Tag: gig

  • Rahul chats with gig workers in Bengaluru; assures welfare board, corpus fund

    Rahul chats with gig workers in Bengaluru; assures welfare board, corpus fund

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    Bengaluru: Keeping in view the hardship of delivery persons, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Sunday reiterated his party’s promise to set up a Gig Workers’ Welfare Board in Karnataka with a corpus fund of Rs 3,000 crore and minimum hourly wages for them.

    Gandhi spoke about the promise once again during an interaction with gig workers and delivery persons of various companies here in poll-bound Karnataka.

    Over a cup of coffee and masala dosa, Gandhi discussed with them to get an understanding of the lives of delivery workers, lack of stable employment and rising prices of basic commodities, Congress said in a party release.

    MS Education Academy

    He also keenly listened to why the youngsters had taken up gig jobs, and what were their working conditions like, the release stated.

    “Bengaluru alone has over two lakh people doing gig jobs. The Congress party has made specific promises for them in the manifesto, mainly to set up a Gig Workers’ Welfare Board with a corpus of Rs 3,000 crore and to ensure minimum hourly wages for gig workers and other workers in the unorganised sector,” the party said.

    Gandhi later hopped onto the pillion seat, and went on a ride with a delivery partner.

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    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • Roger Waters wins legal battle to gig in Frankfurt amid antisemitism row

    Roger Waters wins legal battle to gig in Frankfurt amid antisemitism row

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    Roger Waters, the former Pink Floyd frontman, has won his legal battle to perform a concert in Frankfurt after attempts to ban the event amid accusations of antisemitism.

    Magistrates acting on behalf of the German city had instructed the venue two months ago to cancel the concert on 28 May, accusing Waters of being “one of the most widely known antisemites in the world”. Waters, who has always denied accusations of antisemitism, took legal action against the decision.

    Frankfurt’s administrative court has now declared his right to go ahead with the event. While acknowledging that aspects of his show were “tasteless” and obviously lent on symbolism inspired by the Nazi regime, it cited artistic freedom among its main reasons for the decision.

    The city has the right to appeal against the ruling.

    City authorities in Frankfurt and elsewhere in Germany had objected to the concert on the grounds that a previous tour had featured as part of the stage show a balloon shaped like a pig depicting the Star of David and various company logos.

    Part of their criticism related to the location of the concert, the Festhalle, in which, during the November pogroms of 1938, more than 3,000 Jewish men from Frankfurt and surrounding areas were rounded up, abused and later deported to concentration camps where many of them were murdered.

    However, the court said that despite the Waters show making use of “symbolism manifestly based on that of the National Socialist regime” – the tastelessness of which it said was exacerbated by the choice of the Festhalle as the venue due to its historical background – the concert should be “viewed as a work of art” and that there were not sufficient grounds on which to justify banning Waters from performing. “It is not for the court to pass judgment on this,” a spokesperson told German media.

    The most crucial point, according to the court, was that the musician’s performance “did not glorify or relativise the crimes of the Nazis or identify with Nazi racist ideology”, and nor was there any evidence that Waters used propaganda material in his show, the spokesperson added.

    Criticism of the decision came from the International Auschwitz Committee, which called it “deplorable”. Christoph Heubner, the committee’s vice-president, said: “It’s not only Jewish survivors of German concentration and death camps who are left sad, bewildered and increasingly disillusioned.”

    A “cause of great concern” for survivors and their families was what he called an “encroachment of antisemitism from various directions” in society.

    Heubner said the court’s declaration – that to hold the concert in the Festhalle was not an offence to the dignity of the Jewish men rounded up there – was “a renewed attack on the dignity of these people and the memories of their families”.

    Josef Schuster, the president of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, said he was “baffled” by the court’s decision “that a display of symbols based on National Socialism should have no legal consequences”.

    In Germany, there are strict rules banning displays of Nazi memorabilia and symbols such as the swastika.

    Waters has repeatedly denied accusations of antisemitism and claimed his disdain is towards Israel, not Judaism, accusing Israel of “abusing the term antisemitism to intimidate people like me into silence”.

    He defended his use of the pig symbol, saying it “represents Israel and its policies and is legitimately subject to any and all forms of non-violent protest”. He said the balloon also featured other symbols of organisations he was against, such as the crucifix and the logos of Mercedes, McDonald’s and Shell Oil.

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    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )

  • Jeff Zients discovers the thanklessness of the White House chief of staff gig

    Jeff Zients discovers the thanklessness of the White House chief of staff gig

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    “There’s a transition going on in the administration,” said Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), who chairs the Congressional Progressive Caucus. “We were looking forward to developing a good relationship with Jeff Zients, but at this point, we’re not in that place yet. So we’re still working on it.”

    Jayapal later added: “We’re getting to know each other, and I’ve been really pleased with how responsive and open they are.”

    Inside and outside the administration, there is concern over whether Zients has the political instincts and Capitol Hill relationships to deftly navigate a crucial period ahead of Biden’s anticipated reelection run, according to interviews with 16 administration officials, lawmakers and others with knowledge of the internal White House dynamics, some of whom were granted anonymity for fear of retribution.

    Every chief of staff faces critics and criticism, often from within the building. Klain endured the same. But Zients’ emergence provides an early test of whether someone without decades of Biden world experience can help the president navigate the political waters. It also will help illuminate whether someone without an extensive political background can manage one of Washington’s most crucial positions.

    Zients has his defenders, who say it’s too early to judge and that the complaints have more to do with getting used to a new management style. They stress he is in constant contact with Democrats on the Hill.

    But there are early signs that Zients himself recognizes the learning curve he’s up against. Whereas Klain routinely made his own policy and political recommendations to the president, Zients frequently brings in other senior advisers — including Steve Ricchetti and Anita Dunn.

    Three administration officials with knowledge of the matter also have said Ricchetti now regularly sits in the daily chief of staff meetings that Biden used to hold one-on-one with Klain, though they stressed Zients gets solo time with the president, too.

    White House officials said Zients bringing aides into meetings reflected his way of creating a more “inclusive” environment.

    The White House did not make Zients available for comment. But in an email, Klain defended his successor: “What I’m hearing from old White House colleagues and from key allies on Capitol Hill is that Jeff is off to a great start — building on the progress of the past two years, with effective outreach and open communication.”

    A longtime corporate executive who previously co-chaired Biden’s transition and directed the White House’s Covid response team, Zients also served in the Obama administration as director of the National Economic Council. He was tapped to bring his managerial skills to the broader day-to-day operations. But six weeks in, congressional Democrats say the decision making in the West Wing has grown more opaque — spurring confusion over policy priorities and debate over how much responsibility Zients is and should be carrying.

    One adviser in close touch with a range of key House Democrats graded Zients’ first months on the job bluntly: “I would give him a C-,” the person said. “It’s a generous C-.”

    There are signs that Zients is taking steps to shore up his standing among Hill allies. White House officials say he has done consistent outreach to the Hill in his first weeks, speaking with more than 50 lawmakers, including Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and progressives including Sens. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and Bernie Sanders of Vermont.

    On Wednesday, Jayapal said Zients called and spoke with her for roughly 30 minutes on a number of caucus issues, including the expansion of overtime eligibility for workers. She said he has called before and that Zients also dropped in on her meeting last week with National Economic Council Director Lael Brainard.

    Democrats acknowledged that much of the dissatisfaction may be the result of growing pains as White House operations adjust to Zients’ leadership style. While Klain was distinctly hands-on with nearly every issue — taking part in policy debates, staying in close touch with an array of lawmakers and advocacy groups, and occasionally frustrating aides with his demands and the bottlenecking of decisions — Zients has sought to bring more structure to the process.

    That means meetings are more formal and decision making follows a more established procedure, compared to the culture that funneled nearly every development through Klain’s office. Zients — a former management consultant — has shortened White House meetings (often described as too lengthy during the Klain era) in an effort to boost efficiency, preferring to check in frequently with individual aides and teams for updates throughout the day.

    “The White House is a quick-paced place and from Jeff on down, we are maximizing every minute,” deputy press secretary Andrew Bates said. “So if we have a 15-minute meeting, it’s because the meeting only needs to be 15 minutes. And if the meeting needs to be an hour, he’ll make it an hour.”

    Zients also leans on his deputy, Natalie Quillian, for tasks like tracking the implementation of major legislation that Biden believes will underpin his case for reelection, four people with knowledge of the internal dynamics said.

    “Ron was unique in his own talents and abilities around how busy and a whirling dervish of activity he could be,” said Faiz Shakir, an adviser to Sanders who kept in frequent touch with Klain. “[Zients] runs it as you would a CEO at a larger corporation: I have people for that, give them space.”

    Five officials acknowledged changes and growing pains, but insisted both are a natural part of any major transition.

    “When you have the leader leave and another person comes in, of course there’s change. Of course there’s a change in how people work, and organizations adapt to that,” Dunn, a senior Biden adviser, said in a phone interview Wednesday. “Change is not necessarily a bad thing. And it’s not necessarily an improvement from what happened before. It’s just different and they [Klein and Zients] are different, and they both have enormous strengths.”

    Worries about Zients have been shaped by a series of White House decisions made shortly after the 56-year-old moved into his new role. On Zients’ second day, most House Democrats opposed a bill seeking to repeal a major revision of D.C.’s criminal code after the administration issued a statement that appeared to support the local overhaul.

    But weeks later, Biden reversed his position, vowing on March 2 to sign the repeal if it reached his desk. The announcement upset House Democrats who felt they had taken a tough political vote for no reason. More infuriating, lawmakers and aides said, was the way the White House went about it.

    Biden made no mention of his newfound support for the bill during a private meeting with House Democrats only the day before, nor had any White House officials offered preemptive warnings. It was only when Biden met with Senate Democrats the next day that he disclosed his plans. At the time, D.C. Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton said she learned about the news when asked by reporters during a Congressional Black Caucus press conference. And other fellow Democrats were left unsatisfied after they tried to press White House aides for more information as they read reports about Biden’s conversation with Senate Democrats.

    Asked in the aftermath what members needed to hear from the White House, Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-Va.) said the administration needed to have “some honest conversations with people who feel they walked the plank.”

    Senior Biden aides admitted to a communication breakdown, blaming inexperience in the White House in dealing with veto threats. Zients has since ordered changes to the communication process, they said.

    That puzzlement has only been compounded in recent weeks by lawmakers’ similar struggle to get answers over reports that Biden may reinstitute family detention at the southern border in a bid to limit migration. The prospect alarmed Latino lawmakers and immigration advocates, and came as the lawmakers have also openly criticized the administration’s proposal to clamp down on asylum eligibility.

    Zients’ defenders downplayed the complaints, arguing that the shift from Klain was bound to be jarring for some. On top of that, his arrival coincided with a particularly busy period for the White House that prevented Zients from making the typical get-to-know-you rounds. Some Democrats also acknowledged that Biden’s priorities and outreach may need to shift as he positions himself for reelection.

    “At the end of the day, as a Democrat, do you want a Democrat in the White House or not?” said Rep. Salud Carbajal (D-Calif.). “So you kind of have to swallow circumstances. We don’t like it. I don’t like it. But, you know, you just have to understand that reality.”

    While Biden has taken positions of late that have left traditionally progressive groups in dismay — including the approval of a drilling project in Alaska that enraged environmental groups but thrilled labor unions — Zients has also overseen a relatively productive stretch. The president rolled out his latest budget proposal, turning it into a political cudgel against House Republicans, and he and his team are now in the midst of trying to avert a financial crisis after a pair of regional banks failed.

    The sprint to stabilize the banking sector following Silicon Valley Bank’s collapse offered a clear example of the management skills that catapulted Zients into the highest ranks of government, allies said.

    “It was a race to get things done before the market opened, and he knows this stuff. He’s good at it,” said one Zients supporter who was in touch with him during the effort. “There was nothing that was not decisive and clear.”

    More broadly, some in the White House who chafed under Klain’s leadership view Zients as a welcome change, describing an environment that’s become more professional and influenced less by the chief of staff’s own day-to-day priorities.

    On the Hill, some Democrats said they’ve felt the positive effects of having new blood at the top of the White House. Rep. Ann Kuster, the chair of the moderate New Democrat Coalition, said Zients called her on his first day as chief of staff and has remained in close touch.

    Jayapal said one element of her relationship with Klain she enjoyed was “just to be able to call or text when I need to. And so far that’s been working pretty well” with Zients, too. She called her relationship with the new chief of staff a work in progress, but said she’s eager to see it improve.

    “Ron did say to me, ‘Give him a chance, Congresswoman. You didn’t know me either,’” Jayapal said.

    Sarah Ferris contributed to this report.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • California court lets gig companies keep treating workers as contractors

    California court lets gig companies keep treating workers as contractors

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    But the ruling could still hand a significant victory to unions and worker advocates. It invalidated a provision of Prop 22 that sets a high bar for the Legislature to pass laws allowing workers to organize.

    “We are grateful that the California Court of Appeal has affirmed that companies like Uber, Lyft, Doordash and Instacart can’t keep drivers from joining together in a union through their deceptive ballot measure,” plaintiff and driver Mike Robinson said in a statement.

    The legal battle has extended a long-running fight over the status of gig workers in California. In 2019, the state passed a law that made effectively compelled companies to classify their workers as employees, not contractors, by enshrining a California Supreme Court Decision.

    After failing to block the law in Sacramento, tech companies fought back at the ballot box by pouring hundreds of millions of dollars into passing Prop 22. A labor-backed coalition then challenged the law as unconstitutional.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )