Tag: Biden

  • Biden launches campaign then delivers speech not mentioning it

    Biden launches campaign then delivers speech not mentioning it

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    As an official White House event, Biden was not there in his capacity as a candidate. Instead, the speech was a campaign launch without an explicit launch of the campaign. He shook every hand on stage. He flashed a big grin more than once. He peppered his speech with booming yells about workers being the backbone of American and bottom-out economics.

    But while the crowd erupted into a “Let’s go Joe” chant, Biden left talk of 2024 somewhere behind the dais. It was an implicit recognition that the actual act of running for office comes with certain legal restrictions, an illustration of how tricky it can be to walk the line between president and incumbent presidential candidate.

    Though Biden’s speech came just hours after he formally launched his 2024 campaign with a three-minute video in which he asked voters to help him “finish the job,” he made no such ask of the union members before him.

    Still, Tuesday’s speech at the Washington Hilton previewed how the president will make his case in the coming months — with official and political events and travel to highlight his administration’s accomplishments before kicking off a barnstorming general election campaign in 2024. He zeroed in on legislative accomplishments, from the Inflation Reduction Act to the bipartisan infrastructure law, while making the case that his core economic plan was working.

    “Under my predecessor, Infrastructure Week was a punchline. On my watch, Infrastructure Week has become a decade headline — a decade. That’s where you all come in. We’ve already announced over 25,000 infrastructure projects in 4,500 towns across America and we’re just getting started,” Biden said.

    “Union workers will build roads and bridges, lay internet cable, install 500,000 electric vehicle chargers throughout America. Union workers are going to transform America. And union workers are going to finish the job.”

    Biden, who would be 86 at the end of a second term in the White House, is battling an approval rating stuck in the low 40s. But White House aides have repeatedly emphasized the unpopularity of his political opponents, particularly Trump. Biden will have 18 months to fundraise before Election Day, which could present a rematch with the opponent he beat in 2020, former President Donald Trump.

    But on Tuesday, the president’s mood appeared unfazed by the great obstacles hovering over his announcement. The room full of union workers buzzed with chatter about the timing of his appearance.

    “As they say, he’s the most pro-labor, pro-union president in the history of the United States. It’s pretty fitting that he announced this today,” said Dustin Himes, of Bricklayers Local 15, a labor union in Kansas City, Mo. “It’s pretty special.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden isn’t going into 2024 very strong. But Republicans are very weak | Moira Donegan

    Biden isn’t going into 2024 very strong. But Republicans are very weak | Moira Donegan

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    It’s not surprising, but now it’s official: Joe Biden is running for re-election. In a video on Tuesday launching his bid for a second term, Biden cast his administration as standing for personal freedom, democracy and pluralism in contrast to what he called “Maga extremists”. The video emphasized abortion rights and contrasted Biden and the Democrats with unsettling images of the Capitol insurrectionists. Echoing a repeated line from his most recent State of the Union address, the president implored Americans: “Let’s finish the job.”

    There will be no primary. True, Biden has disaffected some members of the Democratic party’s precariously large coalition, and he has failed to capture the hearts and imaginations of Americans the way that, say, Barack Obama did. In 2020, a basketball team’s worth of Democrats entered the presidential primary – partly out of perceptions of then president Trump’s weakness, but also partly because Biden seemed like such a poor fit to be the party’s standard-bearer.

    He’s an old white man in a party that is predominantly female, increasingly non-white and very young. He is a moderate in a party with a resurgent left. And he is a bone-deep believer in the merits of compromise and bipartisanship, in an era where the Republican party has become anathema to cooperation, hostile to Democratic governance and committed to racial and gender hierarchies that are not worth compromising with. He seemed like a man out of time, responding to the political conditions of a different era; it was unclear, then, that he could see the country as it really was, unclear that he could confront the true threat.

    As he announces his re-election campaign, four years after he threw his hat into the ring for 2020, Biden has quieted these fears, if not disproved them. The left, leaderless after Bernie Sanders’s defeat in the 2020 primary, has not formed a cohesive bloc, and their pressures on the Biden administration have been noble but sporadic. Congressional Republicans hamstrung most of Biden’s agenda, causing him to abandon, in particular, promises he made to help Americans get affordable childcare; but he still managed to pass a large infrastructure bill, as well as Covid relief.

    The pandemic has largely receded, and both deaths and new infections are down. Inflation is slowing, and jobs numbers are encouraging. The economy, while not perfect, seems to be benefiting from the stability of Democratic leadership, with stock prices no longer beholden to wild fluctuations in the aftermath of an errant comment or impulsive tweet from Trump.

    When Russia invaded Ukraine, unleashing horrific humanitarian catastrophes on the people there and endangering other European allies, a trap was laid that could have easily drawn the United States into war. Biden and his administration have deftly kept us out of it. The president who once seemed like an out-of-touch old man has been successfully rebranded as an affable grandfather whose gaffes are thoughtless but aggressively well-meaning.

    Even major missteps do not seem to have meaningfully injured Biden. The administration was shockingly tone-deaf and ill-prepared following the US supreme court’s decision in Dobbs v Jackson Women’s Health Organization, having little in the way of policy proposals to reduce the humanitarian and dignity harms imposed on American women – and at one point, trying to appoint an anti-choice judge to a lifetime seat, before withdrawing the nomination under pressure.

    Despite the primacy Tuesday’s campaign announcement gave abortion rights, Biden has generally seemed uncomfortable and incompetent on the issue, even as women face degradation and medical emergencies inflicted at the hands of conservative states; he has largely shied away from directly addressing abortion, and shunted it off to his unpopular, largely powerless vice-president, Kamala Harris – whose own marginalization within the administration is a signal of how little he values the issue.

    Even since Dobbs, Biden has been entirely unwilling to confront the federal judiciary – a captured and unaccountable extremist rightwing body that will foil his whole agenda, and gradually eliminate both pluralist society and representative democracy, if it is not reformed. Yet the Republicans’ virulent misogyny and bald sadism on abortion seems poised to be a boon to Democrats anyway: it was mostly abortion that drove voters to give a worse-than-expected showing to Republicans in the 2022 midterms, and to allow Democrats to keep control of the Senate.

    In that sense, the political fallout of the Dobbs decision may serve as a good model for the Democrats’ emerging 2024 strategy: they don’t need to be especially good, because the Republicans are so cruelly and chaotically worse. The Republican party is in shambles – internally divided; married to gruesome and unpopular policies, particularly on gender, that alienate voters; branded as violent, antisocial and creepy. There’s still a long way to go, but the Republican party seems only slightly less eager to anoint Trump as their nominee than the Democrats have been to appoint Biden.

    It very well may wind up being a rematch of the 2020 election – only now, Trump is even weaker, even more marginal, even more disliked, linked forever the memory of the January 6 violence and devoid of what was once his novelty and comedy and reduced to a rambling catalogue of personal grievances. With an opponent like that, it might not matter much if all that Biden has to offer is a series of charming anachronisms, or grinning photo ops in his aviators.

    All the Republicans have to offer is sex obsession and cheesy fraud, parading a series of candidates for state and federal office who talk like a collection of snake-oil salesmen and gun fetishists. Biden isn’t going into 2024 particularly strong. But right now, the Republicans are particularly weak.

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    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )

  • Biden gears up for Trump rematch with age and approval front and center

    Biden gears up for Trump rematch with age and approval front and center

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    Legend has it that when the artist Benjamin West told King George III that George Washington, the first US president, had decided to resign, the king replied: “If he does that, he will be the greatest man in the world.”

    Some urged Joe Biden, the 46th president, to follow suit and, at the age of 80, hand power to a new generation. Who were they kidding? The worst-kept secret in Washington is out: Biden is running for re-election next year.

    There was an air of inevitability around the announcement. Biden coveted the job for decades, mounting failed campaigns in 1988 and 2008 then succeeding in 2020, motivated by a need to rescue “the soul of America” from Donald Trump. He relishes the most powerful office in the world. He is having too much fun.

    But is his announcement good for Democrats and America?

    On the pessimistic side, Biden is already the oldest president in US history and would be 86 at the end of a second term. Whereas the coronavirus lockdown allowed Biden to campaign with limited public appearances, this time he will face a gruelling schedule.

    Expect rightwing media to make much of what would happen if Biden were incapacitated or died: President Kamala Harris. Republicans who have struggled to turn Biden into a bogeyman as they did Hillary Clinton might feel they have a better chance with his deputy.

    Another problem: there is a dangerous gap between Democratic officials and public sentiment. The party has failed to offer a credible alternative: Harris is too unpopular, Pete Buttigieg too young, Bernie Sanders too old, Gavin Newsom too California and the declared challengers, vaccine conspiracy theorist Robert Kennedy Jr and self-help guru Marianne Williamson, too fringe.

    “The dynamics that made Biden the nominee in the first place, his moderate branding and just-left-enough positioning, still protect him from a consolidated opposition on either flank,” the columnist Ross Douthat wrote in the New York Times. “And he’s benefited from the way that polarization and anti-Trumpism has delivered a more unified liberalism, suffused by a trust-the-establishment spirit that makes the idea of a primary challenge seem not just dangerous but disreputable.”

    Yet seven in 10 Americans, including 51% Democrats, do not want Biden to run, nearly half citing his age, according to an NBC poll. That survey found Biden’s overall job-approval rating had fallen to 41%. He trailed a generic Republican by six points.

    Joe Biden confirms 2024 re-election bid in video announcement – video

    The level of dissatisfaction implies turnout trouble. There have been disappointments over abortion rights, gun safety, immigration reform, racial justice and voting rights. Some progressives are tired and might stay home.

    Norman Solomon, national director of RootsAction.org, sponsor of the Don’t Run Joe campaign, says: “Disaster is foreseeable if Biden is the Democratic nominee. In 2024, he would represent the status quo at a time when polling shows discontent in the US is now more widespread than at any other time in the last several decades. Biden’s approval numbers are notably low – now more than 10 points underwater – yet the arrogance quotient at the White House is exceedingly high.

    “Biden’s recent policy decisions, grimly affecting climate for example, have seemed calculated to ingratiate himself with the corporate establishment while undermining enthusiasm from large numbers of grassroots Democrats, particularly young voters. This is no way to defeat the neo-fascist Republican party, and this is no way to advance a progressive agenda.”

    Now the good news. Biden supporters can argue he is one of the most underrated presidents, Lyndon Johnson to Barack Obama’s John F Kennedy: less elegant or eloquent but more substantially productive.

    In 2020, he met the moment. As the nation grieved the Covid dead, his personal losses gave him empathy Trump lacked. When Vladimir Putin waged war on Ukraine, Biden’s devotion to alliances and institutions was the right approach at the right time.

    At home, with a narrow majority in Congress, Biden achieved big legislative wins: coronavirus relief, a bipartisan infrastructure law, legislation boosting computer-chip production and a historic climate, healthcare and tax plan.

    In January, Ron Klain, the outgoing chief of staff, wrote to the president: “You passed the most significant economic recovery legislation since FDR; managed the largest land war in Europe since the Truman era; enacted the most sweeping infrastructure law since Eisenhower; named more judges in your first year than any president since JFK; passed the second-largest healthcare bill since LBJ; signed the most significant gun safety bill since Clinton; and enacted the largest climate change law in history.

    “You did it all in the middle of the worst public health crisis since the Wilson era, with the smallest legislative majority of any newly elected Democratic president in a century.”

    While these accomplishments have not translated to polling, they did appear to help Democrats in last year’s midterm elections, a campaign Biden closed with speeches about abortion and democracy. The party defied historical trends to retain the Senate and narrowly surrendered the House. This is another argument for Biden: proven electoral success.

    He beat Trump by 7m votes. Trump is the Republican frontrunner. Democrats’ instinct to play safe with a proven winner, rather than gambling everything, is understandable.

    Biden is fond of saying: “Don’t compare me to the Almighty. Compare me to the alternative.” Trump, 76 and weighed down by legal baggage, is even more unpopular. The NBC poll found that just 35% believe he should run again while 60% oppose it. This time, Biden has the advantage of incumbency.

    But the octogenarian also personifies the nation in its fragility. Republican brinkmanship over the debt limit could lead to economic calamity. The war in Ukraine could take a turn for the worse, raising fresh questions after the Afghanistan debacle. A campaign Trump has dubbed “the final battle” is sure to throw up challenges.

    Biden knows depending on anti-Trump sentiment may not be enough. To retain the soul of America, he has to prove he is more than the least worst option.

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    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )

  • Biden dives back in, announces reelection bid

    Biden dives back in, announces reelection bid

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    “The question we are facing is whether in the years ahead we have more freedom or less freedom. More rights or fewer. I know what I want the answer to be and I think you do, too,” he said. “This is not a time to be complacent. That’s why I’m running for re-election.”

    Biden, already the oldest U.S. president at 80, faces no shortage of obstacles in a campaign that will force him to balance his daily demands at the White House with the rigors of raising money and pressing the flesh in several battleground states. Little mystery looms over how he plans to tackle the job: He will rely on the same inner circle of top advisers he has maintained since his 2020 campaign, and in many cases far longer. And he has already remade the Democratic National Committee in his image, reordering the early state primary calendar to promote South Carolina to first, demoting Iowa, and choosing a union-focused bid by Chicago to host his DNC festivities next summer.

    While he’s managed to quiet most of his party’s restive elements, Biden enters the race in historically precarious territory. His approval ratings hover in the low 40s, tumbling and remaining there since he presided over the chaotic and deadly U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. That’s around the mark where several of his predecessors stood at this point in their presidencies before they were denied second terms, though Barack Obama is an exception.

    But White House officials and presidential advisers have repeatedly pointed to the unpopularity of Biden’s potential opponents, namely Trump, whose approval ratings are generally worse than his. And Biden himself is known to implore Americans to compare him “to the alternative — not the Almighty.”

    Biden’s entry comes as Trump continues to lead the Republican primary field, though that contest is far from settled. The president could face a rematch with Trump, a battle the White House and party leaders feel secure about not just because Biden won in 2020 but also because of better-than-expected midterms last fall. Trump also is 76. But should Biden encounter another Republican rival such as Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who is 44, it would present possible new challenges given his relative youth.

    Biden has received clean bills of health from his doctors. If elected, he would be 86 at the end of his second term, nearly a decade older than the U.S. male life expectancy. His advisers, when pressed on the potential for yawning age gaps between Biden and his GOP opponent, argue the president has the stamina and exuberance to withstand the grueling job and campaign. They contend any Republican who makes it out of the primary — whether it’s Trump or someone else — is likely to have adopted or at least embraced the former president’s MAGA movement that Democrats view as extreme and unappealing to average voters.

    Biden reminded voters of that in his video, which begins with scenes from the Jan. 6 insurrection.

    “Every generation of Americans has faced a moment when they’ve had to defend democracy, stand up for our personal freedoms and stand up for our right to vote and our civil rights,” Biden said. “This is ours. Let’s finish the job.”

    Along with pointing to sharp contrasts in their approaches on everything from abortion rights to expanding healthcare and raising taxes on the wealthy, Biden’s reelection push also will revolve around what he helped deliver over his first four years.

    Biden will point to the calendar to make his case. He took the oath of office in 2021 at a U.S. Capitol battered by an insurrectionist siege just two weeks earlier. There, with America’s tradition of peaceful transfers of power never appearing more fragile, the ceremony unfolded within a circle of security forces evocative of a war zone and devoid of crowds because of the coronavirus pandemic. Instead, on that cold Washington morning filled with snow flurries, Biden gazed out on the National Mall to see more than 200,000 American flags planted to symbolize those who could not attend in person.

    Biden reminded voters that some of those threats the nation faced to democracy at the start of his term remain.

    “This shouldn’t be a red or blue issue. To protect our rights. To make sure that everyone in this country is treated equally. And that everyone is given a fair shot at making it,” he said in his announcement video. “But around the country, MAGA extremists are lining up to take those bedrock freedoms away.”

    And then he began to shepherd legislation into law. The list is not insignificant, from billions of dollars to address the pandemic and infrastructure projects, to major pushes on climate change and mental health, bipartisan deals on gun safety and domestic microchip manufacturing, as well as measures to protect veterans from toxic burn pits and shield marriages between same-sex couples. Biden nominated, and Democrats confirmed, Ketanji Brown Jackson to serve on the Supreme Court, making her the first Black woman in the high court. And there’s the prolific string of federal judges that have been nominated under this White House.

    But few, if any, of those efforts have been as daunting as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Biden and Western allies rallied to the side of Ukraine, supplying it with weapons and reinforcement and imposing heavy sanctions on Russia. On the one-year anniversary of the war, Biden made a triumphant visit to Kyiv that many in the U.S. and around the world saw as an act of defiance against Russian President Vladimir Putin’s unprovoked aggression. But Biden still faces the tall task of navigating European divisions over how to end the war.

    His political objectives at home are far more straightforward, particularly among Democrats. He faces no credible threats from within his own party, having spent months rallying the next generation of Democrats behind his increasingly inevitable reelection run. Biden’s team has been coordinating with donors, inviting heavy hitters to the White House and arranging small clutches with others said to already be planning events.

    And his team believes the electoral map remains tilted in his favor. In 2020, he won back the Great Lakes trio of states — Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania — that Trump swiped four years earlier and Biden has relentlessly campaigned in those states, touting his middle class roots and union support. And Democrats believe that suburban dismay at Trump’s behavior and some extreme Republican positions on issues like abortion and guns could slide new battleground states like Georgia and Arizona in the president’s column.

    But beyond his own general election, the 2024 race will again be a test of Biden’s down-ticket prowess.

    Democrats hold a slim majority in the Senate and have a daunting path to retaining it. Their path to regaining the House runs through some states where they faltered in 2020 over issues like urban crime, namely in New York. Democrats were quick to rally around the standard bearer in the minutes after Biden’s announcement, with elected officials seemingly racing each other to put out statements of support.

    Biden, in a way, remains an unlikely recipient of his party’s love. Four years ago, in his third run for the presidency, Biden staked his candidacy less on any distinctive political ideology than on galvanizing a broad coalition of voters around the notion that Trump posed an existential threat to American democracy. After a series of early setbacks, a dramatic comeback in the South Carolina primary paved the way for the field to coalesce around Biden, who then benefitted from a pandemic campaign that largely kept him off the road and away from his frequent verbal missteps.

    Since taking office, Biden has tried to take down the temperature in Washington, work across the aisle and ignore Trump. But his predecessor has displayed a remarkable hold on the Republican party and, at least for now, possesses a commanding lead in the GOP primary field.

    And it is the danger that Trump poses that stands as Biden’s primary motivation to run again. Earlier this month, Trump became the first former president charged with a crime and stands at the center of several more legal probes. But he also remains, in Biden’s estimation, an existential threat to the republic — and the incumbent president, advisers have said, does not believe anyone else in the Democratic party could take on and defeat Trump.

    Biden’s video predominately featured Kamala Harris, who will remain his running mate, ending a Beltway parlor game with little connection to reality that the vice president could be replaced on the ticket. Harris, the first woman and person of color to serve as vice president, got off to a rocky start in the post but has found her footing in recent months, particularly as a passionate voice on abortion rights.

    White House aides have insisted there was never any discussion of replacing Harris, and acknowledge that Black women remain the heart of the Democratic Party. But those close to Biden recognize that the president’s age could place Harris far closer to the center of this campaign this time around.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden eyeing former Booker campaign aide for top reelection role

    Biden eyeing former Booker campaign aide for top reelection role

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    Both people familiar with the deliberations cautioned that no decision has been made. But Biden’s consideration of Tyler for the senior position is another marker of a campaign in waiting inching closer to an actual announcement.

    The president is slated to release a video as soon as Tuesday that would formally declare his intention to run for office again — though like any Biden-specific decision, it is subject to his whims and the timing could change.

    But the president and his top aides are well into the process of identifying some prominent staffers for the reelection effort. He is eyeing Julie Chavez Rodriguez, who is currently a senior adviser and assistant to the president, for the role of campaign manager.

    While she has extensive experience from working in both the Biden and Obama White Houses, and has served on previous campaigns, Rodriguez has not held a job that approaches the typical responsibilities of a campaign manager in a presidential race. Bloomberg was first to report that Rodriguez was under serious consideration for the post after POLITICO and other outlets included her name in several stories about Biden’s shortlist.

    Biden famously keeps close counsel and has leaned on largely the same group of aides to chart his political career over the course of several decades. But, like Tyler, Rodriguez is not widely considered to be a core Biden insider, suggesting that the president may be looking to expand — and diversify — his inner circle as he embarks on a bid for a second term at the age of 80.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Why Biden world cares — a lot — about when he announces his reelection

    Why Biden world cares — a lot — about when he announces his reelection

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    One camp argues, essentially, why push? Nobody of note in the party is going to challenge Biden and he can appear above the fray if he just keeps being … president. They point to the images of his daring voyage into Kyiv, Ukraine. More recently, Biden was greeted like a hero in his motherland of Ireland. Some around the president say little he does as a candidate over the next couple months is likely to top the priceless, even emotional, optics. Donors are getting restless — but really, when are they not?

    “What matters is this: Biden is going to run and he’s going to win. The exact date he ‘officially’ announces is utterly meaningless,” said Rep. Brendan Boyle (D-Pa.).

    Amid all the breathlessness, several Democrats outside the White House told POLITICO they are fine with him waiting until late summer or even the fall. They point to the chaotic Republican primary and cable TV chyron-dominating legal morass swirling around former President Donald Trump as reasons for Biden to keep his powder dry. Some noted the awkwardness of his possible relaunch video Tuesday, the first day of a Manhattan trial over allegations Trump raped a woman decades ago. Which one, they ask facetiously, is the story that will get more eyeballs?

    Meanwhile, other potential Republican candidates — like Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and former Vice President Mike Pence — may not make their own announcements for weeks or months yet. Biden’s schedule next week, which includes a state dinner for the president of South Korea and the White House Correspondents’ Dinner, also doesn’t lend itself to an obvious run of political momentum. And a potentially messy fight over the debt ceiling this summer could further drag down Biden’s poll numbers.

    Now, as he spends the weekend at Camp David, the political world is again waiting on whether the announcement indeed comes Tuesday, the four-year anniversary of his 2020 announcement. Few outside Washington are clamoring for it. Poll after poll shows Democrats’ mixed appetite for another run, even as a large majority of the party approves of the job he’s doing.

    On a macro level, little will change if Biden puts out the video announcing his bid next week — and then begins bombarding supporters with digital overtures for contributions. Indeed, much of the impetus for doing so amounts to housekeeping.

    Along with raising money, Biden’s aides will begin the process in earnest to build out a formal operation. There will be one-off events. He’ll continue to travel for fundraisers. His aides don’t anticipate he’ll mount any kind of sustained political campaign so early in the process.

    What the launch could do is provide some in Biden world and the broader party comfort just to get the vacillation over with.

    “It’s just good for the party to finally be definitive about it,” said Democratic strategist Mark Longabaugh. “It just brings clarity to your mission. Now we know we’re running. Now we can hire a campaign manager. Now we can get the office in Wilmington. Now we can start to move. And I just think that will be very good for Biden and the party.”

    Some in Biden’s inner circle have been amused by the frantic speculation about the date. Yes, Tuesday is the anniversary of his 2019 campaign launch, which turned out rather well. And, yes, Biden is a little superstitious. But Biden is also often tardy in making big decisions and few would be stunned if the timeline slipped again.

    For months, those in Biden’s orbit and many other Democrats have begun to build a campaign apparatus — including a likely headquarters in the president’s beloved hometown of Wilmington, Del. — while waiting for the commander in chief to get to “yes.” Some longtime friends have privately wondered if he might not. They see his age, the toll the job takes on any president, and see Biden grow more easily tired and prone to verbal stumbles.

    But most have always believed he would sign off. Biden has spent more of his life seeking the presidency than just about any politician in history. His record is strong, they argue. And the specter of Trump looms, as does the strongly held belief that Biden is the only Democrat who can beat him.

    Those who favor jumping in now make two primary arguments. First, announcing a campaign would finally silence the questions — from reporters and Democrats alike — as to whether Biden will run, muzzling a storyline with the potential to become a distraction if it dragged on for many more months.

    “You folks in the media have been following him and speculating, ‘Is he, isn’t he?’” Longabaugh said. “And that puts all of those stories to bed. Now he’s in, he’s announced, he’s filed his paperwork, he’s running. It’s my own personal view that a lot of those stories were just a distraction. And now those distractions are gone.”

    But mostly, it is about money. Several senior White House aides have noted any month lost for fundraising can’t simply be made up at the end. Even if Biden is a fundraising juggernaut, delays in starting will lose him dollars at the end, they argue. And even if a full-on campaign doesn’t begin for months, the buck-raking can begin soon. And it will be useful.

    “The more time you have, the less rushed you feel,” said Patrick Martin, an Obama administration alum and aide to former Sen. Evan Bayh (D-Ind.). “They have hit the point where it makes sense to get the formal campaign started.”

    Shia Kapos contributed to this report.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden to launch re-election campaign next week: Report

    Biden to launch re-election campaign next week: Report

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    Washington: US President Joe Biden is preparing to announce his re-election campaign next week, a media outlet has reported.

    Biden’s team has been working on a video that could be released on Tuesday, the fourth anniversary of his 2020 election run, The Washington Post reported, citing unidentified officials, who, it added, have warned that the official announcement could be delayed.

    President Biden has been signalling a willingness to seek a second term even as a debate rages, including in the Democratic party, about his fitness for it given his age. He is 80 now and already the oldest President in US history. He will be 86 at the end of his second term if he wins.

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    Biden said last October that it’s his “intention” to seek a second term and that he will decide in consultation with his family. He repeated that in an interview with a US media outlet in February. Though he did not go any further, his wife, First Lady Jill Biden did, saying he will run as he is “not done yet”.

    The 2024 run will be his fourth campaign for the White House. He first ran in 1988 and then in 2008, which was won by President Barack Obama, who picked him for his vice-president. Biden was widely expected to run in 2016, at the end of Obama’s second term, but gave it a miss.

    Biden succeeded on his third, in 2020, and now his fourth.

    As sitting President, the Democratic party nomination is his, even though two people have announced so far their desire to seek it as well – self-help author Marianne Williamson and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., a nephew of late President John F. Kennedy and son of Robert F. Kennedy, whose run for the White House was ended by his assassination. Neither of them is capable of mounting a credible challenge to the President.

    The Republican line-up is still taking shape with former President Donald Trump, who has already announced; Nikki Haley, the former ambassador to the UN and Asa Hutchinson, the former governor of Arkansas the others. Also preparing to jump is Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, who has emerged as the palatable Trump; former Vice-President Mike Pence and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.

    All eyes are on Trump. He leads all polls of Republican contenders, but is beset with mounting legal troubles, including an indictment in a New York court. He won’t be deterred by these cases, he has said, and he could, legally and constitutionally, continue his run even if was jailed.

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    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • Biden prepares to launch reelection bid as soon as next week

    Biden prepares to launch reelection bid as soon as next week

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    Some in the president’s orbit, seeing his standing buoyed by Democrats’ strong showing in last year’s midterms, saw no reason to rush his reelection declaration, pointing to a lack of intraparty challengers and a chaotic Republican primary field. But others have pushed for an announcement sooner than later, to begin fundraising for an expensive campaign — and to silence the constant questions about Biden’s 2024 intentions.

    Advisers had originally looked at an April launch date — noting that President Barack Obama picked that month to announce his own re-election — but then toyed with moving it up following Biden’s State of the Union address in February. Recent discussions in Biden world slid the launch to later in the spring or summer but April 25, the anniversary of Biden’s 2019 announcement, long stood as an informal target.

    Making the announcement in a low-key video message with fundraising solicitation would echo how the Obama-Biden ticket unveiled its bid in 2011.

    The White House declined to comment Thursday. Some Biden advisers cautioned that nothing would be official until the president himself said it, and there are members of his inner circle who have harbored doubts that he would run again.

    The Washington Post first reported on the possible timing of the announcement.

    Biden does not expect to face a serious primary challenge, though some in the Democratic party have voiced concerns about his age. If he wins again, Biden would be 82 when he takes the oath of office for a second time. He would be 86 when he leaves the White House.

    Advisers to the president have long telegraphed that the president, were he to run, would not ramp up a barnstorming general election campaign until next year. Instead, he would likely follow the example of several other sitting presidents by using a Rose Garden strategy in 2023, mixed with official and political events and travel to tout his administration’s accomplishments.

    But officially launching the campaign would allow Biden to begin fundraising ahead of next year’s general election, which could feature a rematch with the man he beat in 2020, former President Donald Trump.

    Biden, who captured the presidency in his third bid for the White House, is famously indecisive, a habit exacerbated by decades in the über-deliberative Senate. He publicly took his time mulling a decision against running in 2016 and to launch his run in 2020. He missed two self-imposed deadlines before choosing Vice President Kamala Harris as a running-mate.

    Biden’s team is bullish on the president’s legislative record — which includes massive infrastructure, climate change and health care plans — forming the backbone of his reelection campaign, as well as job growth and his stewardship of the Covid pandemic and the war in Ukraine.

    High inflation, a fragile economy and Biden’s middling approval numbers are vulnerabilities, aides concede. And his age looms as an issue and could put more of a focus on Harris in this next campaign.

    Trump’s possible return stands as a primary motivation to run again, as Biden has declared his predecessor an existential threat to the republic. The president would campaign this time against a backdrop of divided government, with the Republican-controlled House promising to impede his agenda and investigate his administration and family.

    Aides have not said when Biden would hold his first campaign-style event. His schedule next week includes hosting the president of South Korea for a state visit and appearing at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. He and his team also may meet with prominent Democratic donors in Washington.

    Eugene Daniels, Eli Stokols and Adam Cancryn contributed to this report.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • House Dems worry Biden ‘can’t keep waiting’ on McCarthy debt meet

    House Dems worry Biden ‘can’t keep waiting’ on McCarthy debt meet

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    “They’ve got to do it soon,” Rep. Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.), a close White House ally, said of a Biden-McCarthy sitdown, adding that while she believes there will ultimately be a clean debt-ceiling increase, the administration “can’t keep waiting.”

    Democratic lawmakers have already pressed that point in private, according to two people close to the discussions, urging the White House to lay out plans to meet with McCarthy for fear that public opinion would turn against the party. And swing-seat lawmakers stressed there’s no harm in starting a conversation, even as they all oppose McCarthy’s opening bid.

    “I don’t think there’s any harm in the two of them sitting down to talk,” said first-term Rep. Greg Landsman (D-Ohio). “The idea that we’re even coming this close to a potential default is insane.”

    Over in the Senate, centrist Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) has been pushing Biden for weeks to restart talks. Manchin said in a statement Thursday he didn’t fully agree with McCarthy’s proposal but slammed Biden’s refusal to meet with the Republican leader as a “deficiency of leadership.”

    Rank-and-file House Democrats aren’t going that far.

    “This is not a serious piece of legislation,” said Rep. Jared Moskowitz (D-Fla.). “That being said, I am happy we are talking about the debt ceiling, because I think it’s very critical to talk, and so do I think the speaker of the House and the president should sit down and talk about the debt ceiling? Of course they should.”

    Democratic leaders aren’t budging, yet. They remain in lockstep with the White House’s position that talks can’t begin until House Republicans release their own budget and fully divorce the conversation about debt from spending. Biden and McCarthy last met on the debt ceiling at the White House in early February, and while both characterized it as a promising start, the meeting didn’t produce any breakthroughs. Democratic leaders believe they should maintain maximum pressure on Republicans rather than strengthen McCarthy’s hand heading into a difficult vote for the GOP conference.

    House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries told reporters Thursday he didn’t expect any Democrats to support McCarthy’s offer and reiterated that they could talk with Republicans once they produced a budget. “I don’t know whether reasonable people would conclude that we should be negotiating against ourselves. That’s not a logical place to be,” he said.

    Biden allies are also salivating over the political contrast they believe the GOP’s debt plan creates, allowing Democrats to position themselves as the bulwark against proposals that would roll back clean energy tax credits and impose work requirements on Medicaid beneficiaries.

    “Ask House Republicans: Do they support Speaker McCarthy’s plan to kill manufacturing jobs in their home districts?” read the headline of a White House memo Thursday detailing more than a half-dozen Republican members whose districts are benefiting from manufacturing projects supported by the Inflation Reduction Act’s tax credits.

    In a speech Wednesday, Biden rejected McCarthy’s proposal as full of “wacko notions” and reiterated his demand for a clean debt ceiling increase.

    Yet while he’s maintained for months that he wants McCarthy to put out a budget before meeting with him again, officials have refrained from saying definitively whether the GOP passing its debt-limit bill would shift that calculus.

    “If you do another meeting, there’ll be an expectation of negotiations,” one adviser close to the White House, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said of the dilemma facing Biden and his top aides. “The White House would have to be able to structure the lead up to the meetings to say, we’re happy to talk to him but we’re not negotiating. … And then the question becomes: ‘What’s the meeting for?’”

    A bipartisan group of lawmakers from the Problem Solvers Caucus endorsed a separate debt framework Wednesday to hike the debt limit without drastic spending cuts. They’re billing it as a potential path to a compromise.

    “Probably everyone’s rooting for the speaker and the president to come to a deal,” said Rep. Scott Peters (D-Calif.), a member of the bipartisan group. He said he wasn’t going to dictate what the president and speaker should do, but added: “I think more discussion or exploration about where people are, what would work, is helpful — and that’s why we did what we did.”

    Democratic leaders haven’t openly embraced the bipartisan bid, though Jeffries said Thursday he saw it as proof that there are several dozen Republican lawmakers “who disagree with the extreme Republican proposal.”

    Still, others projected optimism that a sitdown between Biden and McCarthy could produce a bipartisan breakthrough.

    “They’re both Irish-American. They ought to have a nice dinner, and they ought to get to work and get it done for the sake of the country,” said Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio), who represents a district former President Donald Trump won in 2020.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden commits $1B to international climate fund

    Biden commits $1B to international climate fund

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    Context: The Major Economies Forum was first launched in 2009 and now includes more than two dozen countries that produce 80 percent of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions and GDP. It is the first such meeting since last November’s U.N. climate talks in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, where nations agreed to a “loss and damage” fund to pay vulnerable nations for irreparable climate damage.

    Poorer nations have ramped up pressure on rich ones to provide more finance for combating climate change. Biden has tried to answer that call with a pledge to deliver $11 billion in climate finance annually by 2024 — but it is unclear how the administration will get House Republicans to approve that spending.

    Biden said that nations must work together to reshape multilateral development banks like the World Bank to fight climate change. The Bank concluded its spring meetings last week and laid out an “evolution roadmap” to engage on climate change.

    Details: The Biden administration also announced other initiatives, including a new “Methane Finance Sprint” to raise at least $200 million from public and philanthropic sources by the start of the annual U.N. climate talks in November. Biden said the effort would help the U.S. and other countries reach goals to slash methane emissions 30 percent this decade.

    Biden also said he would requested $500 million over five years from Congress for the Amazon Fund, an effort to end deforestation.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )