Tag: doesnt

  • ‘CM doesn’t trust his MLAs…’: PM Modi’s dig at Gehlot post meet in Rajasthan

    ‘CM doesn’t trust his MLAs…’: PM Modi’s dig at Gehlot post meet in Rajasthan

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    Jaipur: Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Wednesday accused the Congress government in Rajasthan of following a policy of “appeasement” and taking a soft stand against terrorists, as he blamed the acquittal of the 2008 Jaipur serial blasts accused on this.

    Addressing a rally in Rajasthan’s Abu Road, he took a dig at the Congress infighting and said, “The chief minister does not trust his MLAs, they don’t trust him.”

    Referring to the 2008 Jaipur serial blasts, the prime minister alleged that the Congress government in the state did not fight the case strongly, leading to the acquittals.

    MS Education Academy

    He also alleged that there was a complete breakdown of law and order in Rajasthan under Congress’ rule.

    “Congress govt in Rajasthan is afraid to take action against criminals because of vote bank politics,” PM Modi alleged.

    This comes right after the PM met and shared the stage with the Rajasthan CM Ashok Gehlot at a gathering in Rajsamand district’s Nathdwara town where Prime Minister Modi launched various projects costing over Rs 5500 crore.

    At the gathering addressing the public Gehlot stated that the opposition should be respected in a democracy and hoped that Prime Minister Narendra Modi will work towards it.

    “If this is done, the ruling party and the opposition will be able to serve the country more vigorously,” the senior Congress leader said, with Modi on stage, stressing that for democracy the fight is over ideology.

    It is significant to note that Gehlot also drew the PM’s attention towards pending projects in the state including Dungarpur-Ratlam via Banswara rail line, Karauli-Sarmathura rail line and the national project status to Eastern Rajasthan Canal Project.

    Following Gehlot’s remarks, in a veiled attack on opposition parties, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said some people are so full of negativity that they don’t want to see anything good happen in the country and only like to create controversy.

    Modi said those who measure everything with votes are unable to devise plans keeping the country in mind.

    “Because of this thinking, priority was not given to infrastructure development in the country,” he said without naming anyone.

    He said those filled with negativity neither have a vision nor the capability to think beyond their selfish political motive.

    (The story has been edited with inputs from PTI)

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    #doesnt #trust #MLAs.. #Modis #dig #Gehlot #post #meet #Rajasthan

    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • The Trendlines DeSantis Doesn’t Want to See

    The Trendlines DeSantis Doesn’t Want to See

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    county line 5 9 v2

    But a lot has happened since then. Trump sharpened his attacks against DeSantis, who has largely declined to respond before formally jumping into the race. Perhaps most important, the former president was indicted by Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg over his hush money payment to a porn star. The response to the indictment from rank-and-file GOP voters, according to recent polls, was a substantial improvement in Trump’s standing, with many Republicans rallying around Trump after the indictment.

    Would grassroots leaders active within the party move in the same way as other GOP voters, or were they more inured to the news cycle and take a different view of Trump’s legal challenges? The short answer: They moved, with DeSantis support softening and Trump a beneficiary.

    My survey of GOP county chairs is part of an effort to track the “invisible primary” for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination — the action that takes place before the first ballots are cast and which will do much to determine the eventual winner. County chairs are figures who will play a key role in shaping the race. They are highly attentive to the party’s internal dynamics and are influential in local GOP circles; they offer the kind of endorsements that candidates are eager to collect.

    As director of the Center on American Politics at the University of Denver, I sent this survey to roughly 3,000 GOP chairs, for every county in the country. This survey was collected in the first few weeks of April, with 127 Republican chairs responding (a smaller number than the 187 who previously responded).

    The first question I asked was simply whether the chairs had committed to supporting a candidate, and if so, whom that might be.

    The proportion of undecided remained at about half of the sample. However, Trump’s position has improved considerably, going from 16 to 24 percent among chairs who chose a candidate, while DeSantis has dropped from 18 to 13 percent. Support for other candidates has also declined, from 14 to 10 percent.

    One Trump backer surveyed underscored Trump’s lingering hold on the party. “He not only kept his promises, he exceeded them,” said Patrick Berry, chair of the Cleveland County Republican Party in Arkansas. “He obviously loves this country and was the best president in my lifetime, rivaling even Ronald Reagan.”

    I then asked another question to gauge potential candidate support: Which candidates are county chairs considering for the presidency? Here, DeSantis still showed some considerable strengths, with 67 percent of chairs saying they’re open to a DeSantis nomination. However, that does signal a slight softening in support; DeSantis was at 73 percent in the last survey. Moreover, Trump is now at 51 percent, up from 43 percent.

    DeSantis still has more county chairs interested in him than in Trump, but his advantage has narrowed considerably. Nikki Haley’s numbers have also dropped slightly, as have Mike Pompeo’s (who dropped out recently). Some candidates and potential contenders who were not included in the previous survey (entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy, New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu, Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin and South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem) have modest levels of support.

    Finally, I asked the chairs whom they do not want to see as their presidential nominee. As in the last survey, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie led the pack, with former Vice President Mike Pence close behind. Both of their negative numbers have grown slightly; interestingly, Christie in particular has begun to step up his criticism of Trump as he’s tested the waters.

    Now in third place for this dubious honor is former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson, who recently announced his candidacy and positioned himself as the one candidate who wants Trump to drop out of the race due to his legal travails. Some of the newer candidacies, specifically Ramaswamy and Sununu, start off with around a third of party chairs hostile to them. Only Trump has seen the share of county chairs opposed to him drop significantly, going from 39 to 29.5 percent.

    It must be noted that the sample of chairs who answered this survey are not precisely the same ones who answered the February one. In total, 63 chairs answered both surveys. That’s not a huge number, but their patterns of candidate support are telling. Some chairs maintained their commitments while others shifted to other presidential candidates.

    DeSantis’ support, notably, has broken apart, as this figure makes clear. Only four of the eleven chairs who were backing him in February were still with him in April; three went to Trump and other candidates, and the rest became undecided. Trump, meanwhile, lost no backers and actually gained some from other candidates.

    Overall, this survey suggests a group of party insiders that hasn’t made up its mind, but is growing more inclined to back Trump. We’ll learn more in the next wave of surveys whether this trend continues.

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    #Trendlines #DeSantis #Doesnt
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Cong’ manifesto for Karnataka polls doesn’t mention banning of Bajrang Dal: Kamal Nath

    Cong’ manifesto for Karnataka polls doesn’t mention banning of Bajrang Dal: Kamal Nath

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    Bhopal: The Congress’ manifesto for Karnataka assembly polls doesn’t mention banning Bajrang Dal, senior party leader Kamal Nath claimed on Sunday.

    The Congress is facing backlash from BJP and right-wing organisations for bracketing Bajrang Dal with the Popular Front of India (PFI) in the manifesto for the May 10 polls.

    “There was no mention of banning Bajrang Dal in the Congress’ manifesto for Karnataka Assembly polls if we go by what is written in it,” Madhya Pradesh Congress president Kamal Nath told reporters in Seoni district.

    MS Education Academy

    He was responding to a query on whether the Congress will include the promise of banning Bajrang Dal in Madhya Pradesh also where elections are due at the end of this year.

    “It was said by the Supreme Court, and people also want strict action to be taken against a person or organisation which spreads hatred and disturbs social harmony. Nobody is being targeted but those who are involved in such activities should face action,” Nath said.

    Taking potshots at the Shivraj Singh Chouhan government, Nath alleged the law-and-order situation is very poor and the state tops the crime chart against children, women, and tribals.

    He claimed the number of unemployed youth in MP has reached one crore.

    The Congress leader also alleged rampant corruption in the state.

    In its manifesto released last week for Karnataka polls, the Congress said it was committed to taking firm and decisive action against individuals and organisations spreading hatred amongst communities on grounds of caste and religion.

    “We believe that law and Constitution is (are) sacrosanct and cannot be violated by individuals and organisations like Bajrang Dal, PFI or others promoting enmity or hatred, whether among majority or minority communities. We will take decisive action as per law including imposing a ban on such organisations,” the Congress has said.

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    #Cong #manifesto #Karnataka #polls #doesnt #mention #banning #Bajrang #Dal #Kamal #Nath

    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • Why doesn’t self-care and pampering make me feel better?

    Why doesn’t self-care and pampering make me feel better?

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    Most of us strive for a life where we feel we have real choices about how we spend our time and energy. But we get boggled in that pursuit – confused about where exactly we’re heading. Self-care has become a staple in our lives. From juice cleanses to yoga workshops, we are sold breezy fixes in pastel-coloured packages. This is faux self-care, but we are made to feel at fault when they don’t work. But we are not broken: the game is rigged against us.

    Research on well​­being is divided into two theories of how to go about living a good life: the hedonic approach and the eudaimonic approach. Hedonic well​­being focuses on the feeling states of happiness and pleasure. In many respects, faux self-care – the diets, the cleanses, the retreats, the life hacks – is aligned with this, with its focus on what feels good in the moment and escaping difficult situations. Don’t get me wrong – we all need escape once in a while, and the ability to do so is a privilege. But eudaimonic wellbeing, by contrast, focuses on actions congruent with our values; it is the feeling that our lives are imbued with purpose. Instead of prioritising pleasure, it emphasises personal growth, self acceptance, and connection to meaning. It is linked to improved sleep, longer lifespan and lower levels of inflammation. All the good stuff we’re looking for, right?

    Cultivating eudaimonic wellbeing isn’t straightforward. It looks different for everyone because achieving it depends on our personal beliefs and values. For some people, it means letting go of fitness goals and spending weekends volunteering. For others, it may mean switching to a career aligned with their values. But what is similar for most individuals is that each person is doing what matters to them and understands the meaning beneath how they spend their time. Far more than any wellness retreat, this is real self-​­care.

    The million-​­dollar question, of course, is how do we distinguish real self-​­care – the practices that lead us to eudaimonic wellbeing – from the coping mechanisms of faux self-​­care. At its core, real self-​­care is ultimately about decision-​­making. You must be assertive in prioritising your own needs and desires. To do that, you must learn to say no and to set boundaries. Balancing the needs of people close to you, like your partner’s preference or your children’s needs, with your own. You must learn to stop being controlled by feelings of guilt, which are inevitable. The next step is to look honestly at what you need (and what you want) and give yourself permission to have it. It’s a process of getting to know yourself, including your core values, beliefs and desires. It’s an internal decision-​­making process that requires introspection, honesty and perseverance.

    You’ll know you’re practising real self-​­care when it feels like your outsides are matching your insides. Real self-​­care, wherein you look inside yourself and make decisions from a place of reflection and consideration, is an assertion of power. It’s having the audacity to say: “I exist and I matter.”

    Real Self-Care: Powerful Practices to Nourish Yourself from the Inside Out by Pooja Lakshmin (Cornerstone Press) is out now

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    #doesnt #selfcare #pampering #feel
    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )

  • ‘Doesn’t know what is Hindutva’: Uddhav Thackeray makes all-out attack on BJP

    ‘Doesn’t know what is Hindutva’: Uddhav Thackeray makes all-out attack on BJP

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    Jalgaon: In a strong, no-holds-barred attack, Shiv Sena-UBT President Uddhav Thackeray on Sunday said that ruling Bharatiya Janata Party “doesn’t know what is Hindutva”.

    “Hindutva is not a matter of selfishness, but a nationalist. The BJP doesn’t understand what Hindutva is. Their Hindutva is centred around cow and gomutra (cow-urine). Cow slaughter is banned in one state but not in others… This is their Hindutva,” said Thackeray, as the BJP fights the Karnataka elections on its pet-theme.

    Addressing a massive rally in Pachora, Jalgaon this evening, Thackeray denied the charge that he had left Hindutva, saying that after he took the oath as Chief Minister in November 2019, all religions were treated equally.

    MS Education Academy

    “I have gone with the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance Congress and Nationalist Congress Party (NCP)… I have not left Hindutva and will never leave it… show me one instance which made you feel that I had discarded Hindutva,” he asked.

    Targetting the BJP, he said that “crushing other people and parties” with the support of central investigating agencies or letting loose goons to attack women leaders of opposing political parties “is not our Hindutva”.

    “People ask me – is the BJP a challenge before us? I say the BJP is not a challenge. The real challenge before us is how shall we undo the damage that the BJP is inflicting on the country,” he asserted.

    He questioned “how is it possible that all corrupt people who join your party (BJP) suddenly become clean”, and said that the BJP hounds anybody opposing or daring them.

    Training guns on the Shiv Sena of Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, Thackeray said that “seeing this massive gathering, even Pakistan would have said which is the real Shiv Sena… only the Modi-appointed Election Commission of India (ECI) could not realise it”.

    “Some traitors and thieves (Shinde) believed that they are the Shiv Sena. ‘Arre hatt..!’ Look at this sea of humanity… Your throng will burn down soon… There were natural disasters and even coronavirus in Maharashtra which we tackled effectively, but now this government itself is a calamity for the state,” declared Thackeray amid loud cheers and applause.

    He reiterated that the BJP must declare now whether they going to fight the next elections under Shinde’s leadership, and if not then whether the reports are true, that all 48 Lok Sabha seats will be contested by only the BJP.

    “The stole the party, they took away the bow and arrow symbol and are trying to steal my father (the late Balasaheb Thackeray). Those who have nothing resort to thieving like this… First you (the voters) elected and put them on the horse, now they deserve to be yanked off their high horse,” thundered Thackeray.

    He lauded former Jammu & Kashmir Governor Satya Pal Malik’s statements on corruption and the Pulwama attacks and how he was asked to keep shut in the matter by Prime Minister Narendra Modi who was in the Corbett National Park at that time.

    Thackeray also heaped praises on several “brave, mardana Shiv Sainiks” like Sanjay Raut, Rajan Salvi, Nitin Deshmukh and others for not succumbing to the BJP’s pressures through the Enforcement Directorate, Income Tax or Central Bureau of Investigation and chose to remain with him, and even spent time in jail.

    The Sena-UBT chief threw the gauntlet at the ruling Shiv Sena saying he will be addressing more such rallies all over the state, plus joint public meetings of the MVA.

    “You can come with Modi and your stolen bow and arrow. I will confront you with my name… Hold the elections now… we are ready to fight and burn your throne with our flaming torch,” warned Thackeray.

    The mammoth rally which got underway around dusk was addressed by other leaders like Leader of Opposition in the Council Ambadas Danve, MP Arvind Sawant, Deputy Leader Sushma Andhare, Vaishali Patil and others.

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    #Doesnt #Hindutva #Uddhav #Thackeray #allout #attack #BJP

    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • McCarthy muscles toward vote on debt plan that ‘doesn’t even exist’

    McCarthy muscles toward vote on debt plan that ‘doesn’t even exist’

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    2023 0417 gop 100 6 francis 1

    House Republicans’ internal frustrations go beyond their long-stalled debt limit talks with President Joe Biden. The conference is near its breaking point over a contentious border bill that has exposed divisions between hardline conservatives and politically vulnerable purple-district members. Then there are the simmering tensions that no GOP lawmaker wants to talk about — the evident disconnect between the speaker and his budget chief, as well as chatter over the elevation of a new McCarthy lieutenant with a vast portfolio.

    House Budget Committee Chair Jodey Arrington (R-Texas), who appeared to diverge from McCarthy last month on the GOP’s plans for its fiscal blueprint, said as he entered Tuesday’s morning meeting that “I hope we’re focused on our mission.” Arrington added pointedly: “We don’t need distractions. We need to unify.”

    And he got his wish that McCarthy not bring up any behind-the-scenes drama before the rest of their colleagues. Talk of McCarthy-Arrington discord did not come up at the private conference meeting, according to six lawmakers in the room.

    Instead, Republicans focused on presenting a unified front on the debt limit as they prepare for a new, more urgent phase of their political jostling with the Biden White House. The fact that no internal rifts got rehashed on Tuesday morning is a positive sign for McCarthy, who has almost no room for error on his debt plan given his four-vote majority.

    Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.), a close McCarthy ally, dryly summed up the meeting’s tone: “It’s a chorus of unity and sunshine.”

    Inside the room, according to one attendee, McCarthy ticked through a brief slideshow laying out the basic principles of his fiscal plan — which includes a passel of deregulatory and energy provisions as well as steep federal spending cuts in exchange for a one-year lift to the nation’s debt ceiling.

    One major part of Tuesday’s private GOP conversation centered on whether leaders should try to pay down the national debt by repealing elements of Democrats’ marquee tax, climate and health care measure passed last year, including funding for new IRS enforcement and green tax incentives.

    Many GOP lawmakers have demanded party leaders make those moves, though some aides and budget experts say it’s unclear whether they would yield any real savings. McCarthy addressed that topic by laying out pros and cons in his slides, per the meeting attendee who spoke on condition of anonymity.

    Some of McCarthy’s closest advisers projected confidence that they would have enough support in a conference. Financial Services Committee Chair Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.), a confidant of the California Republican, simply said “yes” to reporters who asked if the speaker would get a majority.

    Other Republicans, however, are preparing for the prospect that McCarthy’s plan fails to get enough traction within the conference.

    At least one member, first-term swing-district Rep. Mike Lawler (R-N.Y.), raised the idea of a separate discharge petition as a Plan B approach if the threat of an economically disastrous debt default began to loom over members.

    As he left Tuesday’s meeting, though, Lawler insisted that he backs McCarthy’s plan: “The speaker has put forth a plan and I support it.”

    Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.), one of McCarthy’s harshest critics in the past, said leadership doesn’t yet have the votes because members haven’t seen the full plan on paper.

    “We still have to resolve major questions like the dollar amount, and the duration, and the policy concessions we are seeking from the Senate. So it couldn’t possibly have 218 votes, because it doesn’t even exist,” Gaetz said, adding that he won’t “prognosticate the end-zone dance before we draw the game plan.”

    Those flashing yellow lights haven’t stopped McCarthy allies from bullishly predicting that a bill could be ready for a floor vote next week. Republicans close to leadership privately said text could be released as soon as Wednesday or Thursday — with some expecting the House to put off its next recess until passage of a debt plan that stands no chance of becoming law.

    Yet in order to write that bill, GOP lawmakers still have to settle crucial questions like whether to lift the ceiling by a specific dollar amount and when the fight might come up again next year.

    “Some had a few little tweaks they’d like to see to it. But I think, in general, everyone is supportive of it,” Rep. Blaine Luetkemeyer (R-Mo.) said, adding that “everyone’s got good ideas. They are all supportive of the general idea and program that the speaker laid out.”

    Meanwhile, an immigration fight is about to compete with the debt for the House GOP’s attention.

    Republicans will formally kick off work on border security, with the Judiciary Committee slated to vote on an immigration package Wednesday and the Homeland Security panel set to follow with its own bill next week. But months after leadership initially vowed action within the first few weeks of the year, there are few signs that the GOP is any closer to a bill that can pass the House.

    Rep. Tony Gonzales (R-Texas), who discussed the issue alongside the GOP-helmed Congressional Hispanic Conference earlier Tuesday, warned that the Judiciary Committee proposal isn’t ready for “prime time.” Gonzales, who’s taken a public stand against conservatives pushing for a strident border bill, pledged not to be sidelined by his party’s right flank.

    “In this Congress, five votes is 100,” Gonzales said, referring to the ease with which only a handful of Republicans can derail a bill on the floor, given the party’s slim majority.

    And even as House Republicans publicly brushed off reports of contention within their upper ranks, some leaders are hearing hush-hush questions about McCarthy’s confidence in his own team.

    Some rank-and-file members, reading reports of internal strife, started asking leadership “‘This is terrible, is this true?’” said one senior House Republican, who requested anonymity to speak frankly.

    “It’s not true,” this senior Republican added.

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    #McCarthy #muscles #vote #debt #plan #doesnt #exist
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Opinion | America Doesn’t Want Joe Manchin

    Opinion | America Doesn’t Want Joe Manchin

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    There is no doubt that the former governor, hailing from a red state where Democratic presidential candidates lose by 40 points, is a different kind of Democrat, especially on energy, cultural issues such as guns, abortion and immigration, and procedural matters like the filibuster and court-packing.

    Yet, he’s still recognizably a Democrat, who tends to be there for his party — whatever drama he might create during the sausage-making — on big pieces of legislation.

    During an appearance on “Meet the Press” on Sunday, Manchin spoke openly about the possibility of a presidential run. He portrayed himself as a unifying force occupying the neglected center. “I’m fiscally responsible,” he said, “and socially compassionate” — a sentiment that owes more to false labels than no labels.

    Let’s review the past two years: Manchin voted for the $1.9 trillion Covid relief bill at the outset of the Biden administration; he voted for a $550 billion infrastructure bill; he voted for a $280 billion chips bill; and, finally, he voted for — indeed, helped craft — nearly $500 billion in yet more spending on green-energy and health care initiatives in the so-called Inflation Reduction Act that is offset by what is supposed to be roughly $800 billion in new taxes and reductions in Medicare spending.

    Add it all up, and this is not the voting record of a fiscal conservative, a fiscal moderate, or even a fiscal realist.

    It’s true that Manchin cut down Biden’s Build Back Better proposal by a couple of trillion before it morphed into the Inflation Reduction Act. But if your party wants to shoot money out of a powerful M20 Super-Bazooka (which was developed near the end of World War II), and you want to shoot money out of an earlier, less potent M1 Bazooka instead, that doesn’t make you a force for austerity.

    In point of fact, you don’t need to shoot money out of bazookas at all.

    While the Senate was evenly split, Manchin had stopping power. He could have single-handedly prevented Biden from spending an additional dollar. Instead, he went along with the big-ticket items and made it possible for Democrats to get more than they reasonably could have hoped for — and now harangues Biden to do more about the debt.

    This is an accomplice to a crime after the fact, tsk-tsking the mastermind of the heist for not being more law-abiding.

    Manchin has taken to complaining that his baby, the Inflation Reduction Act, has been distorted by the Biden administration. “When President Biden and I spoke before Congress passed the Inflation Reduction Act last summer,” he wrote in The Wall Street Journal last week, “we agreed that the bill was designed to pay down our national debt and shore up America’s energy security.”

    He might have wanted to get that in writing. If the rest of your party is convinced that a major bill is climate legislation — and proudly touts it as such — while you are the only one who believes that it is really about deficit reduction and exploiting more fossil fuels, there is a good chance you are the one who is wrong.

    Say this for Biden — he may have lost a step, but he apparently can still take Manchin to the cleaners.

    The senator had a large hand in drafting the bill, and had the leverage to insist on any provision that he wanted. There is nothing he wants now that he couldn’t have insisted on or made explicit in the legislation. Manchin’s denunciations of how the bill is being implemented are really confessions of his own poor negotiating and shabby legislative draftsmanship.

    None of this is an auspicious launching pad for a national campaign. The typical fallacy of such third-party efforts is the belief that all, or a lion’s share, of self-identified independents would vote for an independent candidate. This ignores the fact that many independents lean Democrat or Republican, and vote much like actual Democrats and Republicans.

    While the distaste for another Trump and Biden race is real, most Republicans and Democrats will make peace with these candidates if they win their respective nominations. Even if there is greater openness than usual to an alternative at the outset of the race, an independent candidate will inevitably look more like a spoiler or a wasted vote the closer the election gets, eroding their support further and making the campaign look even more quixotic and forlorn.

    There’s also the matter of charisma and star power. The last independent candidate to get real traction, Ross Perot in 1992, was a one-of-a-kind American original with a kind of anti-charm and a set of distinctive issues, running in just the right populist environment. Manchin can do Sunday shows and looms large in West Virginia, but there’s nothing to suggest he has the performative ability or a unique ideology to dominate on a national stage.

    Even if he did, he’d be most likely to help elect Trump. Biden wants to win independents and disaffected Republicans, the voters Manchin would be targeting as well. If he were serious about winning, Manchin would have to argue that Biden is not the moderate he campaigns as, and thus help make Trump’s case for him.

    We live in a time of political unpredictability and disruption, just not enough for Manchin 2024 to make sense.

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    #Opinion #America #Doesnt #Joe #Manchin
    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Revision of electoral rolls doesn’t disturb schedule/conduct of polls: ECI

    Revision of electoral rolls doesn’t disturb schedule/conduct of polls: ECI

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    Srinagar, Mar 29: Chief Election Commissioner Rajiv Kumar on Wednesday said the revision of electoral rolls in Jammu & Kashmir doesn’t disturb schedule or conduct part of polls and the poll-body is aware that there is a vacuum in the Union Territory which needs to be filled.

    Addressing a news conference in New Delhi, as per news agency—Kashmir News Observer (KNO), the CEC said that revision of electoral rolls in Jammu & Kashmir doesn’t disturb schedule or conduct part of the polls. “It doesn’t disturb the schedule part/conduct part that depends on various other factors,” the CEC said.

    The CEC said that they are aware that there is a vacuum in Jammu & Kashmir which needs to be filled.

    On fresh revision of electoral rolls in Jammu & Kashmir, the CEC said the process is aimed at bringing the voter list of J&K at par with the rest of the country. “There are four qualifying dates for enrollment of voters. The qualifying date for revision of electoral rolls in Jammu & Kashmir was October 1 while January 1 was the qualifying date for summary revision in the country. We wanted to complete the process (previous revision) as soon as possible,” he said, adding that those who will attain the age of 18 years on April 1, 2023 are eligible to enroll themselves as voters.

    On March 20, the ECI ordered a fresh revision of electoral exercise in Jammu & Kashmir. The exercise would start on April 5 with publication of the integrated draft electoral roll and culminate on May 10 with publication of final electoral rolls.

    This is the second such exercise ordered by the poll-body in Jammu & Kashmir in less than one year.

    Jammu & Kashmir has been without an elected government since June 19, 2018 when BJP withdrew support to Mehbooba Mufti-led government for which it had entered into a power-sharing agreement in 2015—(KNO)

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    #Revision #electoral #rolls #doesnt #disturb #scheduleconduct #polls #ECI

    ( With inputs from : roshankashmir.net )

  • America Doesn’t Wage War. Government Institutions Do.

    America Doesn’t Wage War. Government Institutions Do.

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    mag klay iraqmercenaries lede

    What I am describing is one small portion of a system of warfare. In confronting the world made by the Iraq War, the story of Maund and his lover isn’t an isolated morality play, but exists at the intersection of individual evil and something far more complex, related to geopolitical realities, new technologies, political calculations, entrenched bureaucracies and cultural shifts in relation to war-making. The ways we chose to make war over the past decades shifted how violence is done around the world, and the story of Maund is simply one of the more outrageous examples of an individual taking advantage of the structures our wars put in place.

    That’s why the “lessons” of the Iraq War, even when they’ve been assimilated into public consciousness, don’t always have much of a cash out in terms of policy. In Iraq we “learned” the limits of the use of military power. In practice, we understaffed the State Department while developing the most sophisticated military targeting operation the world has ever seen. We “learned” the dangers of an overextended military, voting in an isolationist president who promised to sweet-talk adversaries like Russia and North Korea rather than treat them as axis-of-evil-style adversaries. In practice, we put a persistent special operations presence in nearly every European country on Russia’s borders to “deter or respond to aggression,” as General Raymond Thomas later testified to Congress.

    Americans “learned” to be wary of overseas entanglements and with Donald Trump voted in a president who would buck Republican orthodoxy by promising an end to our “ridiculous & costly Endless Wars,” a pledge with such bipartisan popularity Joe Biden would later adopt a version of it. But that, too, hasn’t really happened. Our military presence in Syria started in 2014, without explicit authorization from Congress. Obama promised there would be “no boots on the ground.” But in 2018 we had 2,500 troops in Syria, and an unknown number of contractors. Trump ordered a withdrawal, but eventually agreed to keep around 200 troops to “protect the oil,” a number that was well exceeded (by the middle of 2020 there were a reported 500 U.S. troops). “We were always playing shell games to not make clear to our leadership how many troops we had there,” the former U.S. Special Representative for Syria Engagement, Jim Jeffrey, later admitted. “What Syria withdrawal?” Jeffrey asked Defense One in 2020. “There was never a Syria withdrawal.”

    What’s notable here is that some of these outcomes are easy to feel happy about, while others pose obvious dangers, but all are happening outside the realm of democracy politics which are supposed to determine the state’s employment of lethal force. I’m glad we prepared countries bordering Russia for possible aggression and developed relationships with local military units — every town Ukrainian forces were able to prevent going under Russian control is a civilian population that wasn’t subject to murder, torture, forced deportations and rape, and the U.S. role in helping equip those forces and providing them with actionable intelligence is honorable and good. Likewise, I’ve visited refugee camps in Northern Iraq and spoken with Syrian Kurds who feel betrayed by Trump’s decision to withdraw our forces from their region, and I have no illusions about the importance for tens of thousands of other Kurds in the regions of Syria by the continuing U.S. presence there. “They’re ‘protecting the oil,’” I heard a Kurd say, wryly, back in 2019. “I don’t care what they’re supposed to be protecting, as long as they stay there.” It’s a perspective I appreciate.

    And yet. And yet. What are the long-term implications of America privatizing and professionalizing war? These days, America does not wage war, institutions within the American government wage war, along with external institutions propped up and financed by America.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • ‘Ukraine doesn’t have any time to waste’: U.S. races to prepare Kyiv for spring offensive

    ‘Ukraine doesn’t have any time to waste’: U.S. races to prepare Kyiv for spring offensive

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    As spring approaches, U.S. officials are increasingly concerned about Ukraine’s dwindling supply of ammunition, air defenses and experienced soldiers. Moscow and Kyiv are continuing to throw bodies into the fight for a southeastern city the U.S. does not consider strategically important. But the Pentagon says that regardless of Kyiv’s battlefield strategy, the U.S. wants Ukraine’s soldiers to have the weapons they need to keep fighting.

    Russia has spent months pummeling the country with missiles, seeking not only to cause destruction but also deplete Ukraine’s air defense stocks. Ukrainian soldiers have described acute shortages of basic ammunition, including mortar rounds and artillery shells. And upwards of 100,000 Ukrainian forces have died in the year-long war, U.S. officials estimate, including the most experienced soldiers.

    Many of these losses are taking place in Bakhmut, where both sides are suffering massive casualties. Led by soldiers from the mercenary Wagner Group, Russia has laid siege to the southeastern city for nine months, reducing it to ruins. Ukrainian forces have refused to yield, with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy insisting that defending Bakhmut is key to holding other eastern cities.

    “The Russians clearly are wanting to press forward to the boundaries of Donetsk all of the way to the west, and to do that they need to get hold of Bakhmut and the road network that goes past it,” said Dara Massicot, senior policy researcher at the RAND Institute.

    But Austin recently told reporters that Bakhmut is “more of a symbolic value than it is strategic and operational value.”

    Instead, U.S. officials are more focused on getting Ukraine ready for a major spring offensive to retake territory, which they expect to begin by May. Hundreds of Western tanks and armored vehicles, including for the first time eight armored vehicles that can launch bridges and allow troops to cross rivers, are en route to Ukraine for the offensive. The U.S. and European partners are also flowing massive amounts of ammunition and 155mm shells, which Ukraine has identified as its most urgent need.

    U.S. aid packages “going back four or five months have been geared toward what Ukraine needs for this counteroffensive,” said one U.S. official, who was granted anonymity due to the administration’s ground rules.

    While U.S. officials are careful not to appear to tell Kyiv how to fight the war, Pentagon leaders said Wednesday that the equipment and training being provided will enable Ukraine to win the war — where and when it chooses to do so.

    “There is a significant ongoing effort to build up the Ukrainian military in terms of equipment, munitions and training in a variety of countries in order to enable Ukraine to defend itself,” said Joint Chiefs Chair Gen. Mark Milley.

    “The increased Ukrainian capability will allow the Ukrainian leadership to develop and execute a variety of options in the future, to achieve their objectives and bring this war to a successful conclusion,” Milley said.

    More than 600 Ukrainians in February completed a five-week training program in Germany that included basic skills such as marksmanship, along with medical training and instruction on combined arms maneuver with U.S.-made Bradley Fighting Vehicles and Stryker armored personnel carriers. Those forces are now back on the battlefield, and a second batch of hundreds of additional soldiers are now going through the program.

    Behind closed doors, U.S. officials have been pressing Kyiv to conserve artillery shells and fire in a more targeted fashion. This is a particular concern in Bakhmut, where both sides are expending munitions at a rapid pace.

    “Some in the Pentagon think that they are burning up ammunition too fast,” said retired Lt. Gen. Ben Hodges, former commander of U.S. Army Forces Europe. “Excuse me, they’re in a massive fight for the survival of their country against an enemy that has huge advantages in artillery ammunition and is not letting up.”

    Kyiv has not yet settled on a strategy, U.S. officials said, but it has essentially two options: push south through Kherson into Crimea, or move east from its northern position and then south, cutting off the Russian land bridge. The first option is not realistic, officials said, as Russia has dug in its defenses on the east side of the Dnipro River, and Ukraine does not have the manpower for a successful amphibious operation against that kind of force. The second is more likely, officials say.

    In addition to sending weapons and providing training, senior American generals hosted Ukrainian military officials in Wiesbaden, Germany this month for a set of tabletop exercises to help Kyiv wargame the next phase of the war.

    President Joe Biden last month ruled out sending F-16 fighter jets, and senior U.S. officials have repeatedly said the aircrafts are not in the cards right now. But officials are working on other ways to boost the Ukrainian air force, including attempting to mount advanced medium-range air-to-air missiles on its Soviet-era MiG-29s, and assessing the skills of Ukrainian pilots.

    Two Ukrainian pilots recently wrapped up an assessment at an Air National Guard base in Tucson, Arizona, for U.S. military instructors to assess what training they need to better employ the aircrafts and capabilities the West has already provided, including bombs, missiles and guidance kits. The program included simulator flights, but the pilots did not fly in American aircrafts, officials said.

    An effort to mount AMRAAMs on the MiGs, if it proves successful, could also significantly increase the ability of Ukraine’s fighter pilots to take out Russian missiles, officials said.

    As quickly as Ukraine is running out of munitions, Russia’s human and equipment losses are even more acute, forcing Moscow to appeal to rogue nations such as Iran for additional weapons.

    “Russia remains isolated, their military stocks are rapidly depleting, the soldiers are demoralized, untrained unmotivated conscripts in convicts and their leadership is failing them,” Milley said.

    Publicly, senior officials say it is up to Zelenskyy when and where to launch a new offensive, and whether to remain in Bakhmut or reposition his forces.

    “President Zelensky is fighting this fight, and he will make the calls on what’s important and what’s not,” Austin said. But he noted that: “We’re generating combat power, to a degree that we believe that it will provide them opportunities to change the dynamics on the battlefield, at some point going forward, whatever point that is.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )