Tag: fed

  • US Fed hikes interest rate, 10th in 14 months

    US Fed hikes interest rate, 10th in 14 months

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    New York: The US Federal Reserve has approved its 10th interest rate hike in 14 months, increasing its key interest rate by 0.25 percentage points.

    The Fed also signalled that Wednesday’s hike may be its last one for now, BBC reported.

    The rate hikes have sharply raised borrowing costs across the world’s largest economy, spurring a slowdown in sectors such as housing and playing a role in the recent failures of three US banks, the report said.

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    The moves have pushed the target range for its benchmark rate to 5 per cent to 5.25 per cent, up from near zero in March 2022, the highest level since 2007, BBC reported.

    Higher interest rates make it more expensive to buy a home, borrow to expand a business or take on other debt. By increasing those costs, officials expect demand to fall and prices to cool off, BBC reported.

    Price increases in the US have shown signs of moderating ever since the Fed started its campaign. In March, inflation, the rate at which prices rise, stood at 5 per cent – the lowest level in nearly two years – though still uncomfortably high for the Fed, which is targeting a 2 per cent rate, BBC reported.

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    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • Fed blames Trump-era policies, SVB leaders — and itself — for bank’s stunning collapse

    Fed blames Trump-era policies, SVB leaders — and itself — for bank’s stunning collapse

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    Those directives, combined with the Fed’s implementation of a bipartisan bank deregulation law passed by Congress in 2018, “impeded effective supervision by reducing standards, increasing complexity, and promoting a less assertive supervisory approach,” according to the report.

    “We must strengthen the Federal Reserve’s supervision and regulation based on what we have learned,” Barr said in a press release.

    The document is the opening salvo in a renewed debate over bank regulation as the Fed and other agencies consider how to improve their policing of financial risks in the wake of banking industry turmoil. SVB and another regional lender, Signature Bank, failed after depositor runs during the same weekend in March, leading government officials to backstop all deposits for the two failed firms — even those not insured by the FDIC — in a bid to stem the panic.

    The fallout continues, with regulators and Wall Street now anxiously awaiting the fate of San Francisco-based First Republic, which was hammered by more than $100 billion of withdrawals after SVB’s collapse. The bank is furiously seeking avenues to stay afloat, and regulators are reportedly ready to put it in receivership if that effort fails.

    The findings on SVB are likely to lead to tougher rules on regional banks in particular, and Fed Chair Jerome Powell made clear he is backing efforts by Barr, who has been vice chair for supervision since July.

    “I welcome this thorough and self-critical report on Federal Reserve supervision from Vice Chair Barr,” Powell said in the release. “I agree with and support his recommendations to address our rules and supervisory practices, and I am confident they will lead to a stronger and more resilient banking system.”

    But House Financial Services Chair Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.) slammed the report as overly political.

    “While there are areas identified by Vice Chair Barr on which we agree … the bulk of the report appears to be a justification of Democrats’ long-held priorities,” McHenry said in a statement. He called it “a thinly veiled attempt to validate the Biden Administration and Congressional Democrats’ calls for more regulation.”

    “Politicizing bank failures does not serve our economy, financial system, or the American people well,” he said.

    McHenry and other lawmakers had been closely awaiting the post-mortem on the Fed’s supervision of SVB as they weigh further scrutiny of the bank’s failure. Barr, in a letter highlighting his conclusions from the report, said he welcomes an external examination of the central bank’s oversight of SVB, including from Congress.

    One major finding is that the central bank has a culture where examiners shy away from taking forceful enough action to get banks to make important changes in a timely way, a senior Fed official told reporters. That problem worsened under Quarles, according to the report.

    “Supervisory practices shifted,” the document states. “In the interviews for this report, staff repeatedly mentioned changes in expectations and practices, including pressure to reduce the burden on firms,” as well as to meet a high bar of evidence before taking action.

    That approach “contributed to delays and, in some cases, led staff not to take action,” according to the report.

    Another problem, the report said, was just how quickly SVB grew, tripling in size in just a few years. Once the bank was big enough to warrant more stringent supervision, it was given considerable time to comply with heightened standards that it wasn’t ready for.

    Barr in his letter said supervisors should begin preparing banks ahead of time for those types of standards.

    Other key policies that Barr said he wants to consider:

    — Raising standards for regional banks.

    — Requiring banks that aren’t well-managed to rely less on debt and have more cash on hand. That could “serve as an important safeguard until risk controls improve, and they can focus management’s attention on the most critical issues.”

    — Targeting incentive pay for senior bank officials as a means to focus their attention on solving serious problems more quickly.

    — Toughening oversight of how banks compensate their leaders more generally.

    — Looking more closely at how much banks are relying on uninsured deposits and safe assets that have dropped in value to be able to get cash quickly in a crisis.

    The Government Accountability Office in its own report released Friday criticized both the Fed’s supervision of SVB and the FDIC’s oversight of Signature Bank. It found that regulators had identified issues with both banks but failed to “escalate supervisory actions in time to prevent the failures.”

    GAO had previously warned in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis about the risks posed by not acting fast enough to make supervisory concerns a priority. The agency in 2011 recommended that federal banking regulators consider incorporating “additional triggers that would require early and forceful regulatory action to address unsafe banking practices” into their supervisory frameworks.

    “While the regulators took steps to address our recommendations, we continue to believe that incorporating noncapital triggers would enhance the framework by encouraging earlier action and giving the regulators and banks more time to address deteriorating conditions before capital is depleted,” GAO said in the report.

    The FDIC in a separate report on Signature’s collapse, also released Friday, conceded that “in retrospect, [it] could have escalated supervisory actions sooner.” But it attributed a large share of the blame to insufficient staffing.

    The team dedicated to overseeing Signature “experienced frequent vacancies and continuous turnover” from 2017 through March 2023. That group was steadily expanded from three in 2017 to nine in 2023, as the bank grew, but had “at least one vacancy 60 percent of the time and had 17 different staff assigned during this time period not including field territory resources that were temporarily assigned to cover gaps.” It also had difficulty finding a qualified person to be the examiner in charge of the bank.

    This is a broader problem in the agency’s New York regional office, it added.

    Katy O’Donnell contributed to this report.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Chair of US Fed prank-called by Russians pretending to be Zelenskiy

    Chair of US Fed prank-called by Russians pretending to be Zelenskiy

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    The chair of the US Federal Reserve, Jerome Powell, recently held a call with Volodymyr Zelenskiy, the Ukrainian president who is leading his country’s fight against Russian invaders.

    Or so Powell thought.

    On Thursday, Bloomberg reported that what Powell believed to be an official conversation in January was actually a prank call from two Russians, Vladimir Kuznetsov and Alexei Stolyarov, supporters of the Russian president, Vladimir Putin.

    Clips of the conversation, widely circulated online, show Powell appearing to address topics including inflation and the Russian central bank.

    At one point, the pranksters ask: “In your opinion, which countries also suffered more from recent political situations [economically]?”

    Powell says: “Well I would say not the United States. We have our own energy here so it’s really not us … You know better than I do, but it’s going to be … Poland and the eastern European countries that are … close to Ukraine.”

    He adds: “We all see what’s happening, people like me just want to support you in any way we can but I have limited ways to do that in my professional job.”

    The conversation pivots to inflation rates, the pranksters asking: “The decrease in inflation is clearly less than we’d like and if it starts to rise, is the Fed ready to raise the rates sharply again?”

    Powell says: “Yes of course. If we need to raise our rates more, then we’ll absolutely do that. We raised rates very sharply, historically sharply last year, to get to the place we’re at now.”

    The Fed said the video, which has been broadcast on Russian state television, appeared to have been edited. The Fed could not confirm its accuracy, Bloomberg reported.

    In a statement, a Fed spokesperson acknowledged the conversation, saying: “Chair Powell participated in a conversation in January with someone who misrepresented himself as the Ukrainian president.

    “It was a friendly conversation and took place in a context of our standing in support of the Ukrainian people in this challenging time. No sensitive or confidential information was discussed.”

    The spokesperson also said the “matter has been referred to appropriate law enforcement, and out of respect for their efforts, we won’t be commenting further”.

    The two Russian pranksters have held conversations with other policymakers including Christine Lagarde, the head of the European Central Bank, with whom they also pretended to be Zelenskiy.

    “The president agreed to this conversation in good faith, also to demonstrate her support for Ukraine and its people defending themselves from Russia’s war of aggression,” an ECB spokesperson told Bloomberg.

    Other pranked leaders include the former German chancellor Angela Merkel and the Polish president, Andrzej Duda.

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    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )

  • Menendez rejects any substitutes in push for Latino Fed nominee

    Menendez rejects any substitutes in push for Latino Fed nominee

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    Menendez’s position gives the White House some flexibility as it aims to fill the slot vacated by Lael Brainard, now President Joe Biden’s top economic policy adviser. But the New Jerseyan also said tapping a Hispanic person for another top vacant position, such as the Treasury Department’s chief economist or the open seat on Biden’s Council of Economic Advisers, wouldn’t be enough.

    An administration official said the White House has floated those options to Menendez.

    “Look, I’m not going to work against my own efforts,” Menendez said. “They have raised that there may be other positions as well, and if it’s as well, that’s great. But I don’t want to hear that it’s in place of.”

    The vice chair search process is in a holding pattern while the White House figures out how to satisfy the senator, who has gotten support for his push from fellow members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, as well as other lawmakers, such as Sen. Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.).

    Northwestern University professor Janice Eberly, a former Treasury official under President Barack Obama, has been seen as a frontrunner for the vice chair job.

    A Latino person has never had a vote on interest rate policy at the Fed, something that has rankled Menendez for years. He voted against Powell’s confirmation to a second term to protest that multiple regional Fed president jobs have been filled in recent years, and none of them have gone to Hispanic candidates.

    The administration official said one option could be to elevate Philip Jefferson, appointed to the Fed last year by Biden, to vice chair and pick a Latino nominee for the open board seat. (This option was previously reported by the Wall Street Journal.)

    The vice chair position usually goes to a Ph.D. economist with an extensive background in monetary policy, a relatively limited group of people, whereas the pool of candidates for other board seats has traditionally been much bigger.

    Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) said it was important to fill the No. 2 spot soon.

    “We need a person who has a demonstrated record for holding banks accountable, and someone who will push back against Chair Powell, reminding him that the Fed does not have one job: inflation,” she told reporters Wednesday. “It has two jobs: inflation and jobs.”

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    #Menendez #rejects #substitutes #push #Latino #Fed #nominee
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Fed economists project recession this year, in potential blow to Biden

    Fed economists project recession this year, in potential blow to Biden

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    Their projection was for “a mild recession starting later this year, with a recovery over the subsequent two years,” according to the minutes, released Wednesday. That would spark a jump in unemployment. They estimated the economy would fully recover by 2025.

    The economic outlook is always difficult to foretell with any confidence, and staff members underscored their uncertainty at the meeting. If banks don’t pull back on lending as much as they expect, then the economy might not suffer as much. But if the financial system were to face even more stress, then the prognosis could be much worse.

    “Historical recessions related to financial market problems tend to be more severe and persistent than average recessions,” staff noted, according to the minutes.

    For their part, officials with an actual say in rate policy aren’t quite forecasting a recession. At the March meeting, their median projection was for the U.S. economy to grow 0.4 percent — a rate so slow that it could easily dip negative. Meanwhile, they expect unemployment to rise roughly a percentage point, conditions that would be consistent with an economic contraction.

    Fed officials expect the recent string of bank failures to lead cash to flow less freely through the economy as lenders are less willing to part with it, something Chair Jerome Powell has noted could act as essentially another rate hike.

    Central bank policymakers are considering whether another rate hike will be needed when they meet next in May, or if borrowing costs are high enough for now to bring inflation down over time.

    Members of the Fed’s rate-setting committee said in March “that it was too early to assess with confidence the magnitude of the effect of a credit tightening on economic activity and inflation, and that it was important to continue to closely monitor developments,” according to the minutes.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Inflation slows but stays high enough for Fed to hike again

    Inflation slows but stays high enough for Fed to hike again

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    U.S. consumer inflation eased in March, with less expensive gas and lower food prices providing some relief to households that have struggled under the weight of surging prices for nearly two years.

    The government said Wednesday that consumer prices rose just 0.1% from February to March, down from 0.4% from January to February and the smallest increase since December.

    Measured from a year earlier, prices were up just 5% in March, down sharply from February’s 6% year-over-year increase and the smallest rise in almost two years. Much of the drop resulted from price declines for goods such as gas, used cars and furniture which had soared a year ago after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden’s economic chief draws doubts over her Fed past

    Biden’s economic chief draws doubts over her Fed past

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     As a Fed governor, Brainard voted along with the rest of the board for the series of interest rate hikes that helped push two weak banks to failure in March. And though she has long been a vocal champion of strong bank oversight, financial reform advocates — and even some White House allies — are asking whether she will be tagged with any responsibility herself for the Fed’s failure to spot problems at Silicon Valley Bank and Signature Bank before they imploded in March.

    “All of the failure of supervision stuff for the last six to nine months implicates the Fed,” said a person close to the White House, who requested anonymity to speak freely about a sensitive personnel topic. “And all the investigations will focus on the Fed. There is just no way that can’t be awkward both for Lael and for the White House, even if there is nothing specific she did wrong.” 

    Behind the scenes, Brainard has been taking a lead role in the administration’s efforts to deal with the failed banks and reassure depositors that their money is safe, according to half a dozen senior administration officials and several others close to Brainard outside the White House. And in an extraordinary move driven by Brainard, the White House recently called on the Fed to undo many of the deregulatory steps that it took during the Trump administration — actions that Brainard had opposed while she was there.

    Her role in mapping out a policy to deal with the turmoil underscores how quickly the administration realized it was facing a potential crisis for the economy and Biden’s re-election chances.

    But some of the people inside and outside the administration say her association with the Fed — the main regulator of the nation’s banks — leading up to the meltdown of the two lenders is also limiting her ability to publicly challenge the central bank’s actions, given the tradition in which former Fed officials refrain from criticizing onetime colleagues. 

    “There is a social, institutional, and reputational cost to being viewed as violating Federal Reserve norms of clubbiness,” said Jeff Hauser, director of the Revolving Door Project. “Being perceived as `politicizing the Fed’ would likely cause members of the Fed club to view her as disloyal. It’s also likely that even as Brainard was perhaps the best dissenter ever at the Fed, that nonetheless she felt pressure to pull some punches.”

    The White House declined to make Brainard available for an interview.

    White House officials rejected the idea that she is shying away from criticizing the Fed. Instead, they argue that her dissents at the central bank speak for themselves and that when the crisis hit, Brainard simply dug deep into the work of helping organize the response while keeping Biden and new White House Chief of Staff Jeff Zients briefed on developments. 

    These people say that public communication was rightly limited to principal players including the president, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen, FDIC Chair Martin Gruenberg and Fed Chair Jerome Powell. The new NEC director will eventually play a more visible role, they say.

    Brainard played the most critical part inside the White House in selling Biden on the need to designate SVB and Signature as risks to the financial system, opening them up to a federal rescue of their depositors, according to the people.

    Biden, bruised by the political blowback over Wall Street bailouts when he served as vice president, entered the March weekend of SVB’s collapse wary of anything that could be seen as rescuing the well-heeled tech executives and investors who made up much of SVB’s deposit base.

    It fell to Brainard to explain why such a big federal move — which could be taken as an implicit guarantee for all deposits of any failing FDIC-insured institution — was the only option to avoid a much longer and more brutal crisis.

    White House colleagues praise Brainard’s work under pressure the weekend SVB collapsed.

    “She knows how the Fed works, she knows how Treasury works and how the entire bank regulatory system works,” said Bharat Ramamurti, deputy NEC director and former senior staffer for Sen. Elizabeth Warren who was a candidate for the top NEC job before it went to Brainard.

    Ramamurti and other senior administration officials said Brainard quickly delegated her staff to assess market conditions and the likely impact of various possible solutions proposed by other agencies. Then she organized it all into concise briefings for Zients and Biden.

    “Communication was clear, tasks were well-assigned and it never felt like we were just spinning around,” Ramamurti said of the wild March weekend when White House, Fed, Treasury and FDIC officials conducted nearly nonstop video calls to get to a solution before markets opened in Asia.

    As for her previous role at the Fed, Brainard’s many defenders across the ideological spectrum say that not only did she not do anything wrong while serving as vice chair, but that she  strongly and publicly dissented from efforts to roll back regulations — often acting alone. She repeatedly warned that they could lead to just this kind of crisis.

    “Lael fought an incredible rearguard action against all the nonsense,” said MIT Professor Simon Johnson, a proponent of tougher banking rules. “There was no one else left in the room. I have no idea how she did it. But thank goodness she stuck it out.”

    Still, as the banking crisis saga moves further into the phase of hearings, blame-casting and calls for change, Brainard’s years at the Fed will likely get a closer look from Congress.

    Republicans say the collapse of SVB and Signature was the result of both mismanagement at the banks and the failure of regulators, primarily the Fed, rather than the result of all the Trump-era rule relaxation. They contend that Fed governors should have known that their interest rate hikes could topple weak banks.

    At a recent hearing, Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.), the ranking member on the Banking Committee and a likely 2024 GOP presidential contender, said the Fed “should have been keenly aware of the impact interest rate hikes would have on the value of securities, and it should have been actively working to ensure the bank and supervisors were hedging their bets and covering their risk accordingly.”

    In a letter to Powell and San Francisco Fed President Mary Daly, Scott wrote of the “apparent failure of SVB’s regulators, including the Federal Reserve, the primary federal regulator responsible for examining and supervising SVB, to ensure that the bank operated in a safe and sound manner.”

    The Fed itself is looking for answers.

    Michael Barr, the vice chair of supervision who is conducting an internal review of rules on bank capital and oversight issues, acknowledged that everyone who worked at the Fed in the years leading up to the bank failures would probably come under scrutiny.

    “We expect to be held accountable,” he told lawmakers last month.

    Some Democrats also ripped into Fed regulators both in California and Washington for failing to escalate warnings about SVB’s rapid deposit growth and ballooning balance sheet problems into earlier action.

    “It’s just a complex moment for Lael because most of the ballgame is around the Fed and most of the discussion now is about investigating potential supervisory failures,” the person close to the White House said. “It’s a tough spot for her.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden steps up pressure on Fed to toughen rules for regional banks

    Biden steps up pressure on Fed to toughen rules for regional banks

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    A White House official told reporters that they believe all the steps they’re pointing to can be accomplished under existing law. Given that the banking agencies — the Fed, the FDIC and the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency — are structured to act independently of the president, however, the administration can only apply political pressure.

    “A lot of these regulators were nominated by this president in part because they share his view of the kind of bank regulation we want to see,” the official said. “We’re hopeful that they take these steps,” but they have the flexibility to apply the rules as they see fit.

    The campaign for tougher rules demonstrates how quickly the political climate for larger banks has shifted since the stunning demise of SVB and fellow regional lender Signature Bank. The change is all the more striking because just a few years ago regional lenders secured bipartisan support for the law that lightened their oversight in comparison to megabanks like Goldman Sachs or Bank of America.

    Scrutiny on the banking sector could also blunt efforts by those global giants to head off even tougher rules that the Fed was already contemplating before SVB’s demise.

    The Bank Policy Institute, which represents both megabanks and large regional firms, hit back.

    “It would be unfortunate if the response to bad management and delinquent supervision at SVB were additional regulation on all banks that would impose meaningful costs on the U.S. economy going forward,” BPI President Greg Baer said in a statement. “This has a strong feeling of ready, fire, aim.”

    The White House announcement comes just weeks after former Fed Vice Chair Lael Brainard joined the administration as Biden’s top economic policy adviser. She served as the lone Democrat on the Fed’s board during much of the Trump era and dissented against most of the regulatory overhaul that happened during that time.

    Among the changes advocated by the White House: making regional banks subject to stress testing annually, under which the government requires them to game out how they might fare under severe economic scenarios.

    They also urged the FDIC to shield community banks from bearing the costs of replenishing the deposit insurance fund after the failure of SVB and Signature Bank, something Chair Martin Gruenberg signaled he was open to in hearings this week.

    Regulators and Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen agreed to back uninsured depositors at both failed firms, fearing runs at other similar institutions — moves expected to cost the FDIC nearly $23 billion.

    “Community banks play a really important role in a lot of communities, we think it’s important to preserve that model,” the White House official said. “They were not to blame for the actions that resulted in the interventions.”

    That, coupled with statements by Federal Reserve Vice Chair for Supervision Michael Barr that he doesn’t intend to raise loss-absorbing capital requirements for small banks indicates that they may be shielded from the bulk of the blowback.

    Both Gruenberg and Barr were grilled by lawmakers at hourslong hearings this week in both the House and the Senate, where they indicated that tougher rules for regional banks are in store.

    Barr, who was nominated by Biden and confirmed last July, is conducting a review of what went wrong in the Fed’s oversight of SVB, with a report expected by May 1 that will recommend regulatory and supervisory actions.

    In its fact sheet, the White House also backed early moves by regulators toward requiring large regional banks to hold long-term debt that could be “bailed in” as equity in case of failure.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • ‘What were the last 15 years for?’: How Fed bank regulation failed

    ‘What were the last 15 years for?’: How Fed bank regulation failed

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    “The Fed has mishandled this about seven different ways,” said Peter Conti-Brown, a professor at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania and a leading expert on the central bank and its history.

    The banking turmoil is sparking not only external scrutiny but also internal soul-searching at the Fed, raising fundamental questions about the central bank’s effectiveness at supervising the industry, whether the sweeping post-crisis laws and regulations were even sufficient, and if their partial rollback in 2018 undermined the ability of regulators to stop the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank and other lenders.

    At the same time that it is facing questions about whether it could have prevented the bank failures, the Fed is contending with the fallout: A weakening financial system could have severe ramifications for the broader economy, a concern that Fed policymakers will have top of mind when they meet on Wednesday to decide whether to raise interest rates again to battle inflation. The turmoil has heightened the chances that they will hold off on another rate hike out of concern for financial stability.

    That concern was enough to drive the Fed, the Treasury Department and the FDIC to take aggressive action this month to end days of global panic, agreeing to back all depositors at SVB and Signature Bank and to prevent runs on any other financial institutions.

    Shortly afterward, the central bank said it would conduct a review of what went wrong to be led by its regulatory chief, Michael Barr, who took the Fed job in July 2022 — after the key post was left vacant for nine months.

    Among other things, Barr will be looking at the responsibility of the central bank and the San Francisco Fed, the regional branch that had direct oversight over SVB.

    He will also be diving headfirst into a roiling debate about whether the bank deregulation law passed in 2018, and its implementation by Barr’s Trump-appointed predecessor, are to blame. This could be an uncomfortable assignment: Barr’s boss, Fed Chair Jerome Powell, also oversaw that regulatory rollback — prompting Warren to call on Powell to recuse himself from the review “for the Fed’s inquiry to have credibility.”

    Barr had already been considering toughening standards for larger banks — and facing resistance from Republican lawmakers. But the latest saga has prompted the Fed to focus more on regional lenders with between $100 billion and $250 billion in assets. according to a person familiar with the central bank’s thinking, who was granted anonymity to talk about sensitive issues.

    The 2018 bipartisan law was designed to ensure that lenders with between $50 billion and $250 billion in assets — then covering about two dozen of the country’s largest banks, including SVB — no longer faced a range of strict rules that apply to their bigger counterparts like Goldman Sachs and Wells Fargo.

    Randal Quarles, the top Fed bank regulator under former President Donald Trump, will implicitly feature in the review, though some of the specific risks at SVB from rising interest rates built up after his departure.

    “The changes we made didn’t have anything to do with anything that was happening at Silicon Valley Bank or Signature,” Quarles, who served as Fed vice chair for supervision, said in an interview.

    But Daniel Tarullo, who was in charge of regulation at the Fed under President Barack Obama, called for a look at not only the rules but also how they were enforced. “There’s clearly a supervisory gap there,” he told POLITICO.

    The Fed under Quarles was given considerable discretion in how to implement the law — and eased up on some institutions that were even larger than $250 billion, although much less so for the megabanks like JPMorgan and Goldman Sachs.

    Mark Calabria, who at the time of the 2018 rollback was chief economist to Vice President Mike Pence, rejected complaints by Democrats that the follow-up law gutted Dodd-Frank, the landmark 2010 legislation that was the biggest overhaul of financial rules since the Great Depression.

    “I tried to gut Dodd-Frank,” said Calabria. “It was not successful.”

    “People who bought into ‘Dodd-Frank ended bailouts’ now have to admit it doesn’t,” he added. “Put me in the camp of, no, there was no massive deregulation that caused this to happen.”

    The central difficulty in parsing whether any regulation might have helped prevent this moment is that no bank is able to withstand a run.

    One key question is whether SVB had sufficient capital to absorb losses. It held a lot of U.S. government debt and mortgage-backed securities that had decreased in value — rising interest rates meant newer bonds offered better yields — but those bonds still paid interest and would’ve eventually matured without incident.

    The biggest banks are required to make sure they have the funding to cover losses if they have to sell such assets in case of unexpected turbulence. But regional and small banks aren’t — and the Fed under Quarles allowed even fairly large banks to opt out of that rule.

    Former Fed official Lael Brainard, now a top White House adviser, warned at the time that it was unwise to allow large regional banks to avoid that requirement.

    But Quarles noted that SVB was still small enough, at roughly $200 billion in assets, that those rules wouldn’t have applied to it now, even absent that change.

    The person familiar with the Fed’s thinking said supervisors formally flagged interest rate-related risks to SVB.

    Rules governing banks’ cash on hand also might not have helped SVB withstand the run from depositors that ensued. But they might have given regulators an earlier clue that the bank was getting squeezed, before it started dumping assets, said Mayra Rodriguez Valladares, who runs a consulting firm for bank examiners and financial institutions.

    “They did have some information,” she said, “but that stuff is only coming in — some of it every month, some of it every quarter.” The biggest banks, in contrast, report information to their regulators about their high-quality, easily sellable assets every day.

    Bank examiners from the Fed, though, are also in the crosshairs for failing to prevent the collapse. “You don’t want to calibrate your regulations to capture the most vulnerable bank you can imagine, because if you do that, you’re overregulating most of the banks and that will have a deleterious effect on households and businesses,” Tarullo said.

    “Part of [the examiners’] job is to monitor compliance with regulations, but a big part of their job is to identify when a particular bank has assets or activities that are creating risks significantly beyond those you would normally expect in a bank of its relative size and profile,” he added. “For every supervisor, rapid growth is a warning sign.”

    He said he was worried that oversight of banks had been relaxed in recent years, an implicit reference to Quarles’s tenure.

    For his part, Quarles said that was not his goal, but rather to increase due process for companies in a closed-door environment where examiners have the power to demand changes without explaining their reasoning or to take legal action without prior notice.

    “The point was never to lighten supervision,” he said.

    Conti-Brown said the 2018 law also likely played a role in this respect.

    Congressional direction like the deregulation bill “shifts supervisory priorities,” he said, in this case away from regional lenders. “The Fed certainly acted as though it did. And supervision was a decisive factor. Did [the law] make it so the San Francisco Fed felt like it couldn’t over the last three years tell SVB how to run a better bank? That seems plausible to me.”

    Conti-Brown said the entire episode is unsettling.

    “Either the Fed and the Treasury have dramatically overreacted and in the process put public money and public credibility behind very wealthy individuals and companies, which were not legally entitled to that support,” he said. “On the other hand, if they did exactly what we need financial regulators to do, that tells us that our banking system is so woefully fragile that a single medium-sized bank will throw us into a Fed-declared financial crisis.”

    “That makes me wonder, what were the last 15 years for?”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Elizabeth Warren: Fed chair has failed at both his jobs

    Elizabeth Warren: Fed chair has failed at both his jobs

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    The Massachusetts senator, who has been vocal in calling for stronger regulations of the banking sector, also slammed Powell for deregulation that happened under his watch, including the roll back of measures in the Dodd-Frank Act, legislation that was enacted in 2010 in response to the 2008 financial crisis.

    Powell “stepped up and took a flamethrower to the regulations,” Warren said on ABC’s “This Week.”

    It is moves like this that led Warren to oppose Powell’s nomination to the Fed, she said.

    “Jerome Powell has said that all he wants to do is lighten regulations on the banks. I opposed him as Chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank precisely for that reason. I said he was a dangerous man to have in this position,” she said.

    Warren, who has long opposed government intervention that helps big business at the expense of small business and the nation’s workforce, also criticized Powell for sacrificing U.S. employment in order to combat inflation.

    “What Chair Powell is trying to do — and he has said fairly explicitly is that they are trying to, in effect, slow down the economy so that (this is, by the Fed’s own estimate) — 2 million people will lose their jobs. And I believe that is not what the chair of the Federal Reserve should be doing,” Warren said.

    When asked whether President Joe Biden should replace Powell, Warren told NBC’s Chuck Todd: “I don’t think he should be Chairman of the Federal Reserve.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )