Harry Belafonte was a hero of mine. He meant everything to me. I met him around the release of 12 Years a Slave, and he became a mentor. I received a best director award at the New York Film Critics Circle awards and Harry gave an amazing speech: he talked about seeing Johnny Weissmuller as Tarzan at the cinema as a child and how the depiction of people of African descent made him feel being ashamed to be Black.
Look what he did – he was the first person to make an album that sold more than 1m records. He was Martin Luther King’s closest confidant and he supported his family. He was the main organiser to get Hollywood people involved in the civil rights movement, bringing people like Sidney Poitier. He was close to Bobby Kennedy, Eleanor Roosevelt. And he was an artist, and he was an actor; he studied with Brando, Brando was one of his best friends. He really was a renaissance man if there ever was one, and extraordinarily good looking. He had everything, but his service was always to his people. He told me that the civil rights days were scary – what he sacrificed and what he did for the good of people was incredible.
Harry didn’t compromise. When he wasn’t getting the roles that he thought that he deserved, he just went and did his music. And I think that vision came from his mentor Paul Robeson, who said: “Why don’t you sing your song?”
Harry understood that he was a Black man of the diaspora – his background was in Jamaica, his upbringing was in America, and he travelled the world as a Black man in the entertainment industry. He was an American but an internationalist – a man of the world. He was in Africa, he was in Cuba, he was in eastern Europe. Harry’s reach was global – he was world famous. His drive was incredible. He didn’t stop until he dropped.
‘I did all that I could’: A look back at the life and career of Harry Belafonte – video
We had plans to make a film about Robeson and we worked on it for a little while, but some things don’t always come together. The last time I heard from Harry was when I got a text from him and his wife Pam saying that they’d just watched Small Axe: “Brilliant, bravo, we send our love and thoughts through these crazy times, Pam and Harry.”
A child of the West Indies growing up in America and reaching the heights of international stardom. That was Harry. I loved him very, very much.
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( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )
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Salim Durani’s exploits on the cricket field are well known. His ability to hit sixes and his penchant for taking crucial wickets, have been extensively reported. But what was the man like off the field? What made him so charismatic?
More than six feet in height, his appearance was striking. He was like a Pathan warrior who wielded a bat like a sword and cut down rival bowlers mercilessly. But merely good looks and skill do not attract the kind of devoted fan following that he had in his heydays. He was also a very generous and warm-hearted human being. His inner beauty was as evident as his exterior good looks. He had qualities that endeared him to millions of cricket fans throughout India.
Sunil Gavaskar in his book Sunny Days has narrated an incident which illustrates the humble and benevolent nature of Salim Durani. The ace batter from Mumbai had so much respect for Durani that he used to call him Uncle Salim. Gavaskar writes that Durani was a unique character. He was quiet and calm but this was sometimes misunderstood by others. They were quick to say that Durani was a moody person.
Gavaskar further writes that money was a commodity that Salim uncle could never retain with himself. He was not money minded person and was always willing to help everyone in cash or kind. Before the Indian team went for the West Indies tour of 1971, the players were invited to play a match against Sri Lanka in a small town within India. They had to travel by train and the cold wintry night made sleeping a problem. Gavaskar had nothing to keep himself warm. But on the other hand, Durani had brought a blanket. With his customary magnanimity he handed his blanket to Gavaskar and assured the youngster that he would make alternative arrangements for himself.
The next morning, after waking up, Gavaskar could not find Durani in his own compartment. After walking about, he finally discovered Durani sleeping in another compartment. He had no blanket and was sleeping curled up tightly obviously because he was feeling cold. Gavaskar was astounded. Here was a star Test cricketer of international fame who had chosen to sleep in discomfort so that the junior-most member of the team could sleep soundly. At the time Gavaskar had not played even a single Test match for India.
It was from that day that Gavaskar began to call him Uncle Salim. He was protective and helpful just like an uncle would be to any family youngster. His attitude to newcomers was so helpful that they would forget their nervousness and talk freely with him and seek his advice. They knew instinctively that he would be a friend, mentor and guide to them.
Durani also had a great sense of humour. He never allowed disappointments to make him dejected. When he was not selected for a tour of England, a journalist asked him: “Can you tell us why the selectors did not pick you in the side?” Durani replied with a wry smile: “Maybe they thought England would be too cold for me.” But hoping to provoke an angry response, the journalist persisted: “You were also not selected for a tour of Australia even though your game was perfect. What can be the reason?” Again Durani refused to be provoked. “Maybe they thought Australia would be too hot for me. They did not want me to be uncomfortable,” he replied again with a smile.
Salim Durani belonged to a different period and had a different attitude towards cricket and life. Had he been born in modern times, he would have been in the top drawer of IPL recruits. The present IPL season is now in progress and we see many players with less than half of Durani’s ability earning money in crores. Durani earned very little and was sometimes in financial difficulty. In those days players were paid less than two hundred rupees per match. But money was never a major consideration for Durani. For him it was something that came and went.
Former cricketer Raju Mukherjee has described Durani as a man who was a free soul without a care for the morrow. He had no inhibition and no ego. He would sometimes borrow money and then with that money, buy a drink for the man who gave him the money. Mukherjee has written in a blog that this is what happened to himself when he was playing with Durani in the Moin-ud-Dowla trophy tournament in Hyderabad in 1976.
Greed for money, fame and success were not a part of Durani’s mental makeup. He was a gentleman at heart and managed with whatever life gave him. It was these qualities–generosity, selflessness and independent nature–that made him a folk hero among cricketers. It is unlikely that any of the modern day players will be able to fill the void that Durani left in Indian cricket.
Moulvi Syed Allavuddin who was a spiritual leader used to exhort the people of Nizam State, one of the strongest princely states of South India, to rebel against the British hegemony. He stood at the forefront of the direct fight against the British Government.
Moulvi Syed Allavuddin was a native of Hyderabad, the capital of the erstwhile Nizam princely state. He intensified his rebellious activities soon after the First war of Independence of India was started in 1857.
A rebellion started in Aurangabad which was part of Nizam State. The rebels who took part in the revolutionary activities in Aurangabad, escaped arrest and came to Hyderabad. They were arrested by the Nizam state police and kept in jail. The people and prominent citizens of Nizam state were angry when Nizam rejected their plea to release the arrested rebels. They met in Mecca Masjid on July 17, 1857, and decided to attack the British Residency in Hyderabad.
That afternoon at 4 pm about five hundred people led by Moulvi Allavuddin and another revolutionary leader Patan Turrebaz Khan marched ahead from Sultan Bazar with war cries to attack the British Residency, a symbol of British Supremacy. Nizam Nawab, being a friend of the British, informed the English officers of the imminent attack. The armies of the English and the Nizam moved strategically and confronted the attackers with additional forces.
Firing continued between the two sides throughout the night. The rebels retreated as the enemy forces gained an upper hand. The angry armies of the British and the Nizam cracked down on the people of Hyderabad. An award of four thousand rupees was announced on the head of Moulvi Syed Allavuddin.
Moulvi went underground. After taking shelter for one and half years from his close friend named Peer Mohammed, he started consultations with freedom fighters and revolutionaries like Syed Bhikkoo, Syed Lal, and Mohammed Ali to put an end to the hegemony of the British on his land and people. At last British forces arrested and sent Moulvi Allavuddin to the cellular jail in Andaman on June 28, 1859.
After leading a miserable life of 25 years as a prisoner, Moulvi Syed Allavuddin passed away in 1884.
It was 10 years before she finally broke that silence. Speaking at the Forbes 30 under 30 conference, she delivered a powerful speech about bullying and her experience surviving shame and public humiliation. Later she wrote an essay for Vanity Fair after the death of Roger Ailes, the man who had orchestrated much of her public torment at emerging Fox News. “The media were able to brand me. And that brand stuck, in part because it was imbued with power,” she wrote. (Lewinsky has focused much of her time since writing and speaking about the effects of bullying, shame and silence on young women.)
Years before Lewinsky, Donna Rice, a 29-year-old actress and model, became the central female figure in the first political sex scandal of the TV age. After the Miami Herald broke the story of Democratic presidential nominee Gary Hart’s affair with Rice, she was endlessly dragged through the mud. As they would later do to Lewinsky, the press hounded Rice for years — following her, camping out at her home and tracking her every move. Pictures of her in skimpy bathing suits were splashed on every TV screen and magazine cover. She was lambasted as a bimbo. (Hart didn’t fare so well either; he ended his presidential campaign just a few days after the story was made public.)
Rice herself didn’t speak publicly about the affair until 31 years later, after a Hollywood studio made a movie about the scandal starring Hugh Jackman without consulting her. “I chose silence. … I chose the high road,” she told ABC’s Amy Robach in 2018. But the price she paid for taking that high road was steep. The pictures and images of her “fit the narrative that I was a temptress, a bimbo.” She told People, “I felt I was put on trial. … My reputation was destroyed worldwide.” (Rice has spent much of her professional life running a non-profit called Enough is Enough, aimed at making the internet safer for families and children.)
It’s easy to see why neither Rice nor Lewinsky felt they had anything to gain from trying to tell their side of the story or defend themselves, given the vast power imbalance of their circumstances. They were women alone, up against an entire media establishment hell bent on getting ratings off public shaming. They were on the wrong side of powerful political figures and living in a world that needed them to be the vixens.
All of which is why the Stormy Daniels scandal stands apart. From the beginning, powerful men tried to keep her silent, yet she repeatedly and doggedly fought to tell the world her story. Her first effort came in 2011, when she reportedly struck a deal with In Touch magazine, even taking a lie detector test to validate the story. Trump’s attorney Michael Cohen reportedly threatened to sue, and In Touch killed the story.
Undeterred, Daniels tried again in 2016 when Trump was running for president, contacting the National Enquirer to make a deal. But instead, editor in chief David Pecker, a Trump ally, allegedly collaborated with Michael Cohen to offer her a “catch and kill” deal. They would buy the rights to her story in exchange for $130,000 and a non-disclosure agreement. The details of how that money was initially paid by Cohen and reimbursed by Trump from the White House in 2017 are at the heart of Trump’s legal peril now. (Trump denies having an affair with Daniels.)
Daniels initially complied with the non-disclosure deal she signed. But in 2018, the Wall Street Journal broke the story of Trump’s alleged payment to Cohen, publishing images of the checks. When Trump claimed he never signed the agreement, Daniels saw an opening. She challenged the validity of the NDA head on, suing to invalidate it. Then she wrote a tell-all book, doing interviews with media outlets and forging lucrative business deals and a massive social media following along the way.
Since then, Daniels has leveraged her platform to emasculate Trump at every turn, first by revealing salacious details about his manhood in her book and then by mastering Twitter, where she refers to him only as “Tiny” to her 1.2 million followers, cutting him where it hurts most — his macho persona. Several times a day she confronts her trolls and harassers, reasserting her story, using humor and sarcasm to disarm the haters. Examples are too numerous and inappropriate for these pages but it’s worth a scroll.
Obviously, Daniels is no saint or altruist. She’s making every possible dollar off the scandal. Merch sales and movie promotions feature prominently on her social media accounts.But there is also something admirable about her chutzpah, her refusal to back down, be sidelined, silenced, ignored or underestimated. She has persisted.
So far, the strategy has worked, and things have not gone well for the men who have tried to intimidate her. Cohen went to jail for his role in buying her silence. Her lawyer, Michael Avenatti, tried to defraud her, stealing her book advance by forging documents with her name on them. But he also landed in jail. And now Trump may end up a loser too. Daniels assisted prosecutors in the case against Trump. But perhaps as importantly, she might have assisted in influencing the court of public opinion. An Economist/YouGov March poll found 46 precent of Americans believe Trump should be indicted for his actions.
Why was Daniels able to break the cycle of silence that has held women back for so long? For one, by choosing a career in porn, she had already rejected social norms and sexual mores, embracing a life of maximum exposure. That set her up to challenge a sexist social convention in ways that other women who preferred not to have their sex lives exposed could not.
Still, it’s easy to say that as a porn star, Daniels had nothing to lose by speaking out. But that would diminish the courage it takes to confront powerful bullies. Challenging Trump, who has an uncanny ability to unleash hate and even violence against those who go up against him, can be especially dangerous. Even if, in a post #MeToo age, traditional media might be less apt to pillory Daniels than it was Lewinsky or Rice, she faced plenty of real danger in speaking out. In recent weeks, she has had to increase her personal security in response to threats against her.
To consider Daniels a kind of feminist hero may seem discordant on the surface. She’s immensely self-interested and works in an industry that can be profoundly exploitive and abusive of women. Still, in many ways she’s exactly what feminism espouses: A self-possessed woman in full control of her choices, sexually liberated, free and confident enough to do as she pleases with her body, career, life and voice.
It remains to be seen whether Daniels has made it easier for other women to speak out on their own terms and break the cycle of shame and silencethat has held us back for too long. Perhaps she isuniquely able to break norms because she never accepted them in the first place. But it’s just as possible that she forged a new paradigm where the cycle of women’s evisceration in the public square has ended.
Here’s hoping.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
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Joe Biden’s European friends may be miffed about his climate law.
But the U.S. president’s America-first, subsidy-heavy approach has actually gained some grudging — and for a Democrat unlikely — admirers on the Continent: Europe’s conservatives.
Within the center-right European People’s Party, the largest alliance of parties in the European Parliament, officials are smarting over why their own politicians aren’t taking a page from the Biden playbook.
Their frustration is homing in on European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen — a putative conservative the EPP itself helped install. Officials fear they have let von der Leyen lead the party away from its pro-industry, regulation-slashing ideals, according to interviews with leading party figures.
Biden’s law has now brought their grumbling to the surface.
On Thursday, a wing of EPP lawmakers defected during a Parliament vote over whether to back von der Leyen’s planned response to Biden’s marquee green spending bill, the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). Their concern: it doesn’t go far enough in championing European industries.
Essentially, they want it to feel more like Biden’s plan.
The IRA was an “embarrassment” for Europe, said Thanasis Bakolas, the EPP’s power broker and secretary general. The EU “had all these well-funded policies available. And then comes Biden with his IRA. And he introduces policies that are more efficient, more effective, more accessible to businesses and consumers.”
A bitter inspiration
European leaders were blindsided last summer when Biden signed the IRA into law.
Since then, they have complained loudly that the U.S. subsidies for homegrown clean tech are a threat to their own industries. But for the EPP, ostensibly on the opposite side to Biden’s Democrats, the law is also serving as bitter inspiration.
“It’s a little bit like in the fairy tale, that someone in the crowd — and this time it wasn’t the boy, it was the Americans — pretty much pointing the finger to the [European] Commission, and saying, ‘Oh, the king is naked?’” said Christian Ehler, a German European Parliament member from the EPP.
Viewed from bureaucratic, free-trading Brussels, Biden’s climate policy looks more sleek, geopolitically muscular — and, notably for the EPP, more appealing to voters on the right than anything actually coming out of the EPP-led Commission | Oliver Contreras/Getty Images
Under the EU’s centerpiece climate policy, the European Green Deal, the European Commission, the EU’s policy-making executive arm, has doggedly introduced law after law aimed at squeezing polluters from every angle using tighter regulations or carbon pricing. The goal is to zero out the bloc’s net greenhouse gas emissions by 2050.
Biden’s IRA approaches the same goal by different means. It is laden with voter- and industry-friendly tax breaks and made-in-America requirements. Viewed from bureaucratic, free-trading Brussels, Biden’s climate policy looks more sleek, geopolitically muscular — and, notably for the EPP, more appealing to voters on the right than anything actually coming out of the EPP-led Commission.
For some, the sense of betrayal isn’t directed at Washington, but inward.
“We learned that we lost track for the last two years on the deal part of the Green Deal,” said Ehler, who is using his seat on Parliament’s powerful Committee on Industry, Research and Energy to push forfewer climate burdens on industry. “We are in the midst of the super regulation.”
The irony is that Biden and the Democrats probably wouldn’t have chosen this path were it not for Republicans’ decades-long refusal to move any form of climate regulation through Congress.
The IRA was a product of political necessity, shaped to suit independent-minded Democratic senators such as Joe Manchin of coal-heavy West Virginia.If Biden and his party had their druthers, Biden’s climate policy might have looked far more like the Brussels model.
Let’s get political
As party boss, Bakolas is preparing the platform on which the EPP — a pan-European umbrella group of 81 center-right parties — will campaign for the 2024 EU elections.
He is also flirting with an alliance with the far right, meaning the center-right and center-left consensus that has dominated climate policy in Brussels could break up. Bakolas advocates “a more political approach.”
“We need to do the same [as the U.S.], with the same tenacity and determination,” he said.
One big problem: It’s hard for the European Union, which doesn’t control tax policy, to match the political eye-candy of offering cashback for electric Hummers (something Americans can now claim on their taxes).
“Can Europe, this institutional arrangement in Brussels … act as effortlessly and seamlessly as the American administration? No, because it’s a difficult exercise for Europe to reach a decision … but it’s an exercise we need to do,” said Bakolas.
Within the center-right European People’s Party, the largest alliance of parties in the European Parliament, officials are smarting over why their own politicians aren’t taking a page from the Biden playbook | Kenzo Tribouillard/AFP via Getty Images
In other words, the EPP is looking to emulate Biden’s law — at least in spirit, if not in legalese.
The conservative thinking is beginning to coalesce into a few main themes: slowing down green regulation they feel burden industry; using sector-specific programs to help companies reinvest their profits into cleaning up their businesses; and slashing red tape they say slows already clean industries from getting on with the job.
EPP lawmaker Peter Liese said he had been “desperately calling” for these red-tape-slashing measures. He was glad to see some in von der Leyen’s contested IRA response plan. But Liese and the EPP want more.
“We can have an answer of the two crises, the two challenges, that we have: the climate crisis and challenge for our economy, including the IRA,” said Liese.
Green groups and left-wing lawmakers argue the EPP is simply using the IRA and Europe’s broader economic woes as a smokescreen to cover a broad retreat from the Green Deal. In recent months the party has blocked, or threatened to block, a host of green regulations proposed by the Commission.
“This is like trying to put on the ballroom shoes of your grandfather and trying to do a 100-meter sprint,” Green MEP Anna Cavazzini told Parliament on Wednesday.
Bakolas rejected that.
He said the party had finally woken up to the need to set a climate agenda that better reflected its own, center-right, free-market ideals.
“What the IRA did,” he said, “is to ring an alarm bell.”
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( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )
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