Tag: Far right

  • Macron on the brink: How French pensions revolt could wreck his presidency

    Macron on the brink: How French pensions revolt could wreck his presidency

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    PARIS — French President Emmanuel Macron will face a moment of reckoning Thursday as lawmakers gear up for a final vote on the government’s deeply unpopular pension reform.

    The controversial bill, a centerpiece of Macron’s second term, has sparked weeks of nationwide protests led by trade unions and faced intense criticism from both the far left and the far right in the National Assembly.

    The French president wants to increase the legal age of retirement to 64 from 62 and extend contributions for a full pension in an effort to balance the accounts of France’s state pensions system — among the most generous in the world. According to projections from France’s Council of Pensions Planning, the finances of the pensions system are balanced in the short term but will go into deficit in the long term.

    Despite government concessions on various aspects of the bill in recent weeks, opposition to the reform remains very high, with polls saying two-thirds of French citizens oppose it.

    Speculation is running high that Macron might not have enough support in the National Assembly, and may choose a constitutional maneuver to bypass parliament — in a move that could unleash a political storm in France.

    On Thursday, the French Senate and the National Assembly are expected to cast a crucial vote on the second reading of the bill, after the Senate voted in favor last week. The outcome will determine the shape of Macron’s second term and stands to bear heavily on his legacy.

    The worst case: Macron loses the vote in parliament

    Losing the parliamentary vote would be a stunning defeat for the French president, who pinned his bid for a second term on his promises to reform France’s pensions system. But political commentators have been speculating in recent days that Macron’s Renaissance party doesn’t have enough votes to pass the bill.

    The French president lost its absolute majority in the National Assembly in parliamentary elections last June. He has since been forced into making ad-hoc deals with MPs from France’s conservative party Les Républicains. But the once-mighty conservatives appear split on the reform, despite assurances this week from their leader Olivier Marleix that there was “a clear majority” backing the bill.

    A defeat in parliament would have seismic and long-term repercussions for Macron’s second term and it is likely that the president’s trusted lieutenant Prime Minister Elizabeth Borne would have to resign in such a scenario. Party heavyweights however say they will not shy away from seeking a vote.

    “There will be a vote, we want a vote, everyone must take its responsibilities,” said Aurore Bergé, leader of the Renaissance group in the National Assembly.

    “There can be an accident … we’ll manage it as we can,” admitted Jean-Paul Mattei, a centrist MP who belongs to Macron’s coalition, with reference to a defeat in parliament.

    However, this is the most unlikely scenario as expectations are that the government will bypass a vote if they sense that they are short on votes.

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    Protestors hold an effigy of French President Emmanuel Macron, during a demonstration on the 8th day of strikes and protests across the country against the government’s proposed pensions overhaul in Paris on March 15, 2023 | Alain Jocard/AFP via Getty Images

    Pretty bad: Macron bypasses parliament and loses credibility

    In the face of a potential defeat in the National Assembly, Macron has a nuclear option: invoke article 49.3 of the French constitution. This mechanism allows the government to force through legislation without submitting it to a vote.

    While the constitutional maneuver may seem like an easy way out, it’s a highly risky move as it allows lawmakers to table a motion of no confidence within 24 hours. Macron’s government has faced down motions of no confidence in the past but the stakes are much higher this time around.

    Beyond surviving a motion of no-confidence, Macron and Borne will also come under fire for refusing to submit to the democratic process.

    According to Frédéric Dabi, general director of the IFOP polling institute, the impact on public opinion if the government uses the 49.3 article as opposed to passing a tight vote in parliament would be “radically different.”

    “Public opinions on the 49.3 article have changed … it is regarded as a tool to brutalize the National Assembly: it’s now seen as authoritarian instead of merely authoritative. People want more transparency, more democracy today,” he said.

    France’s hardline unions would no doubt use this to stoke unrest and call for further strike action.

    Trade union leader Laurent Berger has warned the government against using the 49.3 article, saying that it would be “incredible and dangerous.”

    “Nobody can predict what will happen, the protest movement seems to be running out of steam, but if the government invokes article 49.3 it could be read as forcing the issue and may relaunch the protest movement,” said Dabi.

    Still not great: Macron wins vote but faces mass protests

    If the French president wins the vote in parliament, it’ll be seen as a victory but one that may completely drain his political capital, and whip up protests on the streets.

    “It’ll be a victory for Macron, but it’ll only bear its fruit in the long term. In the short term, he’ll face a tense country where relations have become very strained,” said Chloé Morin, a writer and political analyst.

    Trade union leader Berger has said that he would “take on board” the result of Thursday’s vote in parliament. But protests, which have been almost weekly since January, may continue nonetheless across the country in an effort to force the government into backing down and withdrawing the text.

    Morin thinks it is unlikely there will be “an explosion of protests” after the vote as people are resigned to seeing it pass.

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    French police officers intervene during a protest by local council employees against the government’s retirement reform in front on the prefecture in Seine Saint-Denis, in Bobigny, a surburb of Paris on March 14, 2023 | Thomas Samson/AFP via Getty Images

    “However, the protest movement might become more radical with lightning protests or sabotages, led by a minority in the citizens’ movement,” said Morin.

    In October last year, industrial action in France’s refineries led to nationwide shortages at petrol stations, forcing the government to intervene in what was seen as Macron’s biggest challenge since his re-election last year.

    There are dangerous precedents for Macron too. In December 2019, the government was forced to abandon a new green tax when faced with the explosive Yellow Vests protests that shook the political establishment.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )

  • Macron faces no-confidence votes amid nationwide protests

    Macron faces no-confidence votes amid nationwide protests

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    PARIS — Emmanuel Macron’s government faces several motions of no confidence in the National Assembly Monday after his government forced through a deeply unpopular pensions reform bill last week.

    Protesters took to the streets in major cities over the weekend, after the government invoked a controversial constitutional maneuver to pass its pensions reform bill in what was widely seen as a move likely to inflame social unrest. Industrial action is expected to disrupt public transport, refineries, universities and waste collection this week, as trade unions hope to strong-arm the government into withdrawing the pensions reform.

    On Saturday, more than 100 people were arrested in Paris after a demonstration by several thousand protesters against the reform turned violent.

    The 573 lawmakers of the French National Assembly will vote on two motions of no confidence Monday which could trigger the resignation of Macron’s Prime Minister Elisabeth Borne and her government. Though the French president would not be forced to resign in case of a defeat, a successful motion of no confidence would trigger a deep political crisis for Macron.

    On Saturday, Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire said the reform was “vital” for the country and called on MPs to “face their responsibilities,” in an interview with Le Parisien.

    “There will be no majority to bring the government down, but it will be a moment of truth,” Le Maire said with the reference to the votes on Monday. “Is it a good idea to overthrow the government and cause political disorder over the pensions reforms? The answer is clearly no,” he added.

    Macron wants to increase the legal age of retirement to 64 from 62 and extend contributions for a full pension in order to balance the accounts of the pensions system. The reform is a cornerstone of the French president’s second mandate and failure to pass it would have repercussions for the rest of his mandate.

    Amid scenes of anger and rebellion in parliament, his trusted lieutenant Borne announced on Thursday the government had decided to invoke Article 49.3 of the constitution to pass legislation without a vote, putting an end to weeks of heated and acrimonious debate. Invoking Article 49.3, however, allowed lawmakers to table a motion of no confidence within 24 hours.

    All eyes on the conservatives

    Macron’s Renaissance party lost its majority in the National Assembly in parliamentary elections last year and has faced several motions of no confidence in recent months. In a sign of the deepening crisis in France, it is the first time that the several opposition parties have tabled a motion of no confidence together.

    On Friday a small centrist opposition group submitted a cross-party motion supported by leftwing parties, which is also expected get the support of the far right National Rally, after RN leader Marine Le Pen announced that her party would vote for “all the motions of no confidence.”

    “A vote on this motion will enable us to put an honorable end to a deep political crisis,” said the centrist MP Bertrand Pancher as he submitted the motion.

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    A police officer attempts to extinguish flames at the entrance of the town hall of the 4th arrondissement of Lyon | Jeff Pachoud/AFP via Getty Images

    Macron’s opponents need the backing of 287 MPs to topple the government — a bar they are not likely to pass given the deep political divisions in parliament. The National Assembly is split between Macron’s Renaissance coalition, the far-right National Rally and the left-wing Nupes coalition.

    In addition to getting the backing of the left and the far right, a cross-party motion would need the support of 27 conservative Les Républicains lawmakers to pass. But only 10 are planning to vote for the motion, said a conservative MP who wanted to remain anonymous due to the sensitivity of the topic in an interview with Playbook Paris.

    MPs are also expected to vote on a second motion of no confidence submitted by the National Rally, that is widely seen as unlikely to pass.

    If the government survives the votes on Monday, it will still face a wave of protests this week and the risk of more social unrest. On Friday, the hard left CGT trade union called for “visible actions” ahead of a day of nationwide protests and strikes planned for Thursday.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )

  • Joe Biden: EU conservative hero

    Joe Biden: EU conservative hero

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    Joe Biden’s European friends may be miffed about his climate law.

    But the U.S. president’s America-first, subsidy-heavy approach has actually gained some grudging — and for a Democrat unlikely — admirers on the Continent: Europe’s conservatives.

    Within the center-right European People’s Party, the largest alliance of parties in the European Parliament, officials are smarting over why their own politicians aren’t taking a page from the Biden playbook.

    Their frustration is homing in on European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen — a putative conservative the EPP itself helped install. Officials fear they have let von der Leyen lead the party away from its pro-industry, regulation-slashing ideals, according to interviews with leading party figures.

    Biden’s law has now brought their grumbling to the surface.

    On Thursday, a wing of EPP lawmakers defected during a Parliament vote over whether to back von der Leyen’s planned response to Biden’s marquee green spending bill, the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). Their concern: it doesn’t go far enough in championing European industries.

    Essentially, they want it to feel more like Biden’s plan.

    The IRA was an “embarrassment” for Europe, said Thanasis Bakolas, the EPP’s power broker and secretary general. The EU “had all these well-funded policies available. And then comes Biden with his IRA. And he introduces policies that are more efficient, more effective, more accessible to businesses and consumers.”

    A bitter inspiration

    European leaders were blindsided last summer when Biden signed the IRA into law.

    Since then, they have complained loudly that the U.S. subsidies for homegrown clean tech are a threat to their own industries. But for the EPP, ostensibly on the opposite side to Biden’s Democrats, the law is also serving as bitter inspiration.

    “It’s a little bit like in the fairy tale, that someone in the crowd — and this time it wasn’t the boy, it was the Americans — pretty much pointing the finger to the [European] Commission, and saying, ‘Oh, the king is naked?’” said Christian Ehler, a German European Parliament member from the EPP.

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    Viewed from bureaucratic, free-trading Brussels, Biden’s climate policy looks more sleek, geopolitically muscular — and, notably for the EPP, more appealing to voters on the right than anything actually coming out of the EPP-led Commission | Oliver Contreras/Getty Images

    Under the EU’s centerpiece climate policy, the European Green Deal, the European Commission, the EU’s policy-making executive arm, has doggedly introduced law after law aimed at squeezing polluters from every angle using tighter regulations or carbon pricing. The goal is to zero out the bloc’s net greenhouse gas emissions by 2050.

    Biden’s IRA approaches the same goal by different means. It is laden with voter- and industry-friendly tax breaks and made-in-America requirements. Viewed from bureaucratic, free-trading Brussels, Biden’s climate policy looks more sleek, geopolitically muscular — and, notably for the EPP, more appealing to voters on the right than anything actually coming out of the EPP-led Commission.

    For some, the sense of betrayal isn’t directed at Washington, but inward.

    “We learned that we lost track for the last two years on the deal part of the Green Deal,” said Ehler, who is using his seat on Parliament’s powerful Committee on Industry, Research and Energy to push for fewer climate burdens on industry. “We are in the midst of the super regulation.”

    The irony is that Biden and the Democrats probably wouldn’t have chosen this path were it not for Republicans’ decades-long refusal to move any form of climate regulation through Congress.

    The IRA was a product of political necessity, shaped to suit independent-minded Democratic senators such as Joe Manchin of coal-heavy West Virginia. If Biden and his party had their druthers, Biden’s climate policy might have looked far more like the Brussels model.

    Let’s get political

    As party boss, Bakolas is preparing the platform on which the EPP — a pan-European umbrella group of 81 center-right parties — will campaign for the 2024 EU elections.

    He is also flirting with an alliance with the far right, meaning the center-right and center-left consensus that has dominated climate policy in Brussels could break up. Bakolas advocates “a more political approach.”

    “We need to do the same [as the U.S.], with the same tenacity and determination,” he said.

    One big problem: It’s hard for the European Union, which doesn’t control tax policy, to match the political eye-candy of offering cashback for electric Hummers (something Americans can now claim on their taxes).

    “Can Europe, this institutional arrangement in Brussels … act as effortlessly and seamlessly as the American administration? No, because it’s a difficult exercise for Europe to reach a decision … but it’s an exercise we need to do,” said Bakolas.

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    Within the center-right European People’s Party, the largest alliance of parties in the European Parliament, officials are smarting over why their own politicians aren’t taking a page from the Biden playbook | Kenzo Tribouillard/AFP via Getty Images

    In other words, the EPP is looking to emulate Biden’s law — at least in spirit, if not in legalese.

    The conservative thinking is beginning to coalesce into a few main themes: slowing down green regulation they feel burden industry; using sector-specific programs to help companies reinvest their profits into cleaning up their businesses; and slashing red tape they say slows already clean industries from getting on with the job.

    EPP lawmaker Peter Liese said he had been “desperately calling” for these red-tape-slashing measures. He was glad to see some in von der Leyen’s contested IRA response plan. But Liese and the EPP want more.

    “We can have an answer of the two crises, the two challenges, that we have: the climate crisis and challenge for our economy, including the IRA,” said Liese.

    Green groups and left-wing lawmakers argue the EPP is simply using the IRA and Europe’s broader economic woes as a smokescreen to cover a broad retreat from the Green Deal. In recent months the party has blocked, or threatened to block, a host of green regulations proposed by the Commission.

    “This is like trying to put on the ballroom shoes of your grandfather and trying to do a 100-meter sprint,” Green MEP Anna Cavazzini told Parliament on Wednesday.

    Bakolas rejected that.

    He said the party had finally woken up to the need to set a climate agenda that better reflected its own, center-right, free-market ideals.

    “What the IRA did,” he said, “is to ring an alarm bell.”



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )