Tag: Insiders

  • The splashy corruption trial insiders fear may not yield a drop

    The splashy corruption trial insiders fear may not yield a drop

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    “I’m fearful that it will have zero impact,” outgoing Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot, who sought stricter ethics rules during her administration, said in an interview.

    “You have people taking the stand and talking about fixing this and taking jobs and doing no work. It’s horrifying,” she said. “And every single person who testifies, every piece of evidence, every wiretapped call, I think, erodes people’s trust in core democratic institutions.”

    There is some sense that if Illinois can’t crack down on corruption, there’s still an element of accountability.

    “The trial matters because it will make people think twice about engaging in this kind of behavior if they know the feds are watching,” said Alisa Kaplan, executive director of Reform for Illinois, a nonpartisan good-government organization.

    But this is the state that produced several infamous examples of wrongdoing: Former Democratic Gov. Rod Blagojevich (convicted for trying to sell a Senate seat) … and former Republican Gov. George Ryan (convicted of accepting gifts and vacations from friends in exchange for government contracts) … and Rita Crundwell (a comptroller convicted of absconding with nearly $54 million of her city’s money) and has seen many Chicago City Council members indicted or implicated.

    The Four are accused of a bribery plot where the utility arranged jobs for allies of former House Speaker Michael Madigan, who faces a separate trial next year on racketeering and bribery charges, without them having to do actual work. In return, the utility sought passage of 2011 “Smart Grid” legislation and a 2016 measure that rescued two financially struggling nuclear power plants from shutting down, according to federal prosecutors.

    Madigan, who led Illinois House Democrats for nearly 40 years, hasn’t appeared in court but his presence has loomed over the trial, which is being held in Chicago’s downtown Loop business district. And political insiders have been captivated as former lawmakers and lobbyists testified about the inner workings of state government, with echoes of the once-dominant machine politics.

    One element that’s drawing people into the case is the audio. The former House speaker famously didn’t have a cell phone or use email, so trial observers were particularly stunned to hear Madigan and his close aide, Mike McClain, on secret phone recordings.

    The tapes were designed to cement the idea to jurors that Madigan had an outsized influence orchestrating the conduct of state government so testimony from people like state Rep. Bob Rita, a Democrat, clicked: Madigan ruled “through fear and intimidation,” he told the court.

    Federal prosecutors say the ComEd defendants schemed to pay $1.3 million to subcontractors who did little or no work, though attorneys for the ComEd Four say their clients participated in nothing more than lobbying. Madigan has denied wrongdoing but resigned from office and relinquished his chairpersonship of the state Democratic Party in 2021 after he was identified in the ComEd case.

    “I was never involved in any criminal activity. The government is attempting to criminalize a routine constituent service: Job recommendations,” Madigan has said in a statement about the federal investigations. “That is not illegal, and these other charges are equally unfounded. … I adamantly deny these accusations and look back proudly on my time as an elected official, serving the people of Illinois.”

    The trial is also being watched warily from the Capitol in Springfield. Lawmakers are about a month away from wrapping up their legislative session but the ComEd Four trial has not sparked new, splashy ethics measures.

    Joe Ferguson, the former Chicago inspector general, worries it’s already too late for lawmakers to act before their session ends May 19.

    “When the indictments came out, there was a flurry of talk about reforms. But nothing has been done,” Ferguson said in an interview. “It means when the legislature meets again, the trial will be a distant memory.”

    Both House and Senate spokespeople pointed to recent changes Democratic Gov. JB Pritzker signed into law that restrict government officials from lobbying activities, tighten regulations on registered lobbyists and expand financial disclosure requirements.

    State Sen. Terri Bryant, a Republican who sits on the bipartisan Legislative Ethics Commission, said lawmakers are mostly watching and waiting, but remain focused on legislation for their districts.

    “It’s concerning that Mike Madigan might get off the hook. There’s not a person in Springfield who doesn’t think he’s as guilty as hell,” said Bryant. “If those four get off, how can they prosecute Mike Madigan? It looks like everything hangs on this trial.”

    Despite the federal government’s many probes of Illinois officials over the years, there are moments that seem as if politicians aren’t taking concerns about corruption seriously.

    Early in her administration, Lightfoot had tried to push Chicago Ald. Edward Burke out, to no avail. The mayor followed through on a campaign promise to overhaul the city’s ethics laws, and introduced rules that cut back on outside employment of aldermen and expanded disclosure requirements for lobbyists.

    But earlier this month, City Council members stood up one by one to offer high praise for Burke, a Democrat who spent the last four of his 54 years in office waiting on his own trial on federal charges of racketeering, bribery and extortion.

    It’s the sort of display Lightfoot can’t stand.

    “It was pretty amazing,” she said. “That’s all I’ll say.”

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    #splashy #corruption #trial #insiders #fear #yield #drop
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Fear, burnout and insubordination: Insiders spill details about life at the highest levels of FBI

    Fear, burnout and insubordination: Insiders spill details about life at the highest levels of FBI

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    The Man at the Center of it All

    The FBI is no stranger to criticisms, both internal and external. For years, they’ve been piling up. A series of withering federal watchdog reports have faulted the bureau for slipshod compliance with everything from national-security surveillance procedures to its own rules limiting contacts with the media. A bipartisan assemblage of members of Congress excoriated the FBI for badly botching complaints of sexual abuse of teenage gymnasts. Trials spearheaded by a special counsel have exposed rivalries within the bureau and loose ends that investigators failed to run down.

    Many of those issues have been compounded and thrust into public consciousness by Trump, who spent his entire presidency accusing the bureau of deep-seated political bias for pursuing cases against him or his allies — claims underscored by his abrupt and dramatic firing of Comey in 2017. To this day, Republicans in Congress are pushing charges that the bureau was “weaponized” by Trump’s opponents.

    But unlike the blunt attacks by outsiders, which often go unrebutted by the bureau, the trial provided a forum for FBI insiders themselves to describe their own views of what has plagued the sprawling crime-fighting and intelligence agency. And their answers exposed fissures among factions of the FBI that have long been viewed in the Trump era as monolithic — divisions that FBI insiders said were more palpable during the handoff of the bureau from Robert Mueller to Comey.

    And witnesses named names, with a particular focus on Baker’s predecessor as FBI general counsel, former federal prosecutor Andrew Weissmann.

    “This was a significant problem under Andrew Weissman’s tenure,” Baker testified, describing a lack of communication in the FBI counsel’s office. People “didn’t tell each other what they were doing,” he added, characterizing it as a “silo problem” that “I inherited from Andrew.”

    Weissman is now best known as a top hand to Mueller during the investigation of the Trump campaign’s links to Russia in 2016 — and whether Trump obstructed justice. He led the attention-grabbing criminal cases against former Trump campaign chair Paul Manafort. He has since become a prominent cable news contributor and commentator on Trump’s bevy of current legal woes. But to Baker, Weissmann was the root of a culture of fear and burnout that plagued the FBI general counsel’s office the day Baker arrived.

    “I wanted people to tell me when I was wrong, which was the complete opposite from what Andrew did–Andrew Weissman,” Baker testified. “The agency … had this tendency not to speak truth to each other in meetings and in other settings.”

    At another point, Baker referred to “the negativity that flowed from” Weissmann and said it left some employees in the counsel’s office distrustful of others.

    Baker said the communications breakdown extended to the highest levels of the office, with top lawyers not speaking up even if they disagreed with a decision or saw problems it would create.

    In a 2014 e-mail shown at the trial, Baker’s chief of staff Justin Schoolmaster, described the flawed hiring process for one general counsel’s office job as a mess left over from Weissmann’s tenure. “Hopefully this is one of the last remaining pot holes left by the previous regime,” Schoolmaster wrote.

    Weissman declined to comment for this story.

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    #Fear #burnout #insubordination #Insiders #spill #details #life #highest #levels #FBI
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )