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The Democratic Women’s Caucus is encouraging members both to ask the panelists questions and “share abortion stories from their state/districts.”
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
Tag: House

House Democrats will hold a “shadow” hearing this week with a panel of medical experts and advocates on the “the state of a post-Roe America.”

Your guide to the 2023 White House Correspondents’ dinner week parties and events
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Finally, make sure you subscribe to the newsletter and read Playbook every day this week so you don’t miss any of the action.
Monday, April 24
Napa Valley Vinters Wine Tasting Event
5:30-6:30 p.m.
Recording Industry Association
1000 F St. NWWednesday, April 26
An Evening Honoring Black News Contributors
6-8 p.m.
Embassy of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago
1708-1714 Massachusetts Ave. NWComcast-NBCU Leguizamo Does America Reception
6-8 p.m.
The Observatory at America’s Square
300 New Jersey Ave. NWPreface
7-9 p.m.
Private Residence
NorthwestThursday, April 27
Washington Women in Journalism Awards
6-8 p.m.
Larz Anderson House
2118 Massachusetts Ave. NWLondon Calling: The Great Playbook Debate
6:30 p.m.
British Embassy
3100 Massachusetts Ave. NWBytes and Bylines
6:30-9:30 p.m.
The Residence of the Ambassador of Ireland
2221 30th St. NWFriday, April 28
FGS Global Happy Hour
5-7 p.m.
Bar Deco
717 6th St. NWCrooked Media Reception
5-8 p.m.
Dauphine’s
1100 15th St. NWVoto Latino Event
6-8 p.m.
Decatur House
748 Jackson Place NWMPA & SAG-AFTRA Reception
6-8 p.m.
Motion Picture Association
1600 I Str. NWElle Women of Impact Event
6-8 p.m.
Ciel Social Club
601 K St. NWWashington Diplomat Media Bash
7-11 p.m.
Embassy of Italy
3000 Whitehaven St. NWAxios After Hours
8:30 p.m.
National Building Museum
440 G St. NWUTA Party
Evening
Fiola Mare
3100 K St. NWSemafor Party
7-9:30 p.m.
Justin Smith Residence
KaloramaSaturday, April 29
30th Annual Garden Brunch
Midday
Location to be announcedTime 100 Brunch Talk
11 a.m.-1 p.m.
Del Mar Restaurant
791 Wharf St. SWWall Street Journal Reception
5:30 p.m.
Washington Hilton
1919 Connecticut Ave. NWPOLITICO & CBS News Reception
6 p.m.
Washington Hilton
1919 Connecticut Ave. NWABC News Reception
6 p.m.
Washington Hilton
1919 Connecticut Ave. NWWhite House Correspondents’ Association Dinner 2023
8 p.m.
Washington Hilton
1919 Connecticut Ave. NWComcast-NBCUniversal News Group Afterparty
11:30 p.m
Organization of American States
200 17th St. NWTime Afterparty
10:30 p.m.
The Residence of the Swiss Ambassador
2920 Cathedral Ave. NWNPR Reception
After the WHCD
Embassy of Luxembourg
2200 Massachusetts Ave. NWSunday, April 30
POLITICO Brunch
11 a.m.-1 p.m.
Robert & Elena Allbritton Residence
GeorgetownCNN Brunch
10:30 a.m.-1:30 p.m.
The LINE DC
1770 Euclid St. NW[ad_2]
#guide #White #House #Correspondents #dinner #week #parties #events
( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
Control of the House goes through the Empire State
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That includes the seats held by a diverse group of GOP freshmen across the state, from more well-known faces like Rep. Marc Molinaro in the Hudson Valley, who previously ran for governor against Andrew Cuomo, to first-time-winner-turned-ultra-beleaguered George Santos in Long Island.
“Glass half empty, it’s disappointing,” Ryan said of Democrats’ performance in November. Speaking from his new district office along the Hudson River in Newburgh during the April recess, he said Democrats need a course correction. “I think many of [the New York seats] were and should have been winnable races, especially given the stakes.”
The path to victory for either party is full of pitfalls, according to interviews with more than 15 local and state level party leaders, elected officials and consultants. New York Democrats are rebuilding at every level — and plagued by state party infighting. Republicans fear being lumped in with the more extreme members of their caucus and abortion politics may destroy the gains they’ve made in the Empire State. And Democrats are worried that their own party will cause them to face plant once more.
“We don’t have a functioning state party,” said Michael Blake, a former Democratic assemblyman from the Bronx and vice chair for the Democratic National Committee. “I’ve seen what real parties do, real parties across the country have consistent elections, they have full time staff and compensated chairs because they make that a job. It’s not a hobby.”
For both parties, the journey to victory in New York will be long, tough and expensive.
“There’s no shortcut. There’s no easy button,” Ryan said.
‘If you listen to the critics, we did absolutely nothing.’
Democrats not only need to protect Ryan’s seat, but also win back the ones Republicans flipped last cycle in the buoy of a presidential year. The House Majority PAC, the main Democratic super PAC in House campaigns, has already announced a $45 million investment into New York and is already hiring a war room.
The Congressional Leadership Fund, the Republican side super PAC, has not yet released its budget for New York.
“They’re going to have to come up with the money to fund these races because they’ve all gotten enormously expensive,” said Brent Bogardus, the Greene County Republican Party Chair.
Local Democratic leaders are ready for the flood of resources likely to come to their districts, but are worried about execution. Local party chairs fear waste without proper coordination and that redder and more rural areas won’t see the benefits of New York’s new battleground status.
“There’s going to be money coming from all sides. Well, why don’t we spend it efficiently? Why don’t we spend it effectively?” said Jennifer Colamonico, the Putnam County Democratic Party chair, and part of NY-17, where Rep. Mike Lawler (R-N.Y.) won by fewer than 2,000 votes. “I think that’s the most important thing the state party can do, especially going into next year because there’s a huge opportunity to waste money to be honest.”
There was a coordinated effort last cycle between Gov. Kathy Hochul’s campaign and down ballot candidates but Democrats are already stressing the need to have stronger coordination across the ticket to share resources and free up candidates to focus on being in the district.
“I joke it’s a fly-over county; it’s north of Westchester and everybody kind of zips right through it,” Colamonico said. “But I think Sean Maloney learned the hard way, you can’t write off any part of your district. Like the old Howard Dean 50-state strategy, we need a 62-county strategy in New York.” (Maloney, who was also the DCCC chair, lost his newly redrawn district to Lawler by 1.6 percent of the vote.)
Much of the blame for the losses New York Democrats suffered has been heaped on state party chair Jay Jacobs, who survived calls for resignation after last cycle.
“If you listen to the critics, we did absolutely nothing. Nothing,” Jacobs said in an interview with POLITICO. “Even though they knew about it and read about it in the papers.”
A coalition of Hudson Valley Democratic county party chairs sent an open letter to the state party leaders to submit a list of proposals they’d like the state party to adopt to grow its operation and impact in the 2024 election cycle. The letter called for the state party executive committee to meet more frequently, provide an internal communication structure for organizing at all levels of Democratic Party membership and to develop an action plan for the next cycle among other suggestions.
The chairs represent New York’s 17th, 18th and 19th congressional districts, represented today by Reps. Molinaro and Lawler and Ryan, all of whom are on party target lists.
Ulster County Democratic Party chair Kelleigh McKenzie said some of their organizing has been hamstrung by lack of investment in basic infrastructure. Her county office uses Slack to communicate within the office, but she can’t afford a version of the software that keeps messages for more than 90 days or even for everyone on her team to use it — let alone a version that would include multiple county offices.
“Some of us, like the Hudson Valley Chairs Coalition, we’re doing this ourselves. But we would like to see the state party put the infrastructure in place,” McKenzie said.
Jacobs said he finds the Hudson Valley Chairs coalition to be helpful collaborators and agrees with the need to build a more robust party infrastructure. His action plan and the first stages of implementation are expected to be launched this summer. He dismisses the criticism directed his way as a part of the job.
“We had all of this criticism but I, for one, felt it was unfair,” Jacobs said, referencing a December report that analyzed the Midterm results. “The problem was not what was alleged that the state Democratic Party failed to bring out the Democratic vote. A number of critics said we were absent, we did nothing. That was not the truth.”
Jacobs has already released a post-election report analyzing voter turnout and is soliciting feedback from Democratic county leaders on a statewide strategy to prepare for next year, but stressed that changes are not in direct response to last year’s results (even if other party leaders see them this way).
Colamonico, who is a member of the Hudson Valley Chairs coalition, is a convert. At first, she said she was in favor of Jacobs resigning in the aftermath of last year’s election, but is now cautiously optimistic after seeing how Jacobs is taking the post-election response.
‘We were driving the message.’
As Republicans set about defending their seats next cycle, they (and many Democrats) credit gubernatorial candidate Lee Zeldin for his help at the top of the ticket.
Zeldin had disciplined messaging focused on crime, policing and bail reform, and many of his campaign events featured down ballot candidates. He lost to Hochul by six points, but helped House candidates sweep the four seats in his native Long Island.
“People starting their day or ending their day catching up on the news or what they might have missed, the top story would often be whatever it was our campaign was talking about in that press conference we hosted that day,” said Zeldin in an interview with POLITICO. “We were driving the message” in close races.
Republicans hope they can replicate the success of last cycle by once more focusing on crime and cost of living. But with Trump and abortion already setting up as chief issues in 2024, they face strong headwinds.
“There’s no doubt that New York State is a pro-choice state, every poll that I read indicates as such, but we’re really going to be focusing on public safety, and providing more economic opportunity and lowering the cost of living for folks,” said Benji Federman, Broome County Republican Party chair. “That message seems to resonate really well with Broome County voters and we’re going to continue talking about those things.”
When asked about how Republican frontlines will respond to abortion in their campaigns, National Republican Congressional Committee Chair Richard Hudson (R-N.C.) said to POLITICO, “I’m not going to answer hypotheticals about all the different races.”
For Hudson Valley Republicans, what they think might differentiate them even in a presidential election year is something not always emphasized by Republicans elsewhere: bipartisanship.
“It’s very important,” Federman said. He highlighted that his county’s representative, Molinaro, is a member of the Problem Solvers caucus. “He’s crossed party lines when he feels like it’s in the best interest of the community. And the bottom line is he doesn’t get caught up in the politics of the day.”
Ryan, defending a seat next cycle, also sees the value in bipartisanship. He spent the afternoon touring an affordable housing and cultural center with Orange County Executive Steve Neuhaus, a Republican. The two developed a close relationship during the pandemic when Ryan was also a county executive in neighboring Ulster County.
Neuhaus described his relationship with Ryan akin to President Ronald Reagan and Speaker Tip O’Neill.
But when asked about supporting Ryan’s reelection bid, Neuhaus demurred. “Last year, I didn’t get involved,” he said. “And as probably the top Republican in the area, for me, not getting involved is probably the most I could do for anybody.”
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
How the White House sees its debt ceiling standoff with McCarthy
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The endgame is still hard to see, weeks or even months away depending on how quickly the nation approaches default. But the political battle entered a new phase this week when McCarthy finally put forth a legislative proposal in his speech Monday, laying out the spending cuts Republicans wanted in exchange for a one-year debt ceiling increase — and giving the White House officials something specific to attack.
And attack they have. Biden’s speech Wednesday at a Maryland union hall served as a summation of his team’s theory of the case. And White House aides have made it clear they’re eager to continue talking about this, whether through emails from the press shop, Cabinet officials describing the specific impacts of proposed cuts or at the briefing room podium.
On Friday, press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre called McCarthy’s proposal a “ransom note” and emphasized a new VA analysis on the impact of proposed GOP cuts on veterans healthcare. The president’s economic agenda, the White House believes, is popular. Repealing laws that have helped the middle class and created jobs, cutting taxes for corporations and the rich, and risking default are not.
Republicans, Biden asserted Wednesday, “say they’re going to default unless I agree to all these wacko notions they have. Default. It would be worse than totally irresponsible.”
He reminded McCarthy of the GOP’s hypocrisy — they had no problem raising the debt ceiling three times during the Trump presidency — and of Ronald Reagan and Donald Trump’s own comments decrying debt limit brinkmanship as reckless. Biden also urged the speaker to “take default off the table, and let’s have a real, serious, detailed conversation about how to grow the economy, lower costs and reduce the deficit.”
According to two people familiar with the administration’s strategy, it’s not clear to anyone inside the White House if McCarthy has the votes from his own caucus to pass his bill, and it may not yet be clear to the speaker himself, who has what one person familiar with the White House’s thinking termed a “principal-agent problem.”
The bill would be dead on arrival in a Democrat-controlled Senate. But the White House is signaling clearly to GOP moderates in the House: Vote to cut popular programs, including Social Security and Medicare, at your own risk.
“If they pass this, we are going to hang it around their moderates’ necks,” said one person familiar with the administration’s thinking.
Chad Gilmartin, a McCarthy spokesperson, said “the White House is clearly having trouble defending President Biden’s reckless spending and irresponsible refusal to negotiate with Speaker McCarthy on the debt limit.”
He added: “It’s no surprise that the administration now has to fall back on crazy accusations against the only plan in Congress that would avoid default.”
But Biden, his aides say, learned from the Obama administration’s 2011 standoff with Republicans that it’s imperative not to allow the debt ceiling to become part of negotiations. But with McCarthy’s tenuous speakership constantly hanging by a thread, and dependent in large part on his ability to placate his most extreme members, the White House knows that talking him off the ledge on risking default — giving up what he sees as his main point of leverage — won’t be easy.
And as much as White House officials like the politics of the negotiations’ current phase, they know they, too, will face pressure to negotiate the closer they get to D-Day.
The window for scoring points, in fact, could be quite short as the danger of default grows. Goldman Sachs economists this week said that, due to weaker than expected tax season revenues, the U.S. could hit the debt ceiling in early June, earlier than expected. Within the administration, there are some differences in the level of alarm, as senior officials focused on economic matters have privately expressed more concern about the serious possibility of default than others whose purview is politics, according to one senior administration official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to speak freely.
Already, some Democrats are urging Biden to engage with McCarthy sooner rather than later. But at this point, Biden would be unlikely to say anything different to the speaker in private than what he’s said publicly — he’s open to a bipartisan deal on spending but only after lawmakers authorize a clean debt ceiling increase. That said, Jean-Pierre Friday wouldn’t go as far as to say that Biden would only meet with McCarthy after he puts forth a clean debt ceiling hike.
And there’s doubt inside the West Wing about whether McCarthy is ready for a meeting. Some aides believe it will take mounting pressure from the business community for the speaker to relent and that, given the difficult politics within his own caucus, he may not be able to back down. In such a scenario, the White House hopes that the House might at the very least swallow a Senate-passed bill to avoid default, if some Republicans are willing to use a discharge petition to get such a bill to the floor.
But some in the administration are less confident about that scenario coming to fruition than the White House is at the moment about the current contours of the debate. Senate Republican Leader “Mitch McConnell as the backstop is scary,” the senior administration official said.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
House rents in Hyderabad surged by 4.9% since January 2023
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Hyderabad: The city witnessed an increase in rental demand by 10.8 percent in the first quarter of 2023, from January to March, says a recent study.
Magicbricks, an online real estate platform, released its latest ‘Rental Housing Index’ highlighting a 4.1 percent QoQ and 15.3 per cent YoY surge in average residential rents across the country.
Hyderabad stood the third highest with 10 percent of the increase in demand after Chennai (14.3 percent) and Bengaluru (12.2 percent).

The city saw a slight decrease in the number of available rental spaces by 0.6 percent, when compared to the last quarter of 2022.
The report also observes that the rents in the city have surged by 4.9 percent in the last three months.
“The Indian rental housing market is demonstrating a buoyant revival and the macroeconomic trends affirm that this is expected to persist through the coming quarters. It is noteworthy that major southern cities have exhibited resilience as they continue to attract talent from across the country,” said Sudhir Pai, Magicbricks’ chief executive officer.
The report also revealed that while 2-bedroom, hall and kitchen (BHK) houses continued to be the most preferred rental properties, the demand for 3BHKs grew by almost 6 percent QoQ, indicating an increasing preference for spacious homes.

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#House #rents #Hyderabad #surged #January( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

Gautam Navlakha moves SC seeking change of address for house arrest
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New Delhi: Activist Gautam Navlakha, who was ordered to be kept under house arrest in a public library in Mumbai in connection with the Elgar Parishad-Maoist link case, on Friday moved the Supreme Court seeking a change of address.
A bench of Justices KM Joseph and BV Nagarathna was told by counsel for Navlakha, that the place, where he is under house arrest, is a public library and needs to be vacated.
“All I am seeking is change of address in Mumbai”, Navlakha’s counsel said, requesting for urgent hearing.

Additional Solicitor General SV Raju, who was appearing in another matter in the court, said he had no idea about the mentioning of the application and sought time to respond to it.
The bench said it will take up the matter for hearing on next Friday.
On November 10, last year, the top court allowed Navlakha, who was then lodged in Navi Mumbai’s Taloja prison in connection with the case, to be placed under house arrest owing to his deteriorating health.
Noting the activist has been in custody since April 14, 2020, and prima facie there is no reason to reject his medical report, it had said Navlakha does not have any criminal background except this case and even the Government of India had appointed him as interlocutor to hold talks with Maoists.
The case relates to alleged inflammatory speeches made at the Elgar Parishad conclave held in Pune on December 31, 2017, which the police claim triggered violence the next day near the Koregaon-Bhima war memorial on the outskirts of the western Maharashtra city.
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#Gautam #Navlakha #moves #seeking #change #address #house #arrest( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

House Dems worry Biden ‘can’t keep waiting’ on McCarthy debt meet
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“They’ve got to do it soon,” Rep. Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.), a close White House ally, said of a Biden-McCarthy sitdown, adding that while she believes there will ultimately be a clean debt-ceiling increase, the administration “can’t keep waiting.”
Democratic lawmakers have already pressed that point in private, according to two people close to the discussions, urging the White House to lay out plans to meet with McCarthy for fear that public opinion would turn against the party. And swing-seat lawmakers stressed there’s no harm in starting a conversation, even as they all oppose McCarthy’s opening bid.
“I don’t think there’s any harm in the two of them sitting down to talk,” said first-term Rep. Greg Landsman (D-Ohio). “The idea that we’re even coming this close to a potential default is insane.”
Over in the Senate, centrist Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) has been pushing Biden for weeks to restart talks. Manchin said in a statement Thursday he didn’t fully agree with McCarthy’s proposal but slammed Biden’s refusal to meet with the Republican leader as a “deficiency of leadership.”
Rank-and-file House Democrats aren’t going that far.
“This is not a serious piece of legislation,” said Rep. Jared Moskowitz (D-Fla.). “That being said, I am happy we are talking about the debt ceiling, because I think it’s very critical to talk, and so do I think the speaker of the House and the president should sit down and talk about the debt ceiling? Of course they should.”
Democratic leaders aren’t budging, yet. They remain in lockstep with the White House’s position that talks can’t begin until House Republicans release their own budget and fully divorce the conversation about debt from spending. Biden and McCarthy last met on the debt ceiling at the White House in early February, and while both characterized it as a promising start, the meeting didn’t produce any breakthroughs. Democratic leaders believe they should maintain maximum pressure on Republicans rather than strengthen McCarthy’s hand heading into a difficult vote for the GOP conference.
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries told reporters Thursday he didn’t expect any Democrats to support McCarthy’s offer and reiterated that they could talk with Republicans once they produced a budget. “I don’t know whether reasonable people would conclude that we should be negotiating against ourselves. That’s not a logical place to be,” he said.
Biden allies are also salivating over the political contrast they believe the GOP’s debt plan creates, allowing Democrats to position themselves as the bulwark against proposals that would roll back clean energy tax credits and impose work requirements on Medicaid beneficiaries.
“Ask House Republicans: Do they support Speaker McCarthy’s plan to kill manufacturing jobs in their home districts?” read the headline of a White House memo Thursday detailing more than a half-dozen Republican members whose districts are benefiting from manufacturing projects supported by the Inflation Reduction Act’s tax credits.
In a speech Wednesday, Biden rejected McCarthy’s proposal as full of “wacko notions” and reiterated his demand for a clean debt ceiling increase.
Yet while he’s maintained for months that he wants McCarthy to put out a budget before meeting with him again, officials have refrained from saying definitively whether the GOP passing its debt-limit bill would shift that calculus.
“If you do another meeting, there’ll be an expectation of negotiations,” one adviser close to the White House, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said of the dilemma facing Biden and his top aides. “The White House would have to be able to structure the lead up to the meetings to say, we’re happy to talk to him but we’re not negotiating. … And then the question becomes: ‘What’s the meeting for?’”
A bipartisan group of lawmakers from the Problem Solvers Caucus endorsed a separate debt framework Wednesday to hike the debt limit without drastic spending cuts. They’re billing it as a potential path to a compromise.
“Probably everyone’s rooting for the speaker and the president to come to a deal,” said Rep. Scott Peters (D-Calif.), a member of the bipartisan group. He said he wasn’t going to dictate what the president and speaker should do, but added: “I think more discussion or exploration about where people are, what would work, is helpful — and that’s why we did what we did.”
Democratic leaders haven’t openly embraced the bipartisan bid, though Jeffries said Thursday he saw it as proof that there are several dozen Republican lawmakers “who disagree with the extreme Republican proposal.”
Still, others projected optimism that a sitdown between Biden and McCarthy could produce a bipartisan breakthrough.
“They’re both Irish-American. They ought to have a nice dinner, and they ought to get to work and get it done for the sake of the country,” said Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio), who represents a district former President Donald Trump won in 2020.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
House Republicans pass bill restricting transgender athletes from women’s sports
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During debate over the bill on Wednesday, several GOP lawmakers argued the bill was necessary because of the Biden administration’s new Title IX rule on athletics eligibility that would allow transgender girls to play sports with some limitations. Democrats pushed back by invoking Utah Gov. Spencer Cox in their defense of transgender women and girls. Cox, a Republican, vetoed a similar sports ban in the state and acknowledged several challenges transgender students face.
The bill has no chance of becoming law as it is likely to stall in the Democrat-controlled Senate, and President Joe Biden has already announced that he would veto the bill if it were to reach his desk.
Several lawmakers did not vote on the bill, including 10 Democrats and 3 Republicans.
Amendments: Lawmakers passed by voice vote an amendment from Rep. Andy Ogles (R-Tenn.) that would clarify that the term “athletic programs and activities” in the bill includes any activities where you have to participate on a team.
Additionally, Republicans shored up enough votes to add an amendment from Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) that would direct the Government Accountability Office to lead a study on “the adverse psychological, developmental, participatory and sociological results to girls” from allowing transgender girls to play sports. GAO would also investigate “hostile environment creation, sexual assault and sexual harassment” from a decision to allow transgender students to play on girls sports teams.
“Republicans are following the science,” Mace said on the floor. “We are not confused about the differences between biological men and biological women. And as a woman who is pro LGBTQ, I don’t care how you dress, I don’t care what pronoun you take, I don’t care if you change your gender, but we ought to protect biological women and girls and their athletics and their achievements.”
Reaction: Several Democratic and civil rights groups supporting transgender students slammed the bill’s passage as a political attack under the guise of protecting women’s sports.
“We will not let anti-LGBTQI+ Republicans — who have refused to work with us on addressing real gender equity issues— use ‘protecting women’ as an excuse to attack trans youth,” said Democratic Women’s Caucus Chair Lois Frankel in a statement. “When my Republican colleagues want to join with us to address the actual pressing issues impacting girls’ and women’s sports, I stand ready to work with them.”
The Human Rights Campaign said 40 athletes, including Megan Rapinoe, CeCe Telfer and Chris Mosier, signed a letter this month that rebuked a federal anti-transgender sports ban. HRC President Kelley Robinson in a statement said because the bill has no chance of becoming law, “this is purely a waste of time at the expense of an already marginalized population.”
“Rather than focus their energy on doing literally anything to improve the lives of children, House Republicans have prioritized attacking transgender youth purely as a political ploy,” Robinson said.
Conservative groups and cisgender women athletes they represent lauded the bill’s passage saying it reaffirms the promise of equal opportunity for women in Title IX.
“I want to ensure no other girl experiences the emotional pain and lost opportunities I experienced in high school,” said Selina Soule, a former high school track and field athlete whose challenge against a Connecticut policy on transgender athletes will be heard by the full 2nd Circuit, in a statement. “There are clear biological differences between men and women and I experienced that firsthand, which is why I’m very grateful for the U.S. House passing this bill.”
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
House GOP’s debt-limit plan seeks to repeal major parts of Democrats’ climate law
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McCarthy is eyeing to pass his plan in the House next week, setting up a showdown with Democrats amid worries that the U.S. could default on its debt as early as June.
The Republicans’ 300-page-plus bill amounts to a legislative wish list of measures that have no future in the Senate, whose Democratic leaders have joined Biden in refusing to negotiate policy changes as part of the debt ceiling. They argue that lawmakers should raise the borrowing cap — and avert global economic havoc — without conditions, as Congress repeatedly did under former President Donald Trump.
Biden derided McCarthy’s plan during an appearance Wednesday in Maryland, and vowed to reject GOP demands that he roll back his administration’s accomplishments.
“They’re in Congress threatening to undo all the stuff that you helped me get done,” Biden said during an appearance at a Maryland union hall. “You and the American people should know about the competing economic visions of the country that are at stake right now.”
Rep. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.) likewise dismissed the Republican proposal. “It’s pathetic,” he said.
The GOP bill would enact the party’s marquee energy bill, H.R.1 (218), which the House already passed last month. That bill includes an easing of permitting rules for new energy infrastructure and mining projects that Republicans say would promote economic growth, and which might find some appeal among Democrats.
The Republican proposal also includes more partisan elements of their energy bill, which would mandate more oil and gas lease sales on federal lands, ease restrictions on natural gas exports, and repeal a fee that the IRA imposed on methane emissions from oil and gas operations.
Republicans have lambasted the IRA’s clean energy incentives, saying they’re wasteful and distort markets.
“These spending limits are not draconian,” McCarthy said in a Wednesday floor speech ahead of the bill release. “They are responsible. We’re going to save taxpayers money. It will end the green giveaways for companies that distort the market and waste taxpayers’ money.”
Republicans are seeking to repeal the IRA’s zero-emission nuclear power production, clean hydrogen and sustainable aviation fuel tax credits. Their bill would also eliminate the law’s bonus provisions aimed at placing solar and wind facilities in low-income communities and that allow some entities to receive direct payments of the credits.
“We have to create situations where traditional, reliable, resilient energy can compete in the marketplace,” Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.) told POLITICO. “If that’s getting rid of some of the crazy renewable tax credits in the IRA, I am all for it.”
Republicans are also proposing to modify several other existing tax credits under the law, including by reestablishing the previous investment and production tax credits for solar and wind that the IRA had extended and increased. The GOP would nix both the production and investments tax credits for green sources after 2024, as well as incentives for paying prevailing wage, using domestic content and placing facilities in communities historically dependent on fossil fuels.
The proposal would eliminate changes to some tax credits that existed before Democrats’ IRA was enacted, including for carbon sequestration.
And it would make major changes in the IRA’s electric vehicle tax credit, whose implementation by the Biden administration has taken bipartisan criticism. The GOP proposal would revive a prior $7,500 tax credit for qualifying electric vehicles, but would restore that tax break’s per-manufacturer limit of 200,000 vehicles. It would entirely repeal the IRA’s new incentives for critical battery minerals that are extracted from the U.S. or a close trading partner, and for batteries manufactured or assembled in North America.
While some moderate Republicans called for party leaders to place a priority on policy measures that could draw bipartisan support — such as overhaul permitting rules — as part of the debt ceiling package, conservatives pushed for more partisan measures targeting Democrats’ climate law.
But that could put some Republicans in a tricky spot, because many projects that could receive the IRA’s tax credits are set to be built in congressional districts represented by GOP lawmakers. Recent analysis from the American Clean Power Association found that there have been $150 billion in new clean power capital investments since the law’s August passage, including 46 utility-scale solar, battery and wind manufacturing facilities or facility expansions.
Of the manufacturing announcements tracked by ACP where a congressional district was known, the majority of those facilities were in red districts.
“There is a lot of stuff in the Inflation Reduction Act that should be repealed,” Rep. Jeff Duncan (R-S.C.) told POLITICO. “But there is some common sense stuff that was in there as well.”
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )















