Tag: Lost

  • New York Democrats lost the crime debate. They want a redo.

    New York Democrats lost the crime debate. They want a redo.

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    The move marks an early attempt to gain the high ground after Republicans last year seized on the state’s bail laws as evidence Democrats are weak on crime, fueling embarrassing losses for House Democrats in New York. The governor’s new strategy could shape next year’s House races, and maybe even control of Congress. But it could also prove a tough and complicated sell to voters.

    The new law will give judges greater authority to decide whether an individual can be held on bail. The tweaks mark, to the dismay of liberals, a third round of rollbacks of progressive bail laws Democrats passed in 2019.

    Hochul’s team realized too late in the midterm cycle that public safety and the economy — not abortion rights — were animating New York voters. The result was the closest governor’s race since 1994, and Democrats were swept out of all four House seats on Long Island, as well as battleground races in the Hudson Valley.

    The blame landed squarely on New York Democrats and especially Hochul, a messaging mishap that even former Speaker Nancy Pelosi said state leaders should have recognized earlier.

    Former GOP Rep. Lee Zeldin’s gubernatorial campaign focused on rising crime rates in big New York cities, and he consistently blamed the bail laws for permitting dangerous individuals to walk free.

    Democrats attempted to argue that there is little evidence linking crime spikes to New York’s bail laws and pointed to larger, national crime trends that were influenced by the pandemic. But Zeldin and GOP House candidates successfully used the issue to gain ground in the critical New York City suburbs.

    Hochul held up the state budget for nine days last year to get a handful of bail changes. But then she didn’t effectively promote the tougher laws during the campaign.

    She is trying not to make the same mistake twice.

    So Hochul’s budget, the first of her first full term, revolved around addressing those critiques; she delayed budget negotiations for weeks and sacrificed a deal on her other major initiatives, like a broad housing plan she wanted, in order to push reluctant Democrats to once again open talks on bail. She was backed up by Adams.

    “I say over and over again that there are many rivers that feed the sea of violence, and we have to dam each river, and we damned one during this process,” Adams said Wednesday on WABC Radio.

    The ultimate deal still left many unhappy. It did not go as far as Republicans, some moderates and even Adams wanted. Hochul has resisted backing a “dangerousness” standard for even greater judicial discretion that has been used by other states that have successfully overhauled bail laws.

    “The governor is going to claim a win for public safety even though the law expressly prohibits judges from taking a defendant’s dangerousness into account during the pretrial process,” Albany-area Republican Sen. Jake Ashby said in a statement during budget votes last week. “If she tries to spin that as judicial discretion, she will be embracing a level of shamelessness previously reserved only for her predecessor.”

    Former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, too, brushed off the changes as inconsequential in the state’s fight against crime during his podcast Thursday. Cuomo, a Democrat who cruised to three terms before resigning in 2021 over sexual harassment allegations, said he personally would have sought a broader criminal justice deal.

    “I don’t think anyone won anything. The governor loses,” Cuomo said. “The answer was not bail reform.”

    The changes, for example, did not include adjustments to discovery laws — measures also passed in 2019 outlining how and when prosecutors hand over case material — despite pushes from progressive prosecutors who say those laws also need to be fixed to prevent cases from being tossed on technical grounds.

    Republicans won’t be letting up on attacking Democrats on crime, state GOP chair Ed Cox said. Democrats “are not going to be able to hide on this issue” in 2024 when all 26 House seats will be on the ballot, he said.

    “Kathy Hochul continues to have her head in the sand on crime,” he said in a statement. “The changes made in her budget are just window dressing.”

    The amendments go too far for the Legislature’s progressive caucuses, which say such adjustment could lead to more poor, mostly minority suspects being held on bail — the reason the laws were changed in the first place.

    Hochul struggled to build progressive enthusiasm for her candidacy last year, and the new changes may not help her do so in the future.

    “The governor’s effort to decimate bail wasn’t driven by facts. It was driven by fear mongering, headlines, political expediency and it was reacting to a far-right strategy to weaponize racism,” Assemblymember Latrice Walker (D-Brooklyn) said during the budget debate.

    They is also a policy gamble. Researchers have said Hochul’s measures are not the strongest way to address specific issues of recidivism and the broader issue of public safety.

    The Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law was “disappointed by the Legislature’s continued focus on revising bail reform to the exclusion of other policies that can make our communities safer,” senior counsel Ames Grawert said in a statement.

    In response, Hochul said the budget also includes more money for gun violence prevention, mental health support and pay bumps for public defenders.

    Now she’ll have to better sell her plan to skeptical voters.

    Democrats will be “able to say they took significant steps toward improving the safety of New Yorkers, while not going back on reforms that were necessary,” Hochul told reporters.

    “And we have to show that we struck the right balance.”

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    #York #Democrats #lost #crime #debate #redo
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • ‘Better team lost’: Emma Hayes says Chelsea had Barcelona panicking

    ‘Better team lost’: Emma Hayes says Chelsea had Barcelona panicking

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    Emma Hayes said she was proud of her players following their Champions League semi-final exit after a 1-1 draw with Barcelona at Camp Nou was not enough to overturn the 1-0 defeat at Stamford Bridge.

    “For us, we’re not going through because of the home tie,” said Hayes. “It’s very difficult to come here. If there was a little bit longer in the game, I think we would have gone on and won it. But I can’t ask for any more, I don’t know many teams that can come here and put them under pressure. They were panicking, you could hear it on the touchline. Even their manager got booked, they’re not used to that.”

    The England defender Niamh Charles said: “We did not come here simply to soak up Barça pressure and then play on the break. We tried to balance knowing where and when to push and press but also when to sit and hold at the right time, because we respect them. Across this and the first leg, it’s about fine details. We’ll come again next year.”

    Guro Reiten’s goal for Chelsea came four minutes after her compatriot Caroline Graham Hansen had extended Barcelona’s lead in the tie to two goals. It was a moment to stun the home crowd, which is not used to seeing Barcelona conceding given that the Catalan giants have let in just five goals in the league this season. At the Camp Nou this season in the WCL they had previously beaten Rosengard 6-0, Roma 5-1 and Bayern Munich 3-0: an average of 4.6 goals per game.

    “Look at the previous results here,” said Hayes. “I don’t think you understand how challenging it is playing in this stadium with an unbeaten record in the last four years. You have to stay in football matches. I can’t criticise our performance tonight. We’re going out in the competition because of the home leg. Today, I think the better team lost.”

    Hayes added that “the gap is closing across Europe and today’s performance was evidence of that.”

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    Responding to the claim that the better team had lost, Barcelona manager Jonatan Giráldez said: “I think there [at Stamford Bridge] we were better. For me, the result there was tighter than it should have been and in the return leg we were superior as well in general. We dominated almost the entire game.”

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    #team #lost #Emma #Hayes #Chelsea #Barcelona #panicking
    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )

  • Russian propagandist says U.S. media ‘lost its last remaining voice of reason’ after Carlson exit

    Russian propagandist says U.S. media ‘lost its last remaining voice of reason’ after Carlson exit

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    Solovyov is one of the most influential propagandists in Russia. He has been an anchor on the television show “Evening with Vladimir Solovyov” on Russia-1 since 2012. In March 2022, YouTube blocked Solovyov’s channels for violating the company’s “incitement to violence” rules.

    Carlson has become a frequent reference for Russian media, along with other Fox News hosts, for defending Russia in its war on Ukraine.

    In a tweet, the Russian-backed English-language news outlet RT News also appeared to offer Carlson a job.

    “Hey @TuckerCarlson, you can always question more with @RT_com,” RT News wrote.

    It was announced on Monday that Fox News was parting ways with Carlson after seven years of his hosting “Tucker Carlson Tonight.” Carlson’s last program was Friday.

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    #Russian #propagandist #U.S #media #lost #remaining #voice #reason #Carlson #exit
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Rahul, Mamata, Kejriwal among politicians who lost Twitter blue tick

    Rahul, Mamata, Kejriwal among politicians who lost Twitter blue tick

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    New Delhi: Micro-blogging site Twitter on Tursday removed the verified blue tick from many high-profile individuals’ account in India including West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee, Uttarakhand CM Pushkar Singh Dhami, and Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal’s among others.

    The only individual Twitter users who have verified blue checkmarks are those paying for Twitter Blue, which costs USD 8/month via the web and USD 11/month through the in-app payment on iOS and Android.

    The other political figures who have lost the blue tick are Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi.

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    Besides them, political parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), and the Congress also lost their verification badges.

    Due to the recent development, several B-town celebrities including Shah Rukh Khan, Amitabh Bachchan, Alia Bhatt and cricketers Virat Kohli and Rohit Sharma among others have lost their verified blue ticks from their Twitter accounts.

    Earlier it was announced that the microblogging site would remove the verified check-mark status of accounts that Twitter had been verified as notable before Elon Musk’s takeover unless they have subscribed to Twitter Blue or the business-focused Twitter Verified Organizations plan, Variety reported.

    Initially, the blue tick served as a way of protecting well-known individuals from impersonation and tackling false information.

    Earlier in March, Twitter posted from their official handle, “On April 1st, we will begin winding down our legacy verified program and removing legacy verified checkmarks. To keep your blue checkmark on Twitter, individuals can sign up for Twitter Blue.

    Twitter first introduced the blue check mark system in 2009 to help users identify that celebrities, politicians, companies and brands, news organizations and other accounts “of public interest” were genuine and not impostors or parody accounts. The company didn’t previously charge for verification.

    Musk launched Twitter Blue with the check-mark badge as one of the premium perks within two weeks of the company’s takeover last year.

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    #Rahul #Mamata #Kejriwal #among #politicians #lost #Twitter #blue #tick

    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • Lost on abortion politics, Republicans struggle for a solution

    Lost on abortion politics, Republicans struggle for a solution

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    And the GOP can’t avoid abortion following last year’s reversal of Roe v. Wade, from the looming Supreme Court decision over abortion medication to Gov. Ron DeSantis’ (R-Fla.) approval of a six-week abortion ban just last week. Every new possible abortion restriction animates Democratic attacks — and it’s taking a toll, from Wisconsin’s state Supreme Court race this month to last year’s disappointing finish in Senate races.

    “We’ve got to come up with a position that’s a winning one,” Thune (R-S.D.) argued in an interview. “Our guys say, ‘well, it’s a states issue.’ Great, but the Dems are going to be out here advocating for what I think is a very extreme position. And we want to be able to contrast ours with theirs.”

    A year ago, a national late-term abortion ban had strong backing among congressional Republicans, nearly all of whom voted for late-term abortion bans when they came to the floor. But Roe‘s demise and the ensuing political fallout scrambled all that, factionalizing a GOP that had become nearly uniformly anti-abortion rights just as Democrats largely adopted a pro-abortion rights stance.

    “The [Republican] Party, I don’t think, really is setting any sort of guidelines, or coming to some consensus,” said Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.).

    Complicating Republicans’ decision-making, polls and election results over the past year show an electorate mostly moving away from the GOP on abortion, even in red states like Kansas. Yet the party’s base and anti-abortion rights lobby is not backing away from the debate.

    Sen. Lindsey Graham’s bill would ban abortions nationwide after 15 weeks, while allowing states with stricter bans to supersede the national policy. The South Carolina Republican introduced the bill last year in the wake of Roe‘s reversal, roiling a Senate GOP that in many ways was pivoting to viewing abortion limits as a state-level decision, save for a handful of supporters like Thune.

    These days Cornyn’s stance of leaving abortion to the states probably commands majority support in the Senate GOP.

    “The answer is that those decisions should be made at the state level, instead of here in Washington D.C.,” said Cornyn, describing himself as an “unapologetically pro-life Republican.”

    “I know that’s not entirely satisfactory for those who’d like to impose a national standard.”

    As to whether restrictions on a national level would get a vote under a future GOP Senate, Cornyn replied: “I don’t think so. But I know that there are those who would disagree with me.”

    Cornyn and Thune agree that the Republican Party needs to more directly confront the potential that abortion continues to drag down their party. The Texan, a former party whip, said “Republicans need to learn how to talk about it” by highlighting Democrats’ views on late-term abortion access.

    Thune was even more blunt, observing that “the messaging around it right now is just making it more challenging for our side.” He described his party’s presidential field as “getting hammered” on the matter.

    Other than a handful of votes, including Wednesday’s unsuccessful attempt in the Senate to roll back abortion policy at the Veterans’ Affairs Department, Republicans in Congress are keeping a lower profile on the issue. The new House majority has not yet voted on the type of sweeping abortion ban the party once supported.

    What’s more, Graham’s 15-week ban bill drew only nine co-sponsors last year, including Thune. That relatively scant support shows how few Republicans want to touch the issue since Roe got overturned.

    “it was a significant factor in the last election. And I think it’ll be an issue going forward,” said Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), who backs the Graham bill.

    Nonetheless, Cramer advised fellow Republicans to “pick your place and articulate your position and then move on to other topics. Don’t try to get too cute .”

    Meanwhile, even lower-level judicial confirmations are boomeranging on Republicans. The party’s unilateral confirmation of Texas Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk in 2019 is drawing fresh scrutiny after Kacsmaryk ruled against abortion medication in the case that’s now at the Supreme Court.

    Cornyn blanched at Kacsmaryk’s ruling, concluding that “judges are not supposed to make policy … the remedy for judges making an erroneous decision is an appeal to the higher court.”

    “It’s quite telling that with basically the same case, a different judge in a different jurisdiction ruled exactly the opposite way,” said Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), who is openly regretting her vote for Kacsmaryk.

    Some reliably red states have learned that lesson firsthand. Kansas voters handily rejected a referendum to remove abortion rights from the state Constitution last August, the first signal after June’s Supreme Court ruling that abortion is no longer breaking along traditional conservative and liberal voting lines.

    “Does this matter to Americans? Does it affect the way they vote? The answer is yes,” said Sen. Jerry Moran (R-Kan.). “When Roe v. Wade was overturned, it caused people to think about this topic on both sides of the issue. And Kansans and Americans have strong feelings about it.”

    Still, just a few weeks after that Kansas abortion vote, Moran’s fellow Kansas GOP Sen. Roger Marshall signed onto Graham’s bill.

    Graham devised his bill as a preelection landing place for Republicans, defining what he saw as a defensible position heading into the midterm election. And he still believes it’s a useful tool: “We need to be really clear: We’re against late-term abortions at the federal level.”

    He’s still got some boosters. Steve Daines, who runs the Senate GOP’s campaign arm, said that a 15-week national ban represents “ground we can bring our country together on.”

    “Where the majority of the American people are on late term abortion, with exceptions, that’s where I think we should be on it,” the Montana Republican said in an interview.

    Yet as long as the legislative filibuster remains in place, there’s a scant chance of any abortion bill getting 60 votes in the Senate. And don’t expect many in the GOP, even those who believe banning abortion is a moral imperative, to start clamoring for a stronger congressional role.

    “There’s a lot of concern out there in terms of how to properly address it. And this is a sensitive issue,” said Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.). “It’s a state’s tissue. And I think it should be that way. Because I don’t think at the federal level, we should be moving it back and forth between Republicans and Democrats.”

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    #Lost #abortion #politics #Republicans #struggle #solution
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Lost on abortion politics, Republicans struggle for a solution

    Lost on abortion politics, Republicans struggle for a solution

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    And the GOP can’t avoid abortion following last year’s reversal of Roe v. Wade, from the looming Supreme Court decision over abortion medication to Gov. Ron DeSantis’ (R-Fla.) approval of a six-week abortion ban just last week. Every new possible abortion restriction animates Democratic attacks — and it’s taking a toll, from Wisconsin’s state Supreme Court race this month to last year’s disappointing finish in Senate races.

    “We’ve got to come up with a position that’s a winning one,” Thune (R-S.D.) argued in an interview. “Our guys say, ‘well, it’s a states issue.’ Great, but the Dems are going to be out here advocating for what I think is a very extreme position. And we want to be able to contrast ours with theirs.”

    A year ago, a national late-term abortion ban had strong backing among congressional Republicans, nearly all of whom voted for late-term abortion bans when they came to the floor. But Roe‘s demise and the ensuing political fallout scrambled all that, factionalizing a GOP that had become nearly uniformly anti-abortion rights just as Democrats largely adopted a pro-abortion rights stance.

    “The [Republican] Party, I don’t think, really is setting any sort of guidelines, or coming to some consensus,” said Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.).

    Complicating Republicans’ decision-making, polls and election results over the past year show an electorate mostly moving away from the GOP on abortion, even in red states like Kansas. Yet the party’s base and anti-abortion rights lobby is not backing away from the debate.

    Sen. Lindsey Graham’s bill would ban abortions nationwide after 15 weeks, while allowing states with stricter bans to supersede the national policy. The South Carolina Republican introduced the bill last year in the wake of Roe‘s reversal, roiling a Senate GOP that in many ways was pivoting to viewing abortion limits as a state-level decision, save for a handful of supporters like Thune.

    These days Cornyn’s stance of leaving abortion to the states probably commands majority support in the Senate GOP.

    “The answer is that those decisions should be made at the state level, instead of here in Washington D.C.,” said Cornyn, describing himself as an “unapologetically pro-life Republican.”

    “I know that’s not entirely satisfactory for those who’d like to impose a national standard.”

    As to whether restrictions on a national level would get a vote under a future GOP Senate, Cornyn replied: “I don’t think so. But I know that there are those who would disagree with me.”

    Cornyn and Thune agree that the Republican Party needs to more directly confront the potential that abortion continues to drag down their party. The Texan, a former party whip, said “Republicans need to learn how to talk about it” by highlighting Democrats’ views on late-term abortion access.

    Thune was even more blunt, observing that “the messaging around it right now is just making it more challenging for our side.” He described his party’s presidential field as “getting hammered” on the matter.

    Other than a handful of votes, including Wednesday’s unsuccessful attempt in the Senate to roll back abortion policy at the Veterans’ Affairs Department, Republicans in Congress are keeping a lower profile on the issue. The new House majority has not yet voted on the type of sweeping abortion ban the party once supported.

    What’s more, Graham’s 15-week ban bill drew only nine co-sponsors last year, including Thune. That relatively scant support shows how few Republicans want to touch the issue since Roe got overturned.

    “it was a significant factor in the last election. And I think it’ll be an issue going forward,” said Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), who backs the Graham bill.

    Nonetheless, Cramer advised fellow Republicans to “pick your place and articulate your position and then move on to other topics. Don’t try to get too cute .”

    Meanwhile, even lower-level judicial confirmations are boomeranging on Republicans. The party’s unilateral confirmation of Texas Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk in 2019 is drawing fresh scrutiny after Kacsmaryk ruled against abortion medication in the case that’s now at the Supreme Court.

    Cornyn blanched at Kacsmaryk’s ruling, concluding that “judges are not supposed to make policy … the remedy for judges making an erroneous decision is an appeal to the higher court.”

    “It’s quite telling that with basically the same case, a different judge in a different jurisdiction ruled exactly the opposite way,” said Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), who is openly regretting her vote for Kacsmaryk.

    Some reliably red states have learned that lesson firsthand. Kansas voters handily rejected a referendum to remove abortion rights from the state Constitution last August, the first signal after June’s Supreme Court ruling that abortion is no longer breaking along traditional conservative and liberal voting lines.

    “Does this matter to Americans? Does it affect the way they vote? The answer is yes,” said Sen. Jerry Moran (R-Kan.). “When Roe v. Wade was overturned, it caused people to think about this topic on both sides of the issue. And Kansans and Americans have strong feelings about it.”

    Still, just a few weeks after that Kansas abortion vote, Moran’s fellow Kansas GOP Sen. Roger Marshall signed onto Graham’s bill.

    Graham devised his bill as a preelection landing place for Republicans, defining what he saw as a defensible position heading into the midterm election. And he still believes it’s a useful tool: “We need to be really clear: We’re against late-term abortions at the federal level.”

    He’s still got some boosters. Steve Daines, who runs the Senate GOP’s campaign arm, said that a 15-week national ban represents “ground we can bring our country together on.”

    “Where the majority of the American people are on late term abortion, with exceptions, that’s where I think we should be on it,” the Montana Republican said in an interview.

    Yet as long as the legislative filibuster remains in place, there’s a scant chance of any abortion bill getting 60 votes in the Senate. And don’t expect many in the GOP, even those who believe banning abortion is a moral imperative, to start clamoring for a stronger congressional role.

    “There’s a lot of concern out there in terms of how to properly address it. And this is a sensitive issue,” said Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.). “It’s a state’s tissue. And I think it should be that way. Because I don’t think at the federal level, we should be moving it back and forth between Republicans and Democrats.”

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    #Lost #abortion #politics #Republicans #struggle #solution
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Why GOP culture warriors lost big in school board races this month

    Why GOP culture warriors lost big in school board races this month

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    The results could also serve as a renewed warning to Republican presidential hopefuls like Donald Trump and Ron DeSantis: General election voters are less interested in crusades against critical race theory and transgender students than they are in funding schools and ensuring they are safe.

    “Where culture war issues were being waged by some school board candidates, those issues fell flat with voters,” said Kim Anderson, executive director of the National Education Association labor union. “The takeaway for us is that parents and community members and voters want candidates who are focused on strengthening our public schools, not abandoning them.”

    The results from the Milwaukee and Chicago areas are hardly the last word on the matter. Thousands more local school elections are set for later this year in some two dozen states. They are often low turnout, low profile, and officially nonpartisan affairs, and conservatives say they are competing aggressively.

    “We lost more than we won” earlier this month, said Ryan Girdusky, founder of the conservative 1776 Project political action committee, which has ties to GOP megadonor and billionaire Richard Uihlein and endorsed an array of school board candidates this spring and during the 2022 midterms.

    “But we didn’t lose everything. We didn’t get obliterated,” Girdusky told POLITICO of his group’s performance. “We still pulled our weight through, and we just have to keep on pushing forward on this.”

    Labor groups and Democratic operatives are nevertheless flexing over the defeat of candidates they opposed during races that took place near Chicago, which received hundreds of thousands of dollars in support from state Democrats and the attention of Democratic Gov. JB Pritzker, and in Wisconsin. Conservative board hopefuls also saw mixed results in Missouri and Oklahoma.

    Democrats hope the spring school election season validates their playbook: Coordinate with local party officials, educator unions and allied community members to identify and support candidates who wield an affirming pro-public education message — and depict competitors as hard-right extremists.

    Yet despite victories in one reliably blue state and one notorious battleground, liberals are still confronting Republican momentum this year that could resemble November’s stalemated midterm results for schools and keep the state of education divided along partisan lines.

    Conservative states are already carrying out sharp restrictions on classroom lessons, LGBTQ students, and library books. And they are beginning to refine their message to appeal to moderates.

    Trump, DeSantis, former Vice President Mike Pence, former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley and other Republican presidential hopefuls are leaning on school-based wedge issues to court primary voters in a crowded White House campaign.

    That rhetoric, combined with Republican Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s ability to harness voter frustration with education as part of his upset victory in 2021, has inspired a wave of conservative challengers to run for school board seats.

    Once the domain for everyday academic concerns, mild-mannered bureaucracy, and the occasional controversy, school boards became a lightning rod for the right during pandemic lockdowns plus a national reckoning with gender identity and race.

    Critical race theory was an obscure academic legal framework used to examine racism in American institutions. But it has been reframed by conservative activists to encompass broad complaints about issues related to diversity.

    Conservatives have also seized on transgender students to rejuvenate a social agenda that includes a push to restrict transgender athletes in sports, gender-affirming medical care and access to LGBTQ-affirming library materials.

    “What I was most surprised by was just the sheer prevalence of these Republican candidates,” said Ben Hardin, executive director of the Democratic Party of Illinois, after his party made an unprecedented decision to endorse dozens of local school and library board candidates and funnel nearly $300,000 into those elections.

    “Obviously this is not a new phenomenon,” Hardin said in an interview. “But to see it so widespread here in Illinois, across the state in regions that are across the partisanship spectrum, was what was most interesting to me.”

    In Oswego, Ill., a small community in Chicago’s far southwestern suburbs, the 1776 Project supported four candidates running as part of a “We The Parents” slate on a platform aligned with the conservative parental rights movement. Each of those candidates lost, including to one candidate endorsed by a local Illinois Federation of Teachers affiliate.

    The race, like many others across the region, featured core concerns that are often splitting school communities today.

    The Chicago Tribune reported Oswego’s We The Parents slate received support from the local Stamp Act political action committee, which proclaims it will “fight to preserve our cultural and religious heritage” and “resist attempts by the Left to transform and reshape American society.”

    The conservative Awake Illinois group, which has opposed critical race theory and gender-affirming medical care for children, weighed in too.

    A group of conservative candidates in the wealthy Chicago suburb of Barrington who were backed by the 1776 PAC, Moms For America Action and Awake Illinois also lost their school board bids.

    “Fortunately, the voters saw through the hidden extremists who were running for school board — across the [Chicago] suburbs especially,” Pritzker told reporters after last week’s election. “I’m glad that those folks were shown up and, frankly, tossed out.”

    Overall, the 1776 Project PAC endorsed 14 candidates but won six races in Illinois. Other conservatives also notched wins in Illinois, including two candidates who claimed seats in a suburban high school district in Lockport Township, Ill. over two union-endorsed aspirants.

    The Democratic Party of Illinois said 84 of 117 candidates the party recommended won their April 4 races. The Illinois Education Association, the state affiliate of the National Education Association, said it won nearly 90 percent of the races where it endorsed candidates.

    “Part of the reason we did so well is because of how we are organized,” said Kathi Griffin, president of the Illinois Education Association. “The state organization does not tell the local affiliates who to support. It is the local affiliates that do the interviewing of candidates, have relationships with the community and with the parents. They are the ones that make the decision, then they reach out to us” to ask for support.

    Teacher unions are also celebrating a school board victory in a bellwether community in suburban Milwaukee.

    Brian Schimming, chair of the Republican Party of Wisconsin, described the Wauwatosa School Board election last month as “an important race for the whole state.”

    Schimming promoted candidates known as the “Three Tosa Dads” who emphasized a platform centered on school safety and academic performance after the Republican National Committee last year encouraged candidates to broaden their message beyond culture wars and court independent voters with a more nuanced message focused on parental involvement and student educational development.

    Wauwatosa’s GOP-backed aspirants still lost by wide margins to teacher union-supported candidates. The 1776 Project won slightly less than half of the nearly 50 Wisconsin races it endorsed candidates in.

    Other efforts led by Wisconsin Republicans were more successful.

    In Waukesha County, where voters heavily favored Trump in the 2020 election, the local party successfully endorsed dozens of area school board candidates as part of a “WisRed Initiative” to dominate local government races.

    But Moms For Liberty, a newly prominent conservative group that helps train and endorse school board candidates, said just eight of its candidates won races in Wisconsin last week. The group had endorsed candidates in another 20 elections, its founders said.

    “We are hopeful that as more people learn about Moms For Liberty and contribute to our PAC, we will be able to win more races,” organization co-founders Tiffany Justice and Tina Descovich said in a statement. “The majority of those [endorsements] were first time candidates who did not win, and that just gives us a great bench of folks to have trained and ready to run again to fight for parental rights in future elections.”

    The results offer lessons to both parties as they eye even more board elections this year.

    Education was central to Youngkin’s win, though his political advisers have stressed the campaign’s success was based on building custom messaging models targeted at different groups of voters instead of relying on a single message.

    Conservative school campaigns should heed similar advice, Girdusky argued.

    “Don’t assume that a blanket message on critical race theory or transgender issues is going to claim every district — it’s very personalized,” he said. “If it’s happening in that district, speak to it in volumes. But don’t tell parents something is happening if it’s not happening, because then it doesn’t look like you’re running a serious operation.”



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    #GOP #culture #warriors #lost #big #school #board #races #month
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Kashmir University lost its glory to womanizers and exploiters: Victim Scholar

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    Srinagar April 16: A PhD scholar who accused Kashmir University of obstructing the action against its faculty member accused of sexual harassment has appealed Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinah, Chief Justice JK Vinod Chatterji Koul and Director General of Police Dilbagh Singh to intervene and initiate an independent inquiry in the matter.

    The press release issued by University of Kashmir on Friday regarding the sexual harassment case is misinformed, concocted and one more step to conceal the biased attitude of University besides protecting Tareek Rather accused of sexual harassment said the victim scholar in a detailed press statement to Srinagar based news agency Kashmir Dot Com, while appealing government to constitute an independent inquiry in the matter to extract the truth.

    She said the University’s claims of fair and prompt investigation is punctured by its Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) recommendation report itself which says that ‘the timely intervention in the instant case has not been made despite the matter being grave, resulting in the scholar facing mental and agony’.

    The ICC recommendation report has not only mentioned the delay in PhD submission but has observed the contradiction of statements on part of accused Prof Tareek Rather, which amounts to punishment under the ICC norms but the university obstructs the action as claimed earlier, it said.

    “Going soft against the accused (Tareek Rather) the Internal Complaints Committee the ICC strongly directed him to strictly adhere to the gender sensitive behavior while dealing with female scholars instead of directly recommending punishment as per ICC norms” Victim alleged in a statement.

    The victim states that her ordeal starts from the year 2017 when the accused professor Tareek Rather who was then her supervisor tried to assault her out of lust within the office chamber after he called her for discussing research work. “

    The accused professor called me to chamber in pretext of discussing research, after entering the chamber he resorted to an inappropriate action which I reported to then (2017) chairman CCAS immediately who persuaded me to be cautious and approached the accused professor.”

    “Where from I get the evidence when the incident occurred in closed door, even so some faculty members stood with the truth but university authorities ignored their version during the inquiry but emphasized the version of witness who either were subordinates to accused or were in his close camaraderie.”

    “As I felt that I am being target out of reprisal after filing a criminal complaint against accused Prof. Tareek Rather, I approached all the stakeholders including National Women’s Commission, Education Ministry New Delhi, UGC and LG’s office who sought details from university about the case even NCW asked for time bound action but the university administration always tried to dismiss my situation in one or the other way to save the culprit.”

    A sexual harassment victim (PhD scholar) further in her statement, reported by news agency Kashmir Dot Com said that it took university six months to follow the directions of National Women’s Commission which send off a letter bearing number D.O.No/8/C210026336/2012/NCW/RS/RR Dated12/11/2021 to Kashmir University ask over to conduct time bound inquiry however university ignored the letter till the lapse of over six months.

    “A co-supervisor was assigned the job of evaluating my Phd thesis. The harassment issue was covered up by the Departmental Research Committee (DRC) composed of accused professor’s subordinates who persuaded me to remain silent (recording of conversation in hand)”.

    “Later, my complaint was mishandled by the members of the DRC Committee. In furtherance, I was put under Co-supervisor to complete my thesis with the conditions that the accused supervisor will only sign the thesis. However, to my surprise, my thesis was further put before the accused supervisor who behaved inappropriately with me and intentionally refused to sign my thesis, even delayed the thesis submission in a tactful manner to set the score.”

    “I approached NWC only after the accused professor continued his harmful dictations besides university authorities’ assigned co-supervisor, the accused professor didn’t sign any document and even wasted eight months of my precious time in reprisal to my complaints(NCW Letter attached Annexure A). ”The NCW directed university administration to initiate time bound action with an action taken report”, she said.

    She said the university instead of handing over the case to ICC fritter away time till I approached LG’s office and have one to one meetings with the then Vice Chancellor Prof Talat Ahmed in the year 2020 and 2021 but of no avail.

    “Surprisingly, There was no active Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) when I submitted my complaint. Even then I individually mailed my complaint to the members whose names including present Vice Chancellor stands were uploaded then on the university website.”

    The university authorities discreetly obstructed the action by constituting a “friendly” Women’s Empowerment and Grievance Committee (WE&GC) having most of the members either close acquaintances or subordinates to the accused Tareek Rather or indirectly related to him as soon as I felt their prejudice and biased attitude I reported to NWC and Vice Chancellors office through a proper communication but the VC office instead of acting university turn deaf ears to my plea in order to make safe exit for accused professor”.

    “Besides ,the WE&GC constituted by the university after 4 months of lapse following the National Women’s Commission’s directions manipulated the case by calling all the subordinates and nears of the accused professor, which goes against the ICC and Vishakha norms”

    “The university authorities neither prompted nor facilitated my PhD degree till I approached Education Ministry New Delhi, UGC and Honorable Lieutenant Governor .The completion of PhD degree and sexual harassment are two separates subjects which needs not to be intermingled.” So far as the filing of complaint is concerned, I immediately approached the Chairman Central Asian Studies in the year 2016(ending) when I was harassed by the accused Professor , the chairman assured me of action, later I came to know that the accused professor had denied the directions of the chairman.

    “there was no gap of three years as reported in university PR but the case was reported before chairman CCAS as per norms and when I found University administration hand in glove with the accused I preferred my studies and later started seeking justices from the year 2018.”

    “Noticing that the accused professor was hell-bent on ruining my career on reprisal of the complaint I concentrated on my PHD thesis and completed it by the year 2018 and approached the accused professor he refused to check my chapters.”

    “Later I approached Then VC Prof Talat Ahmed for change of supervisor who issued direction for change of supervisor but Dean Social Sciences vide his communication No: DSS/Misc/Nurgiss-CCAS/KU/20/DFSS/167 Dated: 07-10-220 assigned a co-supervisor”

    “Regarding ICC, I was not provided any fair opportunity instead few members who were and still are close acquaintances of the Accused professor posed irrelevant questions during the ICC meet, even though I filed the complaint in light of the Section 468 (2) Code of Criminal Procedure Which falls within the ambit of clause (i) , clause (ii) , clause (iii) and clause (iv) of 354 (A) and pleaded ICC and honorable VC that the Evidence Act of 1872 should be followed in relation to the prevention of Sexual Harassment Act, 2013. The whole scene was reported to VC on 14/05/2022 and later on 25-05-2022 vide communication number KU2022-VCOF-12549 dated 25/05/2022 but of no avail.”

    “Neither ICC nor VC office pay heed to my requests when I found that ICC rules were violated during the inquiry”, said victim, adding “feeling skepticism about the ICC inquiry I requested NCW and VC to remove few members of the ICC on 20 May 2022 but my pleas fell to deaf ears.”

    “The Women’s Empowerment and Grievance Committee (WE&GC) expressed failure stating that it is difficult to ascertain charges in absence of evidence (No:F(complaint)Res/KU/22/dated March 31,2022) but surprisingly the ICC having majority of members of same WE&GC concluded that ‘the complaint is a matter of animosity because of non-compatibility between scholar and supervisor.”

    “The dubious and confusing conclusion on part of ICC is nothing but predetermined phenomenon to save the accused professor”, “The University has mentioned the non-compatibility without finding its causes; even they didn’t follow the ICC norms or prevention of Sexual Harassment Act, 2013 which I request in my complaint. The thesis was only sent for evaluation when the university administration received umpteenth directions from the LG’s office (communication in my possession), she alleged.

    “Before submitting the thesis it was sent to three experts later when I submitted in May 2022 it was kept in hold till September 2022, the university only moved when I approached honorable LG who directed university authorities to ensure the submission it was after four year of struggle my thesis was sent for evaluation and degree was awarded in November 2022.”

    The victim stated that she was harassed, threatened and even persuaded to withdraw the complaint during the course of inquiry.

    “I was threatened, harassed even asked to withdraw the complaint (recordings in possession) but I refused and didn’t budge to the threats” adding “ I was told that one of a relative of the accused professor is a notorious IPS officer but continued my fight for the justice and I hope justice will prevail someday.”

    “I have filed seven RTI applications to get the ICC recommendation report which I should have received immediately after inquiry was concluded by ICC but couldn’t get the same due to reasons best known to university administration.”

    I am appealing to Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinah, Justice Vinod Chatterji Koul and DGP Police Dil Bagh Singh IPS to intervene and initiate an independent inquiry in the matter.

    “So keeping all this in view I can only say that the university is still trying to save the accused professor and the so-called reputation of the university which has lost its glory to womanizers and exploiters. The university administration is lying to the people and befooling government regarding the sexual harassment case against Tareek Rather-faculty member, the statement added. (KDC)

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    ( With inputs from : roshankashmir.net )

  • Satyapal Malik has lost his memory; never met Geelani: Muzaffar Baig

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    Srinagar, Apr 16 : Former Deputy Chief Minister J&K, Muzaffar Hussain Baig Sunday reacted over the remarks of former Governor J&K Satya Pal Malik, saying “I have never met Geelani since I took part in assembly elections in J&K”.

    Beg said that I have met Satya Pal Malik once after he sought meeting. “I met him and there was a brief chat between us. But there was no mention of Geelani in the meeting,” Baig told KNS exclusively.

    “Since I took part in assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir, I have never met Geelani. He was considering us untouchable. Even there was a time when we took part in elections Geelani issued social boycott call against us,” Baig added.

    When asked why former J&K Governor made such claims on a national media, Baig said that Satya Pal Malik has lost his memory. “The former J&K Governor is currently going through that stage of life where his memory has got weakened,” Baig said. (KNS)

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    #Satyapal #Malik #lost #memory #met #Geelani #Muzaffar #Baig

    ( With inputs from : roshankashmir.net )

  • Telangana: Cops to block stolen, lost cell phones to prevent data theft

    Telangana: Cops to block stolen, lost cell phones to prevent data theft

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    Hyderabad: Telangana police personnel are now being trained to block stolen or lost mobile phones so that the data is not exploited.

    The training is offered by the Department of Telecommunications, which recently launched the Central Equipment Identity Register (CEIR) site, via which police officers at the station level may ban stolen or lost mobile phones to avoid data theft. The CEIR is a Department of Telecommunications project.

    Telangana Director General of Police Anjani Kumar met with police officers receiving training for the project on Thursday. Police officers from all 746 police stations in the state will be taught the use of CEIR, and the project will be implemented following the training.

    MS Education Academy

    “A user ID and password will be assigned to each police station. After logging into the CEIR, the person in charge at the police station will be able to block the number; if the device is found, it can be simply unlocked using the software,” he explained.

    The DGP further said that the nature of crime has evolved throughout time, from serious felonies such as dacoity to crimes employing technology. “These days, all crimes are related to technology. Identity theft is today’s most serious crime. With stolen data, a person can create another person with the same identity,” he explained.

    Additional Director General CID Mahesh Muralidhar Bhagwat said that 60 officers ranging in rank from constables to Deputy Superintendents of Police (DSP) attended the one-day training programme on Thursday. He stated that these officers will return to their units and provide the aforementioned training to police station-level nodal officers.

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    #Telangana #Cops #block #stolen #lost #cell #phones #prevent #data #theft

    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )