decision was not approved by elected ULBs.

    He added that the SMC will explore ways to contest this move.

    Meanwhile, Jammu Mayor, Rajinder Sharma, stated that the property tax was imposed by the Administrative Council of the Union Territory and not by the JMC.

    He said that the aspirations of the people of Jammu must be taken into consideration, and an urgent General House Meeting (GHM) of JMC will be held on Friday to discuss the property tax and who shall be exempted from it.

    “The JMC Commissioner, Rahul Yadav, will give a presentation to clear any misconceptions about the property tax, and the views and concerns of JMC Councillors will be collected and sent to the Lieutenant Governor, Manoj Sinha, BJP J&K President, Ravinder Raina, and BJP National President, J.P Nadda for accommodating the concerns of the Councillors,” he added.

    The mayors of both cities emphasized that the aspirations of the public and Councillors should be fulfilled, and that everything should be done to address their concerns.

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    ( With inputs from : kashmirlife.net )

  • Boris Johnson hogs spotlight with Ukraine visit

    Boris Johnson hogs spotlight with Ukraine visit

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    Boris Johnson leaped back into the spotlight on Sunday after videos of the former British prime minister visiting Ukraine were posted online, in a move likely to irritate the Conservative government back home.

    Posts on Twitter show Johnson meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and visiting the war-struck towns of Bucha and Borodyanka near Kyiv.

    Johnson is a member of the British parliament but doesn’t hold any official role in the government led by Rishi Sunak.

    The former prime minister was removed by his own Conservative party last year amid collapsing support in the polls and an administration dogged by a seeming never-ending series of scandals. He is now also facing questions about his financial dealings.

    But in Ukraine, Johnson is regarded as a hero for his steadfast support of the country after its invasion by Russia in February 2022. He was awarded an honorary “Citizen of Kyiv” medal from the city’s Mayor Vitali Klitschko at Davos last week.

    The Ukraine visit — which according to the Telegraph was not announced in advance nor arranged via the British embassy — could be seen as a move to undermine Sunak. Johnson, a seasoned politician, is known for his crowd-pleasing stunts and rhetorical flourishes. Though he was removed by his fellow Conservatives, he’s still popular among a hard core of supporters in the party.

    Johnson weighed into the ongoing debate about supplying Ukraine with advanced battle tanks. The U.K. has agreed to send Challenger 2 tanks to the Ukrainian battlefield, but Germany continues to hesitate about delivering Leopard 2 tanks.

    “The only way to end this war is for Ukraine to win — and to win as fast as possible,” Johnson said in a statement. “This is the moment to double down, and to give the Ukrainians all the tools they need to finish the job.”

    A spokesperson for No. 10 Downing Street said Sunak is “always supportive of all colleagues showing that the U.K. is behind Ukraine and will continue to support them.”



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )