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Chaibasa: A local court on Wednesday awarded capital punishment to five persons in a case of triple murder that took place over a year ago due to suspicions that they were involved in witch craft.
The principal district and session Judge Vishwanath Shukla convicted the five and sentenced them to death for slitting the throats of a person named Salim Dhanga, his wife Belangi and their daughter Rahil at Podongair village on November 8, 2021.
The village is in Bandgaon police station limits in Jharkhand’s West Singhbhum district.
The court held the five – Markas Dahanga, Iliyas Dahanga, Kemba Dahanga, Daud Dahanga and Iliyas Dahanga alias Banka Banku guilty of killing the three victims and burying their bodies in the banks of Karo river to conceal evidence.
Few days before the incident Markas Dahanga had lost his daughter to an illness. His friends, however, convinced him that the girl had died due to the black magic practiced by his neighbour Salim Dhanga and his family. Markas then along with his accomplices killed the three in their house and buried the bodies, district superintendent of police Ashutosh Shekhar said.
On a February morning in Brixton, old friends Yvonne Taylor and Eddie Lockhart are laughing about their first forays into London’s lesbian nightlife – and how they eventually went on to transform it. In 1984, Taylor moved from Nottingham to London and found the women-only clubs to be “torture”.
“There was a real concentration of women’s bars in Islington,” she recalls. “Islington had a lot of derelict properties and so there were a lot of lesbian community homes set up in them, and as a result there was a surge, certainly from the 70s, of these lesbians’ bars. But they were bars directed to white lesbians and touristy lesbians from the ’burbs.”
Taylor, now 63, and Lockhart, also known as DJ Shineye, 62, found the “music policy” of women-only clubs limited to “pop nonsense” and “old 50s numbers”.
“I knew that there was more music than what the DJs at the time were spinning and I had the fire in my belly that I needed to change this,” says Lockhart. “I knew that I wanted people who looked like me to be able to go to a space where they felt comfortable, and where they weren’t going to encounter any elements of racism and hostility that were very much there.”
Taylor and Lockhart met when Taylor’s then-partner was invited to a dinner that Lockhart was attending. The two immediately bonded over their shared experiences as Black lesbians navigating London’s women’s scene. “Eddie put forward the idea of doing this sound system run by women of colour,” says Taylor, who had prior DJing experience. “And literally by the time we’d left the flat, there was a plan in place. That was the first time we’d met, we just hit it off!”
Two years later, the pair launched the Sistermatic collective with their friends Sharon Lee and Lorna Edwards. Lifelong south London resident Lockhart had little interest in jumping through the kind of bureaucratic hoops often required of community-based projects, and instead went directly to South London Women’s Centre in Brixton with her proposal. They both remember Sistermatic’s launch night. Taylor had been in charge of PR, which involved promoting the event through flyers and word-of-mouth. “We’d done our own food, we’d brought our own bar,” she says, grinning. “In those days it was less of a licensing thing, but we got away with it!”
They were “packed from the get-go”, says Taylor. Lockhart describes it as “euphoric”: “At the end of the day, they hadn’t had anything like that before and this was something different. The fire in my belly said: it’s going to work. I think people were actually quite surprised by it happening, and having somewhere to go. And we continued it on a monthly basis.”
Yvonne Taylor preparing a set for Sistermatic in 1990. Photograph: Courtesy of Yvonne Taylor
For Taylor, a surprising aspect of Sistermatic was the broad demographic of women they would attract – not only Black women, but also south Asian women and white women who didn’t fit into the mainstream lesbian scene – all coming together to groove to soul, R&B, house and lovers rock. “We were probably one of the first lesbian clubs to hit the eclecticism of the community. We had women who were into S&M, butch dykes, femme dykes, it was a melting pot. I think we broke down a few barriers and mystiques that we had about each other, and it also did a lot to change the nature of how Black women related to each other, because obviously for them it was more difficult to come out.”
Taylor remembers ending the first party, sweeping people out at 10am – “it was a proper shebeen, man!” – and treating themselves to breakfast “because we made money as well, and we couldn’t believe that!”
But few, if any, photographs exist from those days beyond rave flyers – Sistermatic was intentionally restrictive around the use of cameras to prioritise the safety of attendees. Taylor remembers the custody struggles of bisexual and lesbian mothers in the 1980s: “There were lots of mothers who didn’t want their ex-husbands to come across photographs of them in the club and then use that to get the kids back.”
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Sistermatic was as dedicated to its patrons’ lives as it was giving them a good time. The Women’s Centre also meant Sistermatic could be more than just a club, but a community – “there was a cafeteria, where people could have food, have drinks, exchange words, and then they could go and dance,” says Lockhart. She had also chosen the venue because of its amenities: “I wanted a space where I could create a creche with a qualified worker there for mothers who had small children and couldn’t afford babysitters or nannies.” Mothers were not charged for use of the creche, which was financed collectively through the entrance fee.
Sistermatic ran until 1995 when the Women’s Centre lost its funding. Lockhart says that the company that leased the premises to the Women’s Centre eventually raised the rent to a level that local authorities were not prepared to fund. Despite fundraising attempts, the centre and Sistermatic closed.
Lockhart and Taylor, however, had established themselves as kingpins of Black queer sound and found themselves booked as DJs for Southall and Southwark Women’s Centres, as well as birthday parties and Pride events. They had set a precedent too – by 1997, the Black women’s night Precious Brown, run by Ain Bailey and DJ Marilyn, emerged at the Candy Bar in Soho, where Yvonne was working at the time.
‘The wheel can’t be reinvented – you can just improve that wheel and how it works’ … (L-R) Nite Dykez’ DJ Gin, Eddie Lockhart and Yvonne Taylor. Photograph: Courtesy of Yvonne Taylor
Twenty-seven years on, Sistermatic is set to return, hosting a street party in Brixton Village on 17 February to celebrate LGBTQ+ History Month. For Lockhart and Taylor, it’s an opportunity to explore the intergenerational pathways of music. Take Afrobeats, says Lockhart: “It’s linked with soca, elements of reggae, lovers rock – it’s got so much mixed in there.”
Joining forces with Nite Dykez, a monthly night and collective which celebrates love for electronic music among Black queer women, they hope to “encourage intergenerational work with younger lesbians”, says Lockhart.
“Because the way the system’s set up at the moment, there’s not a lot of intergenerational stuff being done – and not enough of it,” adds Taylor. “The wheel can’t be reinvented – you can just improve that wheel and how it works.” Although for now it’s a one-off event, Taylor sees it as the opportunity to begin a journey of education for younger people about the history of music and Black queer culture in Britain – and for their elders to teach them a move or two. “We’re trying to get people from that youth market to party with their auntie.”
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( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )
It’s a silver-blue January morning with no separation between sky and water, and a diverse line up of surfers take in their ritual. The waves come choppy, clean, short, thick, fast, chest high and occasionally over my head. On this frigid day I’m encouraged to surf with a longboard, and I’ve almost forgotten to don my cap. The wind greets my face and I howl in return, grateful. I look around after finishing my ride and see people simmering in joy. These are the scenes at New York’s Rockaway Beach, a harbor for Black surfers.
Coming from the security of snow-blanketed mountain peaks to the crashing, storm propelled waves of the east coast, I’ve stumbled on a dynamic community of surfers: artists, activists, community leaders, film-makers, and creatives. Surfers mending the world through their connection to the sport.
Quest Soliman and Paul Godette, from Brooklyn and Queens respectively, are Rockaway surfers with a purpose. Stop Playin’ With ‘Em, a 2022 documentary directed by Sean Madden, captures their five-month experience with the local community while surfing in Bocas Del Toro, Panama.
A screening of the film in November allowed the audience to witness the actualization of Black and brown people in nature, in the water. “Surfing is supposed to be fun and inclusive,” Soliman tells me.
Surfing is primarily depicted as a pursuit for white men with blond hair and blue eyes. Some have turned it into a selfish sport and lean into their privilege. Yet, here at Rockaway Beach that’s far from the reality.
Kids from Harlem and Brooklyn carry their surfboards on the train heading towards the Atlantic. The walls at Rockaway are painted with vibrant street art reflecting the culture. Surfboards lean outside shops and cafes, and Black and brown skateboarders, rollerbladers, and surfers ride between the skate park and the burger spot near 84th Street. There are restaurants and bars that operate as surf clubs, and garage parties that turn into community events. Late nights sitting around a backyard fire turn into early morning sessions in the water.
“It really does take a village to raise a child and you learn so much the more you’re in the water,” Soliman says, as he talks about the welcoming nature of the beach suburb. He was raised in the Fort Greene neighborhood of Brooklyn. Growing up surrounded by people from myriad cultural backgrounds shaped his approach in connecting with new spaces.
“As we travel and show representation, we always give respect to the spaces we’re fortunate to enjoy,” he says. If Stop Playin’ With ‘Em had a mantra it would be just that. Enjoying your stoke responsibly.
In December, Fat-Tire invited Soliman and Godette to Hawaii where they were able to connect with Hawaiian locals, fully encounter the North Shore, and rip some of the best waves in the world.
“This was not our home turf, we were just visitors, but we were welcomed into the pipe house, and everyone was dapping us up – pros I’ve grown up watching. It was cool,” Godette says.
In Hawaii, they linked up with friends from New York and California, as well as Pro-Am surfer and Hawaiian local Julian Williams. These aren’t just any group of friends but haymakers, creating room for themselves and their communities through intentional collective efforts in the water.
“It was amazing to have the west coast squad, the New York squad, and even though we were newcomers [to the Vans Pipe Masters] we weren’t the only ones and we had a good time bonding,” says Godette. Despite breaking his board during the trip, he found delight in surfing with two of Africa’s top surfers, South Africa’s Joshe Faulkner and Senegal’s Cherif Fall.
“Women are getting that equal prize pay, they’re ripping just as hard as the guys. That’s really important and cool to see – the increase in representation and seeing opportunities given for different people to surf pipe and compete,” says Godette.
Soliman and Godette now have their eyes and boards set for Bali, where they’ll be for the next four months. They’re on to their next project and seeking sponsors. For Soliman and Godette, inclusive surfing includes perfect waves, clean turns, and endless laughter.
I’m back in New York. I’ve gone from snowboarding soft pillow lines to getting smacked, dumped, and rushed by the sea. The joy of being a noob. Yet occasionally when the waves start firing, I pop up and find myself in a waltz with the ocean.
“The beautiful thing about surfing, is that it chooses you,” says Nigel Louis, owner of the Rockaways community hub, surf and skate shop, Station RBNY.
Surfing can’t choose you if you never get in the water. Surfing is more than a sport here. It’s a connection to your environment, community, and self.
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( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )
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The postmortems that Barnes’ aides undertook were similar to the ones that advisers to other high-profile Black Senate candidates conducted after an election in which Democrats fared well, but those contenders fell short. While there are numerous reasons why none of the Black candidates trying to flip seats won, they’ve gravitated to a common theme, one that’s more personal than a typical after-action campaign report: Black candidates needed more trust — and, with it, funding — from the Democratic Party’s infrastructure.
“Hindsight is always 20/20 and there’s no doubt that Cheri Beasley and Val Demings were in tough races, but given the right investment they both could have won,” said Rep. Barbara Lee, a California Democrat and chair emeritus of the Congressional Black Caucus, referencing the two Democratic Black women who ran for Senate in North Carolina and Florida.
Lee may be speaking out of self-interest. She has told colleagues that she plans to run for the Senate. And in Demings’ case, it’s unclear how more funding could have overcome a decisive 16-point loss. But her analysis overall of the 2022 results was echoed by 10 elected officials, strategists and campaign operatives who spoke to POLITICO. They don’t just see the issue as one of campaign money but, rather, of Black candidates getting the same institutional support as their white peers.
“Generally speaking what I’ve seen since I’ve gotten here is not enough Black unity across the country, from a political perspective, and not a strong enough Black political infrastructure to support Black candidates across the country,” said Rep. Jamaal Bowman (D-N.Y.), who is Black. “That’s something that’s very concerning to me. And something I want to use my voice and platform to help build going forward.”
At the beginning of the midterm election cycle, many Democrats were optimistic about the Black Senate contenders on the ballot, even with the historical challenges the party faced given that it controlled the White House and Congress.
Past high-profile Black candidates — like Sen. Raphael Warnock, Stacey Abrams, Jaime Harrison and Barack Obama — had been some of the party’s star fundraisers. And there was a sense that the long-standing belief that Black candidates couldn’t compete financially with their white counterparts had finally been put aside.
The numbers ended up supporting that theory. Barnes raised $42 million compared to Johnson’s $36 million in the 2022 election cycle, according to newly released data from the Federal Election Commission. Beasley brought in nearly $39 million in 2022, versus Republican opponent Ted Budd’s almost $15 million. Demings, meanwhile, was the third-best Senate fundraiser of the cycle, bringing in $81 million, while Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fl.) collected about $51 million. And it wasn’t just Democrats. Two Black Republicans, Sen. Tim Scott and Senate challenger Herschel Walker, also smashed fundraising expectations, raising roughly $54 million and $74 million, respectively
But in the modern political system, raising money is only one component of a successful campaign. Getting outside help is the other. And as the 2022 cycle came to a close, operatives on some of the high-profile races said they felt ill-equipped to compete against GOP super PACs as Democratic Party groups looked to protect incumbents and poured money into other races, like Pennsylvania.
Barnes, for one, was hit with $62 million in outside spending from Republican groups including the Senate Leadership Fund, a super PAC tied to Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), according to an analysis of general election spending by OpenSecrets. By contrast, Democratic outside groups, including the top Senate Democratic super PAC Senate Majority PAC, spent $41 million on the Wisconsin race.
September was particularly difficult for Barnes, according to his campaign. That month, Democrats were outspent $28 million to $20 million on the airwaves in the Wisconsin Senate race, per AdImpact, which tracks campaign media spending, including broadcast, cable, radio, digital and satellite. The vast majority of GOP spending came from its outside groups.
Barnes’ aides didn’t point fingers at any specific group — they said the extra money they needed could have come from super PACs or to their own campaign — but said the key fact is they were outmatched.
“People were seeing three negative ads for every one good thing they were seeing about the lieutenant governor. That has a pretty significant impact,” said Kozloski. “Unfortunately, it certainly cost us 26,000 votes.”
The Pennsylvania Senate contest, another major midterm battleground, received the most outside spending of all federal elections in 2022, according to OpenSecrets. Almost $113 million was spent on now-Sen. John Fetterman’s behalf by Democratic outside groups, while GOP organizations bolstered Mehmet Oz with more than $95 million in the general election. Fetterman was the only candidate to flip a Senate seat in 2022, where he won by almost 5 percent of the vote, and received investments from both Senate Democrats’ campaign arm and its super PAC ally, Senate Majority PAC, as well as other outside groups.
Beasley, for her part, was the only Democratic Senate candidate in a state that Trump carried in 2020 to receive outside spending help from Senate Majority PAC, which invested about $13 million in her race, according to its FEC filings. Other outside groups spent almost $9 million more backing her in the general election, according to OpenSecrets.
But there wasn’t a direct expenditure from the DSCC in the contest. (According to a DSCC aide, the group sent out tandem emails for direct fundraising and bundled money on her behalf.) And the total outside spending in the general for Beasley didn’t match what the GOP did for Budd.
Republican outside groups spent almost $62 million, with money coming from the National Republican Senatorial Committee, Senate Leadership Fund and other organizations, according to OpenSecrets.
Demings received no outside support from the DSCC or Senate Majority PAC. Like with Beasley, the DSCC sent tandem fundraising emails and bundled money for her, the DSCC aide said. But in Demings’ case, Democrats were not outspent. Outside groups invested just under $3 million on Demings’ behalf, while Republican organizations spent more than $3 million to help Rubio during the general election, according to OpenSecrets.
A Demings spokesperson declined to comment. A person close to the campaign said that while Demings didn’t struggle with a spending disparity in her own contest, that wasn’t the case in the Florida governor’s race, where the GOP dominated in spending and earned media. In their view, that blew back on Demings.
“Anything that we talked about was sort of a sideshow, which is pretty unusual in a Senate race,” the person said.
Democratic officials noted that, as a rule, party committees and outside groups prioritize protecting incumbents. While Barnes, Beasley and Demings were all either challengers or open-seat contenders, Warnock was running for reelection and receiving the full-throated support of Democratic outside groups. Georgia Honor, which is tied to Senate Majority PAC, spent more than $60 million in the race, according to the FEC. The DSCC also invested nearly $11 million in opposing Walker.
“We’re proud to have invested over $62 million in Wisconsin and North Carolina this cycle—and to have helped level the playing field for our candidates as they faced an avalanche of fear-mongering attacks from a handful of right-wing billionaires,” said Senate Majority PAC spokesperson Veronica Yoo. “In the end, SMP’s strategic investments accomplished our mission: defending and expanding our Democratic Senate majority against the odds.”
Those officials have also defended their funding decisions by noting that, in some cases, Black Senate candidates in 2022 were competing in difficult states. While Wisconsin is a perpetual toss-up, Florida has been trending redder in recent years. And North Carolina has been just out of grasp for Democrats in many statewide elections. Beasley lost by 3 points. Demings fell short by 16 points.
Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.), head of the DSCC, said that there wasn’t any more support that the group could have given to the non-incumbent Black candidates. “We provided support. In Wisconsin, we provided major support,” he said, referring to the group’s $3 million independent expenditure to oppose Johnson.
“I think they’re the strongest candidates that we could have had in each of those states,” Peters said. “I was very excited about all of them. But part of the problem was just that they were running in challenging states. They’re just difficult states for a Democrat to win. They all had great runs and came close. And Barnes, in particular, came really close.”
Democrats who object to complaints about spending decisions also note that outside group support isn’t as important as a candidate’s own fundraising. That’s because candidates receive discounted rates to air their advertising while outside groups have to pay market rates, allowing a candidate’s money to stretch further on the airwaves.
But other veterans of the 2022 cycle, including those who worked for those high-profile Black Senate candidates, said that significant outside investment can help provide additional messaging that has a cumulative impact for voters.
“Republicans decided that their path to victory involved tearing down this incredibly accomplished woman,” said Travis Brimm, Beasley’s campaign manager. “And they were going to spend as much money as they needed to get across that finish line. And ultimately, to be in a position to get through that and win in a Trump state, we were going to need outside investment to be a lot closer to parity.”
In addition to boosting candidates in outside spending, some Black politicians and strategists believe there should be more tailor-made support to help Black candidates’ campaigns. Bowman, for one, said more infrastructure should focus on grassroots organizing and communicating Democrats’ positive message to voters.
He said that after the midterm elections, he and Harrison, who is now Democratic National Committee chair, discussed diversity issues in the party, including supporting more Black candidates and better ways to campaign for Black voters.
“You know, we both have bald heads, but we go to barbershops all the time. And we have conversations at barbershops about how people feel,” Bowman said. “And you know, people have felt like Democrats aren’t fighting hard enough — for Black men in particular.”
In the wake of his loss, Barnes has decided to take on that initiative as well. He has launched a new PAC called The Long Run to support diverse candidates running for office. Though he proved to be an adept fundraiser, his aides said that he had to contend with the fact that donors routinely questioned his electability.
“There’s always this question to younger candidates, candidates of color. You know, when you don’t look like the majority of the electorate, there’s always the question: ‘Can you win?’” Barnes told POLITICO. “I get it. That’s valid, ‘Can you win?’ is a valid question. But there comes a certain point where it’s like, you’ve proven that you can actually win, where you have done the work. And, you know, the question still exists.”
Rep. Cori Bush (D-Mo.), herself a one-time Senate candidate, said that the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, DSCC and DNC could all be doing more to support the specific needs of Black candidates, and candidates of color generally.
“People have to see Black candidates as, you know, Senate leaders,” Bush said, talking about Democratic organizations and voters. “I remember my very first race, I ran for U.S. Senate, and what they said to me was, ‘You’re a Black woman. Black women, Black people don’t win statewide in Missouri.’”
As she gears up for her own Senate run, Lee said she has had similar experiences. When she first ran for Congress, she recalled being told not to do so because it was too difficult.
“There’s no doubt that Black women have the highest systemic barriers to success,” said Lee. “Smaller donor networks, less organizational support, and more barriers to entry. The other more establishment and overly-funded candidates have the resources, but we are the backbone of the party.”
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
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