Tag: GOP

  • House GOP quietly preps take two of its border push

    House GOP quietly preps take two of its border push

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    Republicans have pitched ideas like reviving the border wall and cracking down on asylum seekers, policies that stand no chance in the Senate but would let them claim a messaging victory — if they can manage to push them through the House.

    Underscoring how quickly one of Republicans’ biggest election talking points turned into a sore spot for old tensions, even those at the center of the intra-party debate aren’t willing to publicly bet against another derailment … at least, not yet.

    “I can’t read minds. I can’t tell fortunes,” Rep. Tom McClintock (R-Calif.), who chairs Judiciary’s immigration subpanel, said in a brief interview about the chances House Republicans pass a bill if they can get it out of committee and to the floor.

    The GOP’s struggle to unite on border and immigration bills isn’t new — it’s approaching a congressional cliché at this point, as both parties continuously struggle to come to any sort of agreement on comprehensive changes. But the lack of agreement sparked a bitter feud between two Texas members particularly and prompted questions from reporters over Speaker Kevin McCarthy’s leadership.

    And it could easily cut against a perennial GOP talking point that Democrats are weak on border security, which the party is sure to reuse in 2024.

    Publicly, Republicans have tried to put that message at the heart of their still-nascent majority. They’ve taken a series of trips to the U.S.-Mexico border to highlight its manifold security challenges, lambasting the Biden administration as their Democratic colleagues boycott some of their field hearings.

    The strategy has scored some wins. U.S. Border Patrol Chief Raul Ortiz generated headlines Wednesday when asked by Green if DHS had operational control over the entire southern border, he responded: “No.”

    Green followed up with a brief clip of Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas telling House lawmakers that DHS did have operational control. Ortiz declined to say if he believed the secretary was lying — a charge conservatives have made as they’ve called for Mayorkas’ impeachment.

    A DHS official, after Wednesday’s hearing, pointed to Mayorkas’ comments during a separate Senate hearing last year. He said then that based on the statutory definition of “operational control,” which Green showed during his hearing, “this country has never had operational control.” (Democrats, and even some Republicans, have defended Mayorkas arguing that the impeachment calls chalk up to policy disagreements.)

    But as Republicans publicly keep their rhetorical fire aimed at the Biden administration, they still want to pursue legislative overhauls. A leadership aide, granted anonymity to describe the private discussions, told POLITICO that there are “ongoing talks with members … and leadership about what a border package would look like.”

    And they appear to have learned a lesson from their first misstep when their attempts to quickly vote on a border bill in the first weeks of the term imploded. Instead of trying to go straight to the floor, Republicans are expected to first take their next slate of border-related bills through two committees — the Homeland Security and Judiciary panels.

    Neither committee has formally scheduled votes as the negotiations continue behind the scenes. But Green is expected to roll out a border bill within weeks, aiming to hold a panel vote in April. Meanwhile, Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) said that his goal is to start moving legislation through Judiciary by the end of March — though some aides are privately betting that it will slip into April given Congress’ typical pace.

    “We’ve got a number of bills we’re gonna look at,” Jordan said in a brief interview. “We’re just trying to be ready.”

    Jordan pointed to bills by GOP Reps. Andy Biggs (Ariz.), Tom Tiffany
    (Wis.) and Chip Roy (Texas) as options for a border security package that his committee is expected to soon consider. Roy’s bill, which critics even in his own party fear would bar asylum claims as currently known, fueled his party’s legislative heartburn earlier this year by sparking pushback from more centrist conference colleagues. That included Rep. Tony Gonzales (R-Texas), who is now openly feuding with Roy over border and immigration policies.

    Roy rejected his critics’ asylum interpretation but signaled he’s willing to give leadership space, at least for now. He’s not currently asking them to move a border package to the floor, instead saying “the plan” was to take it through the Judiciary Committee. (The Homeland Security panel, where it was also sent, isn’t expected to vote on it.)

    But even if the bill clears Jordan’s panel, it’s no guarantee it can withstand scrutiny of the wider conference. Even Republican members admit the committee is more conservatively slanted than the whole of the GOP House, and leadership can only afford to lose a few members in a floor vote if all Democrats oppose any legislation.

    If committees are able to advance legislation, leadership will have to decide whether to move the bills to the floor separately or as one package. Some members have floated merging whatever comes out of the Judiciary and the Homeland Security panels into one bill, a risky move that could test Washington’s favorite deal-solving tactic of trying to give everyone buy-in by making a package too big to fail.

    But the math, GOP aides privately acknowledge, could be tricky. More border security, at a 30,000-foot rhetorical level, generally unites Republicans — until you drill down into the details. Making hardline changes to asylum policies or Temporary Protected Status (TPS) could peel off votes that Republicans can’t afford to lose.

    Meanwhile, Roy drew his own red line, warning he won’t support just throwing money at DHS: “We’re going to change the policies or we’re not going to move anything through here.”

    Another GOP aide described the effort to unite the conference on border policy as trying to collect “frogs in a bucket.” In further evidence of the challenge, no decisions have been made about when bills would come to the floor, or if it would be one package or several separate votes, according to a leadership aide.

    Rep. Dan Bishop (R-N.C.), a member of the conservative House Freedom Caucus as well as the Judiciary and Homeland Security committees, predicted both panels will vote on border legislation within weeks, saying that he didn’t believe there was “friction” within the conference — at least when it came to timing.

    But Bishop added that he would want leadership to put a bill on the floor, even if it might fail.

    “I’m indifferent as to whether it will pass or not,” Bishop said. “I think we need to put the right bills on the floor.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Onetime GOP ‘bomb-thrower’ tries to bring calm to SVB crisis

    Onetime GOP ‘bomb-thrower’ tries to bring calm to SVB crisis

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    The methodical approach makes him a clear outlier in the GOP’s Trump era, which is significantly rowdier and more populist than the tea party that arose from the last financial crisis. McHenry says administration officials have responded well so far and that he’ll dig into how the failure happened in the days to come.

    “I worked with McHenry during this,” Senate Banking Chair Sherrod Brown, a progressive Ohio Democrat, said of the latest meltdown. “He seems to be responsible.”

    McHenry’s attempt to convey restraint at this early stage is at odds with other Republicans who are eager to beat up on President Joe Biden by casting the bank rescue as a culture war concern — raising questions about how many will follow his lead.

    It’s a statesman-like role the former upstart is playing across a number of issues confronting the GOP, from the debt limit to diversity, indicating that Democrats may have at least some top Republicans they can work with on the heaviest economic issues confronting the U.S.

    “Everybody’s got their own opinion,” said Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), when asked about the House GOP’s emerging position under McHenry’s lead. “All I know is, I wouldn’t have bailed them out — a bunch of rich, left-wing, you know, political snobs.”

    McHenry entered Congress in 2005 at 29, providing little hint to people getting to know him in those early days that he would become one of the GOP’s leading pragmatists and dealmakers.

    A Roll Call columnist at the time called him “the GOP’s attack dog-in-training,” as he fought Democrats in an ethics battle against then-Majority Leader Tom Delay, who was indicted for criminal conspiracy. He joined the conservative Republican Study Committee, chaired by Mike Pence, and in the wake of that year’s major domestic crisis — Hurricane Katrina — McHenry called for cutting funding for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting to rebuild schools.

    “He was extremely right-wing,” said Cam Fine, the former head of the Independent Community Bankers of America, which works closely with the Financial Services Committee. “He was pretty bombastic, quite frankly, and said a lot of things that you kind of shook your head at a little bit. … He was a ball of energy.”

    People close to McHenry said he realized over time that he didn’t want to pursue higher office and should get serious about his work in the House – in particular at the Financial Services Committee.

    Former House Speaker Paul Ryan, who advised McHenry to prioritize a committee chairmanship over leadership, said he was “a bomb thrower when he first came in … and then he dramatically matured.”

    “At some point he decided, I’m going to get bored running around like a crazy person here and I’m not going to matter — if I take it seriously I can make a difference,” said Scott Stewart, a former McHenry roommate who got to know him from their days as College Republicans.

    “He then committed to deeply understanding financial services and became a serious conservative without being a jerk.”

    In the ensuing years, McHenry followed a dual track through the ranks of House Republicans, moving up in seniority at the Financial Services Committee but also in House leadership, eventually becoming one of the GOP’s top vote counters as chief deputy whip.

    He became the top Republican on House Financial Services in 2019 and then chair this year.

    Before calamity struck the banking system the last few days, McHenry was determined to flex his dealmaking skills by finding bipartisan compromises with the Financial Services Committee’s top Democrat, Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Calif.), on things like cryptocurrency legislation. Waters led the committee before Democrats lost the House in the 2022 election.

    Soon after he became chair, McHenry drew flak from FOX News host Tucker Carlson and other conservative pundits by not completely eliminating from the committee’s oversight agenda a top priority for Waters — diversity and inclusion.

    “We do have a good relationship,” Waters said. “That’s not to say that good relationship is going to make me change my mind about some of his philosophy, and vice versa. … But I respect him. He respects me.”

    He was also emerging as a peacemaker in the fractious House GOP.

    McHenry helped Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) lock down the votes he needed to become speaker, a partnership that thrust the bow-tied Republican into the national spotlight as he negotiated with conservative rebels who dragged out the process for days, paralyzing the chamber.

    “He can relate to new young members who throw a lot of bombs,” Ryan said.

    His ability to draw together different factions of the party won him high praise from some of McCarthy’s closest allies.

    “He’s one of the brightest guys up here,” Rep. Garret Graves (R-La.) said. “He’s got great instincts and has that amazing balance that is rare up here of being both a policy nerd and [having] really good strategic instincts.”

    His other big project this year was to try to steer Republicans toward a resolution of the debt-limit stalemate. He’s taken the position that holding U.S. borrowing authority hostage in exchange for spending cuts could be a disaster for markets, rankling conservatives like former Trump OMB Director Russell Vought, who said in an email: “I don’t have faith in Patrick McHenry.”

    So to those who know him, it’s no surprise that McHenry has tried to guide the House GOP to take a breath before going on the attack over the Biden administration’s rescue of depositors at the failed Silicon Valley Bank and Signature Bank.

    It’s a challenge as a growing number of Republicans like Paul cast the administration’s move as a mistake.

    “This is America,” said Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) when asked about the House Republican response. “Everybody’s entitled to their opinion. But it’s currently a bailout.”

    Rep. Andy Barr of Kentucky, one of McHenry’s committee deputies, said, “Job No. 1 is for us to be the adults in a serious situation.”

    “This isn’t about poking either side of the aisle,” said Rep, Blaine Luetkemeyer of Missouri, another member of McHenry’s committee leadership team. “This is a time when we feel our country’s future is at risk here.”

    “We’ve got to rally around him and pull everybody together.”

    Sam Sutton contributed reporting.

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    #Onetime #GOP #bombthrower #bring #calm #SVB #crisis
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • House GOP panel launches probe into Air Force’s ‘unauthorized’ record disclosures

    House GOP panel launches probe into Air Force’s ‘unauthorized’ record disclosures

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    “In late February 2023, media reports highlighted how the OSAF improperly disclosed Official Military Personnel Files (OMPF) of 11 servicemembers without appropriate authorization or lawful consent. The [Office of the Secretary of the Air Force] reportedly released the personnel files of at least two Members of Congress to an opposition research firm that received money from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC),” they wrote.

    “While the Air Force has rightfully taken responsibility for these inappropriate OMPF disclosures, questions remain unanswered about the U.S. Air Force’s collection, maintenance, and dissemination of this sensitive information,” their letter to Kendall continued.

    Other panels, including the House Armed Services and Oversight committees, have sought details from the Pentagon on the disclosures.

    POLITICO first reported that the Air Force had notified at least two sitting House Republicans — Reps. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) and Zach Nunn (R-Iowa) — that it had improperly released their personnel military records to a third party.

    In the case of Bacon, a letter last month from the Air Force identified Abraham Payton of the Due Diligence Group, a research firm with Democratic ties, as “inappropriately” requesting and successfully obtaining these records.

    Payton, according to the letter, said he was seeking the records for employment and benefit purposes, but the Air Force acknowledged such records were released without their authorization, which is protected under the Privacy Act of 1974. The letter noted that Payton was already in possession of the Nebraska Republican’s social security number when filling out the information request form.

    Other GOP candidates from last cycle have shared that they were similarly notified by the Air Force that Payton, a former research director for the Democratic group American Bridge, was behind such requests for their records. They include Sam Peters, a Republican who challenged Rep. Steven Horsford (D-Nev.) in November, and Kevin Dellicker, who fell short in the GOP primary race to take on Rep. Susan Wild (D-Pa.).

    Such efforts by Due Diligence Group included more than one military branch, with Payton attempting to get records on Colin Schmitt, who is currently serving in the New York National Guard and who challenged Rep. Pat Ryan (D-N.Y.) in the general election last cycle for the state’s 18th district, according to a copy of the request form.

    The Air Force said last month that an internal investigation it launched after POLITICO reported on former GOP candidate Jennifer-Ruth Green’s military records in October — when she was challenging Rep. Frank Mrvan (D-Ind.) in a battleground district — found that the private records of 11 individuals were improperly disclosed to a third party.

    Air Force spokesperson Ann Stefanek has said that “virtually all” of the 11 unapproved releases were made to the same third party “who represented himself as a background investigator seeking service records for employment purposes.”

    It is unclear if Payton was behind all of the 11 Air Force requests. Nunn has not publicly disclosed if Payton was the individual who sought his military personnel records, and Green has confirmed only that Due Diligence sought hers.

    The other individuals affected by the Air Force records releases are not publicly known. But the House Armed Services and Oversight committees are also inquiring about the matter, with Armed Services Chair Mike Rogers (R-Ala.) vowing last week to keep chasing down details of the disclosures.

    POLITICO was told by the person who gave it Green’s military records last year that they were obtained through a public records request. POLITICO reviewed the request for the records made by a third party, which sought a “publicly releasable/redacted copy of OMPF [Official Military Personnel File] per Freedom of Information Act statutes.” The requester identified the purpose of the request as relating to “benefits,” “employment” and “other.”

    POLITICO also reviewed the letter sent in response to the requester. A military employee responded with a password-protected version of the file with limited redactions. After publication, the Air Force said it erred in releasing the records and launched an investigation.

    Bacon said last month that Air Force Secretary Kendall informed him that material from the Air Force’s internal investigation into the records releases was turned over to the Justice Department for possible further action. And Schmitt is joining all five GOP Air Force veterans in calling for a DOJ inquiry into whether political research crossed into criminal activity.

    The Justice Department has declined to comment on questions related to the existence or the status of a possible investigation into the unauthorized disclosures, but in a statement on Sunday, a DOJ spokesperson said they are “aware of the concerns raised” and that the department has been “communicating with the U.S. Air Force about this matter.”

    Stewart and Jordan also asked for the Air Force to turn over requests made by DDG from the start of January 2021 to the present, all the notifications to affected servicemembers that their information was improperly impacted, documents related to its policies on record disclosure policies, and files on any internal investigations into the matter.

    “My proudest years were spent defending our great nation in the Air Force. It’s a shame to see this sacred branch of our government weaponized, but we will right this wrong,” tweeted Stewart, a member of the Republican-led subcommittee, arguing that they will “demand accountability.”



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Wanted: A GOP presidential contender who supports Ukraine

    Wanted: A GOP presidential contender who supports Ukraine

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    At the moment, GOP senators say they are overwhelmingly in favor of still supplying Ukraine with lethal aid, arguing it’s a deterrent against both Russian President Vladimir Putin and China.

    And some of those Republicans want a presidential nominee who shares their point of view — potentially putting those senators at odds with their party’s conservative base, provided they concur with Trump and DeSantis.

    Cornyn, a former whip and party campaign chairman, name-checked GOP White House contenders who align with his thinking: “There’s a number of them: [Mike] Pompeo, [Mike] Pence, [Nikki] Haley, Tim Scott if he gets in. I think that’s still where the significant majority of the party is.” Cornyn does not plan to endorse in the presidential primary.

    While Senate Republicans’ long-hawkish identity on foreign policy has certainly grown more diverse in recent years, most of them have overwhelmingly supported helping Ukraine, including in a standalone vote last year. And to hear some Republicans tell it, it’s not a matter of politics. They realize many of their voters are warmer toward Trump and DeSantis’ position — but insist that backing Ukraine is the right thing to do for the United States’ survival as a world power.

    Even a fresh infusion of new GOP senators, including Ukraine skeptics like newly elected Ohioan J.D. Vance, has not significantly shifted the balance of the 49-member conference. And Vance freely admits that many of his colleagues don’t see eye-to-eye with him, his top presidential choice Trump, or DeSantis.

    “The weight of public opinion within the party is on our side, and it’s shifting in our direction. I think the fact that you have the two people — almost certainly one of them will get the nomination in ‘24 — leading on this issue is a good sign,” Vance said. “Trump and DeSantis together are far more skeptical of our posture towards Ukraine than Senate Republicans.”

    Yet some of Vance’s new colleagues, like, freshmen Sens. Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.) and Katie Britt (R-Ala.), take a different view. Britt said that her constituents want “accountability” for money spent but that Alabamans also “understand what’s at stake as far as security, and that Russia’s aggression is unacceptable.”

    “It’s going to be important that whoever the next president is continues to support Ukraine,” Ricketts said. “Anybody who is skeptical of Ukraine should certainly ask questions, but I think it’s also up to us as senators to be able to present the case for Ukraine.”

    In interviews this week, Republican senators like Ricketts, Cornyn and Sens. Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia and Mitt Romney of Utah said that support for Ukraine was an important criteria for the next GOP president. Still more said they have their own view, and that the aid skepticism from Trump and DeSantis has not moved them.

    Another telling example on the widespread position of Senate Republicans: Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.), who often aligns with his party’s conservative wing. At a recent party lunch, he argued in favor of funding Kyiv even while breaking from President Joe Biden’s overall management of the conflict, according to a person briefed on the meeting.

    “I respect President Trump’s and Governor DeSantis’ opinions. They certainly have a right to them,” Kennedy said in an interview. “I’ve never viewed Ukrainian aid as charity; I have viewed it as an act of self-preservation.”

    Polling released this week from Gallup found that 62 percent of Republicans rate the war between Russia and Ukraine as a critical threat to U.S. interests, an increase of six points since 2022 — and a higher level of GOP buy-in than among Democrats and Independents. Romney said Trump and DeSantis’ positions are “not the prevailing view, apparently, with the Republican voters at large.”

    Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell is perhaps the most vocal Republican on the issue, visiting Ukraine and even pushing for more aid than requested by the Biden administration. McConnell is sidelined for now by a concussion, so top deputy Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.) spoke for the conference on Tuesday by asserting that a majority of Senate Republicans see a “vital national security interest” in defending Ukraine.

    That said, roughly a quarter of the GOP conference takes a doubtful or negative view of Ukraine aid, according to one GOP senator. And on the House side, Speaker Kevin McCarthy has said he won’t support a “blank check” to Ukraine, reflecting far more skepticism on that side of the Capitol.

    “I’m aligned with [Trump and DeSantis],” said Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.), who supports Trump. “All along, I’ve not voted for one dime to give to Ukraine the way we’ve done it. I wouldn’t mind giving a little at a time.”

    In all, Congress signed off on approximately $113 billion in military and economic assistance for Ukraine in 2022, according to the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. That included a dedicated $40 billion emergency aid package in May 2022, which passed the Senate, 86-11.

    September’s upcoming government funding fight will likely involve a showdown over additional assistance, as Republicans confront a party divided over whether to provide more.

    DeSantis made waves in Republican circles when he claimed on a questionnaire to TV host Tucker Carlson that “becoming further entangled in a territorial dispute between Ukraine and Russia” was not a “vital” national interest. Trump’s answer: U.S. involvement was not in the nationvs interest, “but it is for Europe” — followed by a demand that European countries pay more to aid Ukraine.

    “I disagreed with what [DeSantis] said,” Capito said, adding that “our national security — defeating Putin — is tremendously important, and it’s not a territorial issue.”

    Still, there is no doubt that some Senate Republicans want Europe to contribute more to the fight. Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) said he’d like to see that addressed before doing more to help Ukraine.

    “I wonder if either or both of them is taking that position to try and encourage the other NATO countries to just cowboy up and pay your share,” Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.) said of Trump and DeSantis. “I don’t know that the Republican Party has settled on a position on [Ukraine that] is very clear.”

    And that speaks to Republicans’ fear: that Putin might wait out the 2024 election and hope its victor shrinks the bipartisan pro-Ukraine coalition in Congress. Plus, there’s the more immediate concern the party’s two presidential frontrunners will take up all the oxygen the next time the U.S. tries to send a new tranche of aid to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

    “Unless people speak up, and we have a genuine debate about it, Republicans may think: ‘Well, there’s only one side to the story,’” Cornyn said. “And there’s obviously not.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Scott Walker grades Ron DeSantis as a potential GOP frontrunner

    Scott Walker grades Ron DeSantis as a potential GOP frontrunner

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    As the 2024 race heats up, Walker is now weighing in on Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, a potential White House hopeful who is heralded as one of the more promising Republicans to emerge in the post-Trump era.

    “I think of all the governors in America, he probably handled the best during the last four years,” said Walker.

    POLITICO’s video team showed Walker some clips from DeSantis’ State of the State. Watch here to see what he had to say, including what grade he would give Desantis.

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    #Scott #Walker #grades #Ron #DeSantis #potential #GOP #frontrunner
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • As GOP gripes about bank bailouts, McHenry confident regulators will ‘do the right thing’

    As GOP gripes about bank bailouts, McHenry confident regulators will ‘do the right thing’

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    The federal government’s response to the implosion of Silicon Valley Bank and Signature Bank has unleashed a chorus of complaints from GOP politicians who claim that authorities failed to take steps to prevent the failures — the largest since the global financial crisis. The potential for panic at other banks forced the agencies to roll out a rescue plan Sunday night so that thousands of business customers would have access to all their money on Monday — guaranteeing deposits above the established deposit insurance limit of $250,000.

    Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina, the top Republican on the Senate Banking Committee, cautioned shortly after the plans were announced that the U.S. risked building “a culture of government intervention” for risky financial institutions. Other GOP lawmakers like Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia and Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri — along with presidential candidate Vivek Ramaswamy — blasted the federal government’s backstopping of uninsured deposits as a safety net for institutions that were overly focused on sustainable investment goals like climate change.

    Rep. Maxine Waters of California, the Financial Services Committee’s top Democrat, said in an interview Monday that she wanted to schedule a hearing on Silicon Valley Bank “as soon as possible.” But McHenry declined to commit.

    “As the chair of the committee I’ll make those decisions in the coming days,” he said.

    For now, McHenry said his focus was on organizing lawmaker briefings with the administration.

    “This is day-by-day,” McHenry said. “I lived as a member of Congress during the financial crisis and so ensuring accurate and adequate and quick information in a dynamic situation is difficult. But we’re trying our best and I know the agencies and the administration are as well.”

    Federal authorities were scheduled to brief members of House Financial Services at 6 p.m. Monday. McHenry and Financial Services vice chair French Hill (R-Ark.) will join House Speaker Kevin McCarthy to brief House Republicans at 8 p.m. Monday.

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    #GOP #gripes #bank #bailouts #McHenry #confident #regulators
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • House GOP launches investigation into DHS’ domestic intelligence gathering

    House GOP launches investigation into DHS’ domestic intelligence gathering

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    The probe comes after POLITICO reported last week that, under the program, officials are collecting information by questioning people within the United States and that employees within DHS’ intelligence office have raised concerns that their work could be illegal, according to a broad tranche of internal documents.

    The Department of Homeland Security didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment about the GOP letter on Monday. The GOP backlash over the program, called the “Overt Human Intelligence Collection Program,” is the latest headache for DHS’s Office of Intelligence and Analysis (I&A), the office running the program, which is used to gather information on threats to the United States, including transnational drug trafficking and organized crime.

    The Republican trio had already sent a letter to Mayorkas late last month asking for details on DHS’s review of the office by 5 p.m. on Monday, saying that the panel had not yet received “sufficient information” to examine it and its role. Now, Republicans also want a briefing for committee staff on the DHS domestic intelligence-gathering program “as soon as possible,” according to Monday’s letter, but no later than March 27. They are setting the same deadline for a swath of new documents they want on the program.

    “Thoroughly reviewing I&A’s organization and operations is critical to deciphering if such actual course corrections are being made,” the GOP lawmakers wrote on Monday. “We expect that you comply with the Committee requests in full, especially in light of these new reports.”

    Among the trove of records that Republicans are asking for is an unredacted copy of a 2016 document, previously reviewed by POLITICO, that detailed how the intelligence-gathering program should work. They also want any records related to the establishment and any changes to the program.

    Some of their questions point to how much remains unknown about the program, including how many people conduct interviews under the program, how many people they interview per year, and how many of those interviewees are incarcerated — all questions that GOP lawmakers, in the letter, are asking DHS to provide details on.

    Those questions come as legal experts have raised a red flag, in particular, over the ability to go directly to an incarcerated person without a lawyer present. (DHS’ intelligence personnel disclose that they are conducting intelligence interviews and that participation is voluntary. And an August 2022 email also told personnel to temporarily pause interviews with pre-trial incarcerated individuals who had been read their Miranda rights.)

    The GOP trio also appears to be signaling broader concerns about the legality of the program. They want details on any consultation Mayorkas did with DHS attorneys within the intelligence office, DHS’s Office of the General Counsel or within the department more broadly about establishing or continuing the intelligence-gathering program, as well as records tied to the department’s assessment of its legality.

    And they are asking for documents that would show an analysis of the programs’ compliance or noncompliance with Title 50 of the United States Code, which lays out laws about national security; Executive Order 12333, which details how the Intelligence Community works; Executive Order 13462, which deals with intelligence oversight; and the Homeland Security Act of 2002, which set up DHS.

    Internally, DHS intelligence personnel have raised concerns that actions they are being asked to take conflict with the rules Title 50 places on agencies when it comes to intelligence activity within the United States or targeting a U.S. citizen, according to internal documents reviewed by POLITICO.

    An I&A spokesperson previously told POLITICO that its activities “are conducted according to its Intelligence Oversight Guidelines” and that the office had implemented new training on intelligence legal authorities. The office says that it has also moved since September 2020 to address internal concerns about retribution if an employee raises concerns over their work by implementing new training, including mandatory whistleblower protection training, and hiring two full-time ombudsmen.

    DHS Undersecretary for Intelligence and Analysis Kenneth Wainstein in a previous statement to POLITICO added that the office will “ensure that our work is completely free from politicization, that our workforce feels free to raise all views and concerns, and that we continue to deliver the quality, objective intelligence that is so vital to our Homeland Security partners.”

    Betsy Woodruff Swan contributed to this report.

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    #House #GOP #launches #investigation #DHS #domestic #intelligence #gathering
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Trump continues to suck the air out of the GOP primary

    Trump continues to suck the air out of the GOP primary

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    While Trump’s approval ratings may be slipping and Republican voters tell pollsters they are willing to look elsewhere, a series of recent developments has kept the party fixated on him and the scandals that defined his time and office. Washington D.C. and the largest conservative news outlet have spent days reliving the Jan. 6 riot. And the specter of a Trump indictment in New York portends an early primary season spent relitigating his record.

    “There’s no question he’s the giant in the middle of the room, and other people will define themselves in comparison to him,” said Whit Ayres, a longtime Republican pollster.

    In recent days, Trump said he will “absolutely” stay in the race if he is indicted and that it would likely “enhance my numbers.” Far from distancing himself from the riot at the Capitol on Jan. 6 — a general election liability with independents and pro-democracy Republicans — Trump has suggested pardoning some Jan. 6 defendants and recently collaborated on a song with some of them. More traditionalist Republicans winced at that — and again when Fox’s Tucker Carlson aired footage downplaying violence at the Capitol.

    “Just reliving the worst moment of the Trump presidency is probably not exactly what the doctor ordered for 2024,” Ayres said.

    For any other presidential candidate or any down-ballot Republican next year, said one Republican strategist granted anonymity to discuss the dynamics of the campaign frankly, the “huge risk” is that “we have to talk about Jan. 6 on the campaign trail.”

    “God, I don’t want to be on this side of that issue,” he said.

    The primary was always going to be, first and foremost, about the former president — who remains, despite his foibles, the frontrunner in the 2024 field. But after a less-than-red-wave midterm and the first few lackluster weeks of Trump’s campaign, it appeared he might not singularly set the terms of the debate. It was time for a “new generation,” Haley, the former ambassador to the United Nations, said when she launched her campaign. Republicans, said New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu — a potential candidate — would not choose “yesterday’s leadership.”

    The problem for Republicans is that Trump is making it impossible to run anything other than yesterday’s campaign.

    In Washington, Carlson’s relitigating of the Jan. 6 riot at the Capitol on Fox News forced Republicans to answer new batteries of questions about an event they’d been eager to forget — reminiscent of the Trump tweets they’d been forced, awkwardly, to respond to throughout his term. It sparked intraparty debates about whether the insurrection had, in fact, been essentially peaceful and led to accusations that those in the party who called it a dark day were ideological squishes.

    Then came news that Trump had been invited to testify before a New York grand jury investigating his involvement in hush money payments during the 2016 campaign, raising the prospect of a bombshell criminal case that would again keep Trump as a central litmus test for the party: would fellow Republicans decry the prosecution or turn on the former president?

    “Ignore it, deflect it all you want,” said Mike Noble, the chief of research and managing partner at the Arizona-based polling firm OH Predictive Insights. “This is, right now, going to be the Trump show … The oxygen is just going to be sucked out of the room focusing on Trump.”

    The effects were already evident in the nascent campaign. In announcing last week that he would not run for president, former Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan pointed to Trump, saying he feared a “pile up” of low-polling candidates preventing an alternative candidate from “rising up.”

    Vivek Ramaswamy — the wealthy biotech entrepreneur and longshot candidate — went the opposite way, diving right into Trump’s orbit. By mid-week, he was calling for “due process” for those arrested in the Jan. 6 riot.

    Former Vice President Mike Pence, meantime, took his biggest swing yet at Trump, telling a crowd at the Gridiron dinner on Saturday that “history will hold Donald Trump accountable for Jan. 6.”

    Even DeSantis, who has largely sidestepped the former president, appears unlikely to avoid him for long. His visit on Friday to Iowa came with Trump right over his shoulder, with Trump set to follow DeSantis into the first-in-the-nation caucus state on Monday.

    And then there are the potential candidates who, by virtue of their resumes, are already inextricably tied to Trump. Haley, Pence and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo were all part of his administration.

    “It feels like candidates are trying to break away from talking about Trump, but keep getting pulled back in,” said Bob Heckman, a Republican strategist who has worked on nine presidential campaigns. “That’s all good for Trump for two reasons. One, it keeps him relevant, and two, I think it’s what he wants. He wants to be the center of attention.”

    Trump’s likely to stay there, too, as multi-candidate events pick up this spring — followed by debates in which Republicans will be pressed for commentary on the riot and other elements of his tenure.

    Already, lanes in the GOP primary are constricting in ways that nod to Trump’s strength, with Hogan’s announcement serving as a tacit acknowledgement of the lack of room for any outspoken Trump critic. Former Rep. Liz Cheney, the Wyoming Republican who became the GOP’s most prominent antagonist of Trump, has taken an appointment as a professor of practice at University of Virginia. Former Sen. Ben Sasse of Nebraska, who was one of seven Republican senators to vote to convict Trump during his second impeachment trial, became a president … of the University of Florida.

    In the GOP primary, said former Illinois Rep. Joe Walsh — who unsuccessfully challenged Trump for the Republican presidential nomination in 2020 — “It’s going to be Trump, or it’s going to be the Trumpiest son-of-a-bitch out there.”

    “That,” he added, “is what this base wants.”

    In a normal reelection year for a sitting president, the opposition party would spend its primary at least partly focused on the incumbent — setting up a referendum on President Joe Biden in the fall. But as it was in the midterms in 2022 and, before that — in his own, failed, reelection campaign — the primary is unfolding as a referendum instead on Trump. Noble called it “the sequel, … 100 percent” about Trump. And his opponents, it appears, can do very little about it.

    “The press likes him. He’s the story, he’s conflict,” said Beth Miller, a longtime Republican strategist. “How do you not continue to write about him, since all of those issues are still at the forefront.”

    It’s possible, if DeSantis or some other Republican makes the primary competitive, that the singular focus on Trump will fade. Significant differences may arise between candidates on immigration, Social Security or any number of other issues.

    It’s also possible some other candidate will get in, appealing to what former Republican New Jersey Gov. Christine Todd Whitman called voters “who have been dissatisfied, who have moved to the independent column” and who “might come back if they saw a Republican they thought was viable and sane and a little more to the center.”

    Asked if any names came to mind, however, she said, “No, not right now.”



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • A third former House GOP candidate alerted to unapproved military records request

    A third former House GOP candidate alerted to unapproved military records request

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    The attempt to obtain Schmitt’s personnel file comes as House Republicans dig into a broader investigation of military records handling after Reps. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) and Zach Nunn (R-Iowa) revealed the “unauthorized release” of their Air Force records to Due Diligence last year. The firm’s pursuit of documents on GOP candidates from a separate military branch indicates that Due Diligence cast a wider net than previously known.

    And Schmitt is pointing a finger directly at the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee for the attempt to obtain his personnel data. The House Democratic campaign arm paid Due Diligence just over $110,00 between January 2021 and December 2022, according to Federal Election Commission records.

    “It appears that a coordinated campaign to target myself and other Congressional Republicans across the country who serve or have served our nation was for political gain,” Schmitt said in a statement, blaming the DCCC for “the illegal use of my social security number to attempt to gain access to my private military records.”

    The Air Force said last month that an internal investigation it launched after POLITICO reported on former GOP candidate Jennifer-Ruth Green’s military records in October — when she was challenging Rep. Frank Mrvan (D-Ind.) in a battleground district — found that the private records of 11 individuals were improperly disclosed to a third party.

    Air Force spokesperson Ann Stefanek has said that “virtually all” of the 11 unapproved releases were made to the same third party “who represented himself as a background investigator seeking service records for employment purposes.”

    Payton, a former research director for the Democratic group American Bridge, sought Bacon’s personnel information, according to an official letter first reported by POLITICO. It is unclear if Payton was behind all of the 11 Air Force requests, however; Nunn has not publicly disclosed if Payton was the individual who sought his military personnel records, and Green has confirmed only that Due Diligence sought hers.

    Due Diligence did not respond to requests for comment. Payton, whom POLITICO attempted to reach at an email address connected to the firm, did not respond to a request for comment. The DCCC did not respond to a request for comment.

    In addition to Bacon, Nunn and Green, POLITICO first reported that Sam Peters, who challenged Rep. Steven Horsford (D-Nev.) in November, was notified of the improper release of his Air Force records. Another member of the group of 11 affected by the Air Force’s unapproved disclosures, Kevin Dellicker, fell short in last year’s GOP primary race to challenge Rep. Susan Wild (D-Pa.).

    The other six individuals affected by the Air Force records releases are not publicly known. But the House Armed Services and Oversight Committees are jointly investigating the matter, and Armed Services Chair Mike Rogers (R-Ala.) vowed to keep pushing following the revelation about the attempt to access Schmitt’s records.

    “I have asked the Secretary of Defense to provide our Committee with information on this reprehensible incident,” Rogers said in a statement. “It’s unacceptable that the Department of Defense continues to delay answering our Committee on the egregious mishandling of military personnel records. I will fight for the answers our service members deserve.”

    Payton indicated on the form requesting Schmitt’s records that he sought them for benefits and employment purposes. The form also indicates that Payton had Schmitt’s social security number at the time of his request.

    While Payton sent his request to the New York Division of Military and Naval Affairs, Schmitt said in an interview that he’s seeking clarification about whether a separate attempt was made on the federal level or another possible separate channel to obtain National Guard records.

    “I am thankful that the New York Army National Guard notified me of the attempt to illegally access my information and worked to protect me. I am working with counsel to continue to review if any additional attempts were made to illegally use my social security number and steal my private records to weaponize against me for political purposes,” Schmitt said.

    According to a copy of the military records request Payton filed, he sought to obtain Schmitt’s “releasable/redacted copy of Official Military Personnel Files (OMPF)” in August of last year.

    Payton sought the information for the stated purpose of “Benefits,” “Employment,” and “Other,” to which he explained in the line below: “Services, awards, disciplinary history/records relevant to applicant’s qualifications for (potential) position’s duties, pay, and benefits.”

    POLITICO was told by the person who gave it Green’s military records last year that they were obtained through a public records request. POLITICO reviewed the request for the records made by a third party, which sought a “publicly releasable/redacted copy of OMPF [Official Military Personnel File] per Freedom of Information Act statutes.” The requester identified the purpose of the request as relating to “benefits,” “employment” and “other.”

    POLITICO also reviewed the letter sent in response to the requester. A military employee responded with a password-protected version of the file with limited redactions. After publication, the Air Force said it erred in releasing the records and launched an investigation.

    Bacon said last month that Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall informed him that material from the Air Force’s internal investigation into the records releases was turned over to the Justice Department for possible further action. And Schmitt is joining all five GOP Air Force veterans in calling for a DOJ inquiry into whether political opposition research crossed into criminal activity.

    “We’re aware of the concerns raised, and the Department of Justice has been communicating with the U.S. Air Force about this matter,” a DOJ spokesperson in a statement Sunday.

    The DOJ declined to comment on the status of any potential investigation into the matter.

    Meanwhile, Rogers and Oversight Chair James Comer (R-Ky.) asked the Pentagon for the full list of people affected by improper records disclosures and whether any criminal referrals have taken place, setting a deadline of Feb. 27 that came and went, with no response.

    Speaker Kevin McCarthy, when asked about the missed deadline, has previously stated that House Republicans will move to subpoenas if the Air Force does not comply with their inquiries and is weighing legislation on the matter. He did not offer further details on what such a bill would look like.

    Schmitt, himself, says he is willing to cooperate with the House GOP.

    “I have spoken with Congressman Don Bacon and have offered to fully participate” in Rogers and Comer’s inquiry “into these illegal acts,” said Schmitt.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • GOP killed Big Business. Biden buries the corpse.

    GOP killed Big Business. Biden buries the corpse.

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    The moves by Biden hold important implications for big business and the economy. Federal regulators had little choice over the weekend but to intervene to rescue depositors at the failed Silicon Valley Bank along with Signature Bank in New York and take other actions to protect financial institutions. But the White House noted that no taxpayer would bear any of the losses. And the broader shift to more populist policies, like the “Buy American” campaign also championed by Trump, could drive up the cost of production for companies — and consumers — at a time when the Federal Reserve is jacking up interest rates to bring down record-high inflation.

    And companies themselves fear a chilling effect on their operations from both Democrats seeking to toughen regulations and from Republicans ready to rip any firm that adopts progressive policies on climate and a range of social issues.

    “We have come a long way from when Bill Clinton used to say he wanted there to be more millionaires in America because that would mean more successful entrepreneurs creating jobs,” said former Treasury Secretary Larry Summers who served under both Clinton and President Barack Obama and has often antagonized the left.

    “The world has changed with rising inequality and increasing concerns about monopoly and corporate abuse,” Summers added. “But I worry about the pendulum having swung much too far toward rampant populism with extreme emphasis on protectionist steps like ‘Buy American,’ implausible rhetoric about price gouging and extreme regulatory appointments.”

    The White House did not respond to a request for comment.

    Corporate America in 2020 was largely resigned to Biden favoring policies on taxes and regulations that they didn’t like. But most executives were relieved to get a far less volatile president who would end Trump’s war on big business. They got the first part. Not so much the second.

    And now as the 2024 campaign begins, candidates in both parties have to be more careful about how they interact with Wall Street and collect corporate cash. And businesses must contend with perhaps the most hostile political environment they’ve known in almost a century.

    In the GOP primary, for example, likely candidates including Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who has taken money from Wall Street titans like Citadel founder Ken Griffin, have to worry about Trump turning them into the 2024 version of Jeb Bush, Wall Street’s once dream candidate who quickly melted under Trump’s relentless attacks.

    To be sure, corporations remain an enormous force in American politics. Companies are overwhelmingly among the biggest spenders on lobbying. And businesses and aligned political groups contributed some $3.5 billion to politicians during the 2022 midterm cycle, a slight increase from the 2018 midterms.

    They still wield power in the legal system as well following multiple rulings by the Supreme Court’s conservative majority granting them rights similar to individual citizens and then slashing most limitations on corporate speech in the form of political contributions. But the ground has clearly shifted away from them.

    “They are very far from homeless, but instead may be more like your drunken lout friend, the one you don’t want to be seen with in public,” said progressive economist Dean Baker of the Center for Economic and Policy Research. “Biden has stepped in pretty far with an agenda to limit the power of big business. They surely don’t like his plans for taxing share buybacks, negotiating drug prices, and taking anti-trust seriously.”

    But Baker said Biden “can’t pull the whole party along with him,” noting that Sens. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) and Kyrsten Sinema (I-Ariz.) “nixed direct increases in the corporate tax rate.”

    While Trump touted a business-skeptical populism, his signature legislation — the sweeping 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act — was derided by progressives as a huge gift to business.

    Biden himself has taken pro-business steps as well, including granting subsidies for domestic semiconductor manufacturers and clean energy companies. He hasn’t hesitated to hire at least a few Wall Street-friendly aides and is expected to forego expansive new restrictions on American investment in China, denying a push by some hawks in his administration and in Congress.

    And now, climate activists are bracing for a big setback from the administration as Biden moves closer to approving an Alaskan oil project that would pump as much carbon into the atmosphere as 60 coal-burning power plants.

    Still, businesses find themselves under attack on numerous fronts, with Republicans hammering banks for taking what they dismiss as “woke” positions on issues like climate risk, and the White House doubling down on some of Trump’s tough stances with U.S. trading partners.

    The president on Thursday rolled out a budget heavily focused on boosting taxes on the rich and corporations, including wiping away much of the Trump corporate tax cuts. He also wants to raise antitrust spending at the DOJ in the coming year by $100 million — a record annual increase.

    Former members of Congress from both parties complain that there is increasingly no political home for politicians who believe in solid but not onerous regulation, modest taxation and not getting in the way of the economy with stifling rules and taxes.

    “Populism has grabbed hold of both parties and it is en vogue to vilify business,” said former Democratic congresswoman and finance executive Stephanie Murphy of Florida. “At the same time, we are asking business to help us be competitive. The incongruence of this approach negatively impacts American prosperity. We need all voices at the table, including the business community.”

    A White House official noted that Biden is not behaving like Trump on economics. He is simply moving to take back issues like trade and skepticism of giant companies that Trump co-opted in 2016. The official, who was not authorized by the White House to be quoted by name, said the administration believes Trump “talked the talk but did not walk the walk” on protecting forgotten workers, instead focusing his biggest legislative item on slashing taxes on corporations and the wealthy.

    Murphy, Summers and other more centrist-leaning economists worry that some of Biden’s current proposals, including reshoring entire supply chains, are not realistic or even desirable and would serve to push up inflation with American businesses passing higher production costs on to consumers.

    And they worry about any measures that would reduce legal immigration, given that there is such heavy demand for workers in the economy and not enough Americans willing to fill the openings.

    Top executives often privately vent that Biden was supposed to be the answer to Trump rather than a highly modified version of him.

    “Look, we knew Biden meant more taxes, tougher regulators and all that,” said the CEO of a Fortune 100 company who asked that his name not be used because his firm is closely regulated by the government. “But now he’s co-opting the Trump trade agenda and gearing up to run this soak the rich, tax everyone into oblivion campaign. It’s obviously frustrating.”

    Kevin Madden, a consultant at corporate strategy firm Penta and former top aide to 2012 GOP presidential nominee Mitt Romney, said the bipartisan shift away from the corporate world means companies need to spend a lot more time lobbying for their interests.

    “Reactionary politics still has its limitations, whether it’s from the left or the right,” Madden said. “It’s shortsighted for both policymakers and business leaders to just focus on the partisans.”

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    #GOP #killed #Big #Business #Biden #buries #corpse
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )