Tag: lawsuits

  • ‘Like a dam breaking’: experts hail decision to let US climate lawsuits advance

    ‘Like a dam breaking’: experts hail decision to let US climate lawsuits advance

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    The decision, climate experts and advocates said, felt “like a dam breaking” after years of legal delays to the growing wave of climate lawsuits facing major oil companies.

    Without weighing in on the merits of the cases, the supreme court on Monday rebuffed an appeal by major oil companies that want to face the litigation in federal courts, rather than in state courts, which are seen as more favorable to plaintiffs.

    ExxonMobil Corp, Suncor Energy Inc and Chevron Corp had asked for the change of venue in lawsuits by the state of Rhode Island and municipalities in Colorado, Maryland, California and Hawaii.

    Six years have passed since the first climate cases were filed in the US, and courts have not yet heard the merits of the cases as fossil fuel companies have succeeded in delaying them. In March, the Biden administration had argued that the cases belonged in state court, marking a reversal of the position taken by the Trump administration when the supreme court last considered the issue.

    The Rhode Island attorney general, Peter Neronha, said his state was now finally preparing for trial after “nearly half a decade of delay tactics” by the industry. A joint statement from the California cities of Santa Cruz, San Mateo and Richmond and Marin county said the oil companies knew the dangers of fossil fuels but “deceived and failed to warn consumers about it even as they carried on pocketing trillions of dollars in profits”.

    The cases have been compared to tobacco lawsuits in the 1990s that resulted in a settlement of more than $200bn and changed how cigarettes are advertised and sold in the US.

    “It was a really amazing feeling to see that the supreme court was ruling in a very logical way by continuing with the unanimous decisions that have been made in the previous courts to not [grant petitions for review] and to allow these cases to move forward,” said Delta Merner, lead scientist at the Science Hub for Climate Litigation.

    “It removes this dam that industry has been building to prevent these cases from being heard on their merits,” she said. “We can finally have the real conversations about what the industry knew and what their actions were despite that knowledge.”

    She hopes communities will have the chance to speak in court about the climate emergencies they are experiencing as a result of the industry’s actions.

    As jurisdictional battles have dragged on, climate emergencies have added up.

    The Suncor oil refinery in Commerce City, Colorado.
    The Suncor oil refinery in Commerce City, Colorado. Photograph: Ted Wood/The Guardian

    The Colorado case was filed in 2018. In 2021, the state saw the Marshall fire, the most destructive wildfire in its history, which killed two people, destroyed nearly 1,000 homes and businesses, contaminated drinking water and amounted to billions in damages.

    “There’s real impacts that are happening now, and that’s why it’s so important for these cases to have the opportunity to be heard, and have a chance for justice,” Merner said.

    The cases allege fossil fuel companies exacerbated climate change by concealing and misrepresenting the dangers associated with burning fossil fuels. The lawsuits say the companies created a public and private nuisance and violated state consumer protection laws by producing and selling fossil fuels despite knowing the products would cause devastating climate emergencies, including melting ice caps, dramatic sea level rise, and extreme precipitation and drought. Local governments are seeking damages for the billions of dollars they have paid for climate mitigation and adaptation.

    The oil companies have denied the allegations.

    Financial accountability

    “We were all pretty excited. It feels like justice might be possible,” Richard Wiles, president of the Center for Climate Integrity, said after reading the decision on Monday.

    “There’s clearly trillions of dollars of damages in the US alone from climate change that has to be dealt with.”

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    The plaintiffs aren’t suing the companies to put them out of business, but the cases could ultimately affect the industry’s bottom line.

    If the lawsuits are successful, they could limit the fossil fuel industry’s ability to greenwash and lie to consumers, Merner said. Rulings against the companies could also reinforce banking industry concerns that fossil fuels are a risky investment.

    In state court, fossil fuel companies will attempt to have the cases dismissed.

    The Chevron attorney Theodore Boutrous said in a statement he was confident the cases would be dismissed, arguing that climate change requires a coordinated federal response, “not a disjointed patchwork” of actions from numerous state courts. “These wasteful lawsuits in state courts will do nothing to advance global climate solutions, nothing to reduce emissions and nothing to address climate-related impacts,” he said.

    “I don’t think there’s any reason for that confidence yet,” said Korey Silverman-Roati, climate law fellow at the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law, in response to Boutrous.

    It’s unclear what will happen in state courts, but Silverman-Roati pointed to the Hawaii case, in which a state court denied the industry’s motion to dismiss.

    If plaintiffs clear motions to dismiss, the cases move to discovery. The plaintiffs will use the process to try to gather more evidence of what the companies knew and when they knew it. Internal company documents will probably become public when the trials get under way.

    Recent studies have shown that Exxon accurately predicted that its products would cause climate change.

    Attribution science will play a key role in connecting local climate disasters to the industry’s responsibility. “Studies can explain how much hotter a heatwave is, or how much greater the intensity of a downpour is during a hurricane event due to climate change. And they can look to see where those emissions came from, and what percentage of those emissions tie into those direct climate impacts,” Merner said.

    With each decision in favor of plaintiffs, the cases are snowballing and more local governments are filing new cases. “There’s a growing number of lawsuits. And I imagine after today, that will continue,” Merner said.

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    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )

  • DOJ rejects Trump claim of ‘categorical’ immunity from Jan. 6 lawsuits

    DOJ rejects Trump claim of ‘categorical’ immunity from Jan. 6 lawsuits

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    Longstanding court precedents protect presidents from civil litigation related to actions they take in their “official” capacity. But determining when presidents toggle between their official duties and their political ones — which are often blended and unclear — is complicated, and courts have typically avoided drawing bright lines.

    DOJ on Thursday similarly urged a three-judge appeals court panel to avoid drawing such distinctions, even as it asked the court to dismiss Trump’s sweeping interpretation of his own immunity.

    “Those are sensitive questions of fundamental importance to the Executive Branch, and this unusual case would be a poor vehicle for resolving them,” Justice Department attorney Sean R. Janda wrote.

    Notably, in a footnote, the department seemed to allude to an ongoing criminal special counsel investigation of Trump, emphasizing that the agency’s opinion about Trump’s potential civil liability had no bearing on pending criminal matters related to the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol.

    “The United States does not express any view regarding the potential criminal liability of any person for the events of January 6, 2021, or acts connected with those events,” according to the department.

    The department’s brief is a notable benchmark in the long-running lawsuits that arose from the Capitol attack. Several members of Congress and Capitol Police officers sued Trump and his allies for damages, contending that they helped incite Trump’s rally crowd to violence that day.

    U.S. District Judge Amit Mehta ruled last year that they had made a plausible case, permitting the suit to move forward. He noted that while presidents typically enjoy sweeping immunity from lawsuits for their public remarks, Trump’s speech arguably crossed a line into incitement of violence that would not be protected.

    Trump, during his rally on Jan. 6, 2021, urged backers to “fight like hell” to prevent President Joe Biden from taking office in a speech laden with heated rhetoric. Though he urged supporters to march “peacefully and patriotically” to the Capitol, Mehta noted that it was a swift aside in a speech otherwise loaded with apocalyptic language. Even as Trump spoke, members of the rally crowd marched on the Capitol — at Trump’s urging — to pressure Republican lawmakers to oppose certification of the election. Many members of that crowd eventually joined a mob that battered its way past police lines and into the Capitol, forcing lawmakers and then-Vice President Mike Pence to flee for safety.

    The U.S. government is not a party to the civil suits, but the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals panel weighing Trump’s effort to reverse Mehta’s ruling solicited DOJ’s views on the matter in December. That request from Chief Judge Sri Srinivasan, and Judges Gregory Katsas and Judith Rogers, followed oral arguments in December between an attorney for Trump and a lawyer for lawmakers and police officers claiming damages from the riot and ransacking of the Capitol two years ago.

    The appeals court’s request also put the department — which typically defends the broad scope of executive power — in a tricky spot, particularly as special counsel Jack Smith continues to probe whether Trump bears criminal responsibility for his efforts to subvert the 2020 election. Many defendants charged for their actions at the Capitol on Jan. 6 have pointed to Trump’s conduct and remarks as a key influence and suggested that they took their cues from him.

    Department lawyers stressed that they were not endorsing the legal theories or factual claims made in the various suits, but the government’s brief says that if a president issued an urgent call for private citizens to commit an attack that would or should be beyond the broad immunity traditionally afforded to occupants of the Oval Office.

    “In the United States’ view, such incitement of imminent private violence would not be within the outer perimeter of the Office of the President of the United States,” the DOJ brief says.

    The Justice Department said a president’s remarks of a purely personal or political nature might in theory be a potential trigger for civil liability, but that the courts need to take extraordinary care when trying to distinguish the official from the political.

    “That principle … must be understood and applied with the greatest sensitivity to the complex and unremitting nature of the President’s Office and role, which are not amenable to neat dichotomies. The Supreme Court has emphasized, for example, that ‘there is not always a clear line’ between the President’s ‘personal and official affairs.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Pair of lawsuits kick off state-federal battle over abortion pills

    Pair of lawsuits kick off state-federal battle over abortion pills

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    The cases come as both supporters and opponents of the right to terminate a pregnancy are increasingly focusing on abortion pills — which recently became the most popular method of abortion in the United States and a common way patients are circumventing state bans on the procedure.

    Anti-abortion advocates and their allies in state and federal office are pushing more states to adopt laws like North Carolina’s — including states that already have near-total bans — hoping to prevent patients from ordering the pills online.

    The North Carolina case, filed in federal district court in Greensboro, challenges the state’s law requiring that abortion pills may only be provided in person by a physician in a certified surgical facility after a mandatory counseling session and a 72-hour waiting period.

    Eva Temkin, the lead attorney in the suit, said those restrictions are hampering physicians, including her client Amy Bryant, as they attempt to serve patients in the state and those coming from other southeastern states that have implemented near-total bans on abortion since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade last summer.

    “The restrictions in North Carolina that our plaintiff and medical providers generally are grappling with have created a lot of inflexibility and inefficiency,” she said. “Since Dobbs there has been a significant increase in the number of patients needing abortion care and these rules impose unnecessary delays and travel costs. Because of these restrictions, providers can’t see the number of patients they’d like to see, for instance, by telehealth.”

    A spokesperson for Democratic Attorney General Josh Stein, who recently announced his bid for governor, told POLITICO the office is reviewing the lawsuit, declining to comment further.

    The case has echoes of a previous legal fight between the FDA and Massachusetts over that state’s efforts to restrict an opioid medication, Temkin noted, a battle in which federal rules prevailed.

    “It’s a well-settled principle that a state can’t implement a policy that conflicts with and frustrates the objectives of a federal law,” Temkin said.

    “But in some ways, this is the first case of its kind,” she added. “And that’s because this is the first drug on which states have imposed restrictions on access that the FDA has determined are not appropriate.”

    The FDA lifted the in-person dispensing requirement for the drugs in 2021 — at first, just for the duration of the Covid-19 pandemic and then permanently after determining the pills were safe to prescribe via telemedicine and send-by-mail. The agency loosened its rules for the medication again earlier this month, allowing them to be dispensed by certified retail pharmacies to patients with a prescription.

    In West Virginia, GenBioPro, the company that manufactures the generic version of the abortion pill, is arguing in federal court that the state cannot impede the regulation or sale of a federally approved medication without violating the supremacy and commerce clauses of the Constitution.

    The drugmaker’s lawsuit also challenges the state’s previous restrictions on medication abortion — including a ban on telehealth prescription of the drug, mifepristone. Those restrictions were superseded by the September 2022 prohibition on the procedure at all stages of pregnancy.

    The state laws “constrict GenBioPro’s ability to market its FDA-approved product to West Virginians who need it,” the company said in the lawsuit. “West Virginia cannot override FDA’s determinations about the appropriate restrictions on a medication that FDA approved for use and Congress subjected to this enhanced regulatory regime.”

    Meanwhile, anti-abortion groups, which filed a lawsuit in Texas in November are challenging the FDA’s two-decade old approval of the abortion pill, mifepristone, a case that could halt access to it nationwide.

    Anti-abortion groups are also mounting a campaign to pressure Walgreens and CVS pharmacies not to carry the drugs in states where they are legally allowed to do so, with lawsuits, protests and boycotts planned for the coming weeks.

    Over the weekend, marking what would have been the 50th anniversary of Roe v. Wade, President Joe Biden signed a memo directing his health secretary to “consider new guidance to support patients, providers, and pharmacies who wish to legally access, prescribe, or provide mifepristone — no matter where they live.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )