Tag: bid

  • Appeals court denies Trump bid to block Pence testimony to Jan. 6 grand jury

    Appeals court denies Trump bid to block Pence testimony to Jan. 6 grand jury

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    The ruling is a victory for Jack Smith, the special counsel probing Trump’s bid to subvert the 2020 election. Smith subpoenaed Pence in February, prompting separate challenges by both Trump and Pence.

    While Trump argued that Pence’s testimony should be barred or limited by executive privilege, Pence took a different tack. He contended that his role presiding over Congress on Jan. 6, 2021 — fulfilling his constitutional role as president of the Senate — entitled him to immunity under the so-called “speech or debate” clause, which protects Congress from Executive Branch intrusion.

    Chief U.S. District Court Judge James Boasberg rejected Trump’s argument but agreed with Pence that the congressional immunity applied on certain topics — a historic decision that for the first time found vice presidents enjoy a form of privilege.

    Although Boasberg’s ruling was narrower than Pence’s attorney, Emmet Flood, had argued for, Pence opted not to appeal the decision.

    Trump earlier this month sought an emergency order from the court of appeals blocking Boasberg’s ruling. But Wednesday’s order — a unanimous ruling by Judges Patricia Millett, Robert Wilkins and Gregory Katsas — rejected that effort. Millett and Wilkins are Obama appointees, while Katsas is a Trump appointee.

    It’s unclear when Pence will appear before the grand jury, but Trump’s previous emergency appeals — which have nearly all failed when it comes to similar sealed orders — have occurred just days before witnesses were scheduled to appear.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden pushes back on concerns about age and low approval amid 2024 reelection bid: ‘I feel good’

    Biden pushes back on concerns about age and low approval amid 2024 reelection bid: ‘I feel good’

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    But voters will be the ultimate decider about whether he’s too old for office, he added. His answer marks his first public comments on the 2024 race after Tuesday’s launch — and his first addressing the obstacles hovering over his reelection bid.

    “I respect them taking a hard look at it. I’ve taken a hard look at it as well — I took a hard look at it before I decided to run,” Biden said. “I feel good. And I feel excited about the prospects, and I think we’re on the verge of really turning the corner in a way we haven’t in a long time.”

    Biden also said he has seen the poll numbers and is in a similar position to past presidents running for reelection.

    “What I keep hearing about is that I’m between 42 and 46 percent favorable rating. But everybody running for reelection in this time has been in the same position. There’s nothing new about that. You’re making it sound like Biden’s really underwater,” he said.

    The president then touted specific legislative accomplishments and economic growth.

    “And the reason I’m running again is there’s a job to finish.”

    Of the three presidents who failed to win a second term in recent decades, two had approval ratings roughly equal to Biden’s. But former Presidents Barack Obama and Ronald Reagan also hovered around Biden’s numbers, and both were reelected.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden dives back in, announces reelection bid

    Biden dives back in, announces reelection bid

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    “The question we are facing is whether in the years ahead we have more freedom or less freedom. More rights or fewer. I know what I want the answer to be and I think you do, too,” he said. “This is not a time to be complacent. That’s why I’m running for re-election.”

    Biden, already the oldest U.S. president at 80, faces no shortage of obstacles in a campaign that will force him to balance his daily demands at the White House with the rigors of raising money and pressing the flesh in several battleground states. Little mystery looms over how he plans to tackle the job: He will rely on the same inner circle of top advisers he has maintained since his 2020 campaign, and in many cases far longer. And he has already remade the Democratic National Committee in his image, reordering the early state primary calendar to promote South Carolina to first, demoting Iowa, and choosing a union-focused bid by Chicago to host his DNC festivities next summer.

    While he’s managed to quiet most of his party’s restive elements, Biden enters the race in historically precarious territory. His approval ratings hover in the low 40s, tumbling and remaining there since he presided over the chaotic and deadly U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. That’s around the mark where several of his predecessors stood at this point in their presidencies before they were denied second terms, though Barack Obama is an exception.

    But White House officials and presidential advisers have repeatedly pointed to the unpopularity of Biden’s potential opponents, namely Trump, whose approval ratings are generally worse than his. And Biden himself is known to implore Americans to compare him “to the alternative — not the Almighty.”

    Biden’s entry comes as Trump continues to lead the Republican primary field, though that contest is far from settled. The president could face a rematch with Trump, a battle the White House and party leaders feel secure about not just because Biden won in 2020 but also because of better-than-expected midterms last fall. Trump also is 76. But should Biden encounter another Republican rival such as Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who is 44, it would present possible new challenges given his relative youth.

    Biden has received clean bills of health from his doctors. If elected, he would be 86 at the end of his second term, nearly a decade older than the U.S. male life expectancy. His advisers, when pressed on the potential for yawning age gaps between Biden and his GOP opponent, argue the president has the stamina and exuberance to withstand the grueling job and campaign. They contend any Republican who makes it out of the primary — whether it’s Trump or someone else — is likely to have adopted or at least embraced the former president’s MAGA movement that Democrats view as extreme and unappealing to average voters.

    Biden reminded voters of that in his video, which begins with scenes from the Jan. 6 insurrection.

    “Every generation of Americans has faced a moment when they’ve had to defend democracy, stand up for our personal freedoms and stand up for our right to vote and our civil rights,” Biden said. “This is ours. Let’s finish the job.”

    Along with pointing to sharp contrasts in their approaches on everything from abortion rights to expanding healthcare and raising taxes on the wealthy, Biden’s reelection push also will revolve around what he helped deliver over his first four years.

    Biden will point to the calendar to make his case. He took the oath of office in 2021 at a U.S. Capitol battered by an insurrectionist siege just two weeks earlier. There, with America’s tradition of peaceful transfers of power never appearing more fragile, the ceremony unfolded within a circle of security forces evocative of a war zone and devoid of crowds because of the coronavirus pandemic. Instead, on that cold Washington morning filled with snow flurries, Biden gazed out on the National Mall to see more than 200,000 American flags planted to symbolize those who could not attend in person.

    Biden reminded voters that some of those threats the nation faced to democracy at the start of his term remain.

    “This shouldn’t be a red or blue issue. To protect our rights. To make sure that everyone in this country is treated equally. And that everyone is given a fair shot at making it,” he said in his announcement video. “But around the country, MAGA extremists are lining up to take those bedrock freedoms away.”

    And then he began to shepherd legislation into law. The list is not insignificant, from billions of dollars to address the pandemic and infrastructure projects, to major pushes on climate change and mental health, bipartisan deals on gun safety and domestic microchip manufacturing, as well as measures to protect veterans from toxic burn pits and shield marriages between same-sex couples. Biden nominated, and Democrats confirmed, Ketanji Brown Jackson to serve on the Supreme Court, making her the first Black woman in the high court. And there’s the prolific string of federal judges that have been nominated under this White House.

    But few, if any, of those efforts have been as daunting as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Biden and Western allies rallied to the side of Ukraine, supplying it with weapons and reinforcement and imposing heavy sanctions on Russia. On the one-year anniversary of the war, Biden made a triumphant visit to Kyiv that many in the U.S. and around the world saw as an act of defiance against Russian President Vladimir Putin’s unprovoked aggression. But Biden still faces the tall task of navigating European divisions over how to end the war.

    His political objectives at home are far more straightforward, particularly among Democrats. He faces no credible threats from within his own party, having spent months rallying the next generation of Democrats behind his increasingly inevitable reelection run. Biden’s team has been coordinating with donors, inviting heavy hitters to the White House and arranging small clutches with others said to already be planning events.

    And his team believes the electoral map remains tilted in his favor. In 2020, he won back the Great Lakes trio of states — Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania — that Trump swiped four years earlier and Biden has relentlessly campaigned in those states, touting his middle class roots and union support. And Democrats believe that suburban dismay at Trump’s behavior and some extreme Republican positions on issues like abortion and guns could slide new battleground states like Georgia and Arizona in the president’s column.

    But beyond his own general election, the 2024 race will again be a test of Biden’s down-ticket prowess.

    Democrats hold a slim majority in the Senate and have a daunting path to retaining it. Their path to regaining the House runs through some states where they faltered in 2020 over issues like urban crime, namely in New York. Democrats were quick to rally around the standard bearer in the minutes after Biden’s announcement, with elected officials seemingly racing each other to put out statements of support.

    Biden, in a way, remains an unlikely recipient of his party’s love. Four years ago, in his third run for the presidency, Biden staked his candidacy less on any distinctive political ideology than on galvanizing a broad coalition of voters around the notion that Trump posed an existential threat to American democracy. After a series of early setbacks, a dramatic comeback in the South Carolina primary paved the way for the field to coalesce around Biden, who then benefitted from a pandemic campaign that largely kept him off the road and away from his frequent verbal missteps.

    Since taking office, Biden has tried to take down the temperature in Washington, work across the aisle and ignore Trump. But his predecessor has displayed a remarkable hold on the Republican party and, at least for now, possesses a commanding lead in the GOP primary field.

    And it is the danger that Trump poses that stands as Biden’s primary motivation to run again. Earlier this month, Trump became the first former president charged with a crime and stands at the center of several more legal probes. But he also remains, in Biden’s estimation, an existential threat to the republic — and the incumbent president, advisers have said, does not believe anyone else in the Democratic party could take on and defeat Trump.

    Biden’s video predominately featured Kamala Harris, who will remain his running mate, ending a Beltway parlor game with little connection to reality that the vice president could be replaced on the ticket. Harris, the first woman and person of color to serve as vice president, got off to a rocky start in the post but has found her footing in recent months, particularly as a passionate voice on abortion rights.

    White House aides have insisted there was never any discussion of replacing Harris, and acknowledge that Black women remain the heart of the Democratic Party. But those close to Biden recognize that the president’s age could place Harris far closer to the center of this campaign this time around.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Bragg drops bid to block former Trump investigator from testifying to Congress

    Bragg drops bid to block former Trump investigator from testifying to Congress

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    The filing to dismiss the case does not describe the terms of the arrangement, simply calling it a settlement agreement. “[A]ll parties have agreed that the … appeals should be dismissed,” it says.

    While Dye characterized the development as the district attorney’s office having withdrawn its appeal of the district court’s decision, a spokesperson for Bragg described it as a “successful” effort to wrest a concession from the committee: the presence of Bragg’s general counsel during the Pomerantz interview. Bragg’s office called it an “agreement that protects the District Attorney’s privileges and interests.”

    House deposition rules typically prohibit government counsel from participating, but committees routinely sidestep those rules to reach agreements with otherwise reluctant current and former government officials. In recent years, lawmakers have permitted lawyers for various federal agencies to appear in order to assert any privileges.

    The House Judiciary Committee issued the subpoena to Pomerantz in the wake of Bragg filing criminal charges against Trump late last month. Bragg then sued Jordan and the Judiciary panel, seeking a court order preventing the House from enforcing the subpoena.

    The Judiciary committee claimed it wants to study the potential effects that the threat of a future prosecution could have on a president while he is in office. Bragg’s office argued, however, that the House had no legitimate legislative purpose in issuing the subpoena and instead intends to examine the district attorney’s internal deliberations regarding the Trump indictment.

    A federal judge rejected Bragg’s position. “The subpoena was issued with a ‘valid legislative purpose’ in connection with the ‘broad’ and ‘indispensable’ congressional power to ‘conduct investigations,’” U.S. District Judge Mary Kay Vyskocil wrote.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden prepares to launch reelection bid as soon as next week

    Biden prepares to launch reelection bid as soon as next week

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    Some in the president’s orbit, seeing his standing buoyed by Democrats’ strong showing in last year’s midterms, saw no reason to rush his reelection declaration, pointing to a lack of intraparty challengers and a chaotic Republican primary field. But others have pushed for an announcement sooner than later, to begin fundraising for an expensive campaign — and to silence the constant questions about Biden’s 2024 intentions.

    Advisers had originally looked at an April launch date — noting that President Barack Obama picked that month to announce his own re-election — but then toyed with moving it up following Biden’s State of the Union address in February. Recent discussions in Biden world slid the launch to later in the spring or summer but April 25, the anniversary of Biden’s 2019 announcement, long stood as an informal target.

    Making the announcement in a low-key video message with fundraising solicitation would echo how the Obama-Biden ticket unveiled its bid in 2011.

    The White House declined to comment Thursday. Some Biden advisers cautioned that nothing would be official until the president himself said it, and there are members of his inner circle who have harbored doubts that he would run again.

    The Washington Post first reported on the possible timing of the announcement.

    Biden does not expect to face a serious primary challenge, though some in the Democratic party have voiced concerns about his age. If he wins again, Biden would be 82 when he takes the oath of office for a second time. He would be 86 when he leaves the White House.

    Advisers to the president have long telegraphed that the president, were he to run, would not ramp up a barnstorming general election campaign until next year. Instead, he would likely follow the example of several other sitting presidents by using a Rose Garden strategy in 2023, mixed with official and political events and travel to tout his administration’s accomplishments.

    But officially launching the campaign would allow Biden to begin fundraising ahead of next year’s general election, which could feature a rematch with the man he beat in 2020, former President Donald Trump.

    Biden, who captured the presidency in his third bid for the White House, is famously indecisive, a habit exacerbated by decades in the über-deliberative Senate. He publicly took his time mulling a decision against running in 2016 and to launch his run in 2020. He missed two self-imposed deadlines before choosing Vice President Kamala Harris as a running-mate.

    Biden’s team is bullish on the president’s legislative record — which includes massive infrastructure, climate change and health care plans — forming the backbone of his reelection campaign, as well as job growth and his stewardship of the Covid pandemic and the war in Ukraine.

    High inflation, a fragile economy and Biden’s middling approval numbers are vulnerabilities, aides concede. And his age looms as an issue and could put more of a focus on Harris in this next campaign.

    Trump’s possible return stands as a primary motivation to run again, as Biden has declared his predecessor an existential threat to the republic. The president would campaign this time against a backdrop of divided government, with the Republican-controlled House promising to impede his agenda and investigate his administration and family.

    Aides have not said when Biden would hold his first campaign-style event. His schedule next week includes hosting the president of South Korea for a state visit and appearing at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. He and his team also may meet with prominent Democratic donors in Washington.

    Eugene Daniels, Eli Stokols and Adam Cancryn contributed to this report.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Republicans are alarmed about a Mastriano for Senate bid. Even Trump.

    Republicans are alarmed about a Mastriano for Senate bid. Even Trump.

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    Mastriano, who attempted to overturn the 2020 election and sought to outlaw abortion with no exceptions, lost Pennsylvania’s gubernatorial contest last November by 15 percentage points. His tease of a comeback bid has sparked alarm within GOP circles that he would cost the party any conceivable chance they had of unseating Sen. Bob Casey (D-Pa.) in 2024.

    “Trump’s not dumb,” said a top GOP donor who was granted anonymity to speak frankly about private deliberations. “He knows Mastriano will hurt him in Pennsylvania.”

    Trump has also relayed to Republicans, including at least one senator, that he would be reluctant to endorse Mastriano for Senate because of his concerns that he would pull him down, the three people said. That’s not the only reason he may stay out: A person close to Trump said it is unlikely he will be as involved in 2024 down-ballot races across the country since he is busy running himself. Trump is currently more interested in seeing who endorses him.

    Snubbing Mastriano would be a 180 from last year, when Trump defied Republican leaders in the state and D.C., and officially backed him days before the primary.

    “He regrets endorsing him in [2022],” said an adviser to Trump who was granted anonymity to speak openly. “He says, ‘Doug blew it.’”

    The adviser, along with another person close to Trump, said the former president took issue with Mastriano embracing a platform that included no abortion exceptions, including for the life of the mother. The person close to Trump insisted that was not how Mastriano presented his position privately to the former president. Though Mastriano did state his no-exceptions position in a primary debate prior to Trump’s endorsement, the adviser said that Trump never would have endorsed had he been more aware of Mastriano’s support for that policy.

    Trump, after appointing the Supreme Court justices needed to overturn Roe v. Wade, has nevertheless taken to social media to blame GOP losses in the midterms on Republicans who “firmly insisted on No Exceptions, even in the case of Rape, Incest, or Life of the Mother.”

    The Trump campaign declined to provide a comment for this story.

    In the conversation with the senator, which took place in recent weeks, Trump expressed reservations about Mastriano being a “drag” on him as the nominee, according to a GOP strategist familiar with the discussion. Those reservations extend to others associated with the Pennsylvania Republican. Trump, according to an adviser, is “done” with Jenna Ellis, a former Trump attorney who pushed for Mastriano during the primary and served as a lawyer for the then-president during his post-election efforts to contest the 2020 vote.

    Mastriano did not respond to a request for comment. Ellis said that since declining to work for Trump’s 2024 campaign, she has been “called a porn star, sexually harassed, and stalked in the media by the unnamed male ‘Trump Advisors.’”

    “If President Trump was so ‘done’ with me, why did he literally call me two days ago?” she added. “These ‘advisors’ are clearly misrepresenting their positions and proximity in an effort to intimidate women who stand on principle by attacking them on social media and anonymously in the press.”

    Trump’s machinations in the Keystone State could have a major effect on the GOP’s efforts to take back the Senate. Republicans need to flip just two seats to win the chamber and Casey is among their top targets. After a disappointing midterm election, the Senate Republican campaign arm sees Mastriano as unelectable. The group is recruiting ex-hedge fund CEO Dave McCormick, who narrowly lost the Pennsylvania Senate primary to celebrity physician Mehmet Oz in 2022, to challenge Casey.

    “Republicans are scared to death of Mastriano being on the ballot again,” said Josh Novotney, a GOP consultant in Pennsylvania. “He tanked the entire ticket last year.”

    It is far from certain that Trump’s reservations about Mastriano mean he would endorse McCormick in the primary. Last year Trump backed Oz while blasting McCormick as a “liberal Wall Street Republican.” The former president also has his own intraparty politics to consider. If the primary is still competitive during Pennsylvania’s primary in late April — or state lawmakers move up the voting date like they are considering — Trump may determine he needs to avoid disappointing Mastriano’s base.

    Trump has had no problem abandoning allies in the past after they’ve lost elections. Last year, he decided not to endorse former Rep. Lou Barletta in his bid for governor of Pennsylvania after he had backed him in an unsuccessful Senate run four years prior. Trump privately called Barletta a “loser,” according to multiple sources.

    Were Trump merely to stay out of any potential primary between Mastriano and McCormick, many Republican officials in the state and nationally would be relieved.

    “There’s a lot of concern amongst party leaders about the effect that Mastriano would have on the down-ballot,” said Rob Gleason, former chair of the Pennsylvania Republican Party. “I don’t think [Trump] is going to endorse anybody. He has to worry about himself.”

    Trump was ambivalent about Mastriano before he endorsed him. Mastriano had been a loyal soldier in the MAGA movement, using his position as a state senator to become the face of the effort to overturn the 2020 election in Pennsylvania. But Trump wanted more action from Mastriano on his promises surrounding an audit of the election results, and some of Trump’s advisers were concerned that Mastriano was unelectable.

    Several Republicans in Trump’s orbit believe the former president ultimately endorsed Mastriano because he wanted to burnish his win-loss record in Republican primaries. Trump’s move enraged GOP officials in Pennsylvania who were attempting to mount a last-ditch effort to stop Mastriano in hopes of avoiding an onslaught in November.

    This time around, Trump’s circle is more dubious about Mastriano’s chances of winning a general election, believing he simply can not beat Casey. A recent poll by Franklin & Marshall College found that Casey leads Mastriano by 16 percentage points in a hypothetical matchup, while he is ahead of McCormick by 7 points.

    Mastriano has also come under blame by some people around Trump for contributing to Oz’s loss, a sore spot for the former president, who himself has blamed his wife and others for counseling him to back Oz.

    But there are still a handful of Mastriano fans in Trump world. Christina Bobb, who has worked as a lawyer for Trump, was a featured speaker at a rally Mastriano held in south-central Pennsylvania last month. She praised Mastriano as a MAGA warrior who bravely fought to rectify the 2020 election.

    She told the crowd that she had talked to Trump before the event. “He goes, ‘Tell him I love them, tell him I love them all,” she said.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Austin huddles with leaders in Sweden as momentum builds for NATO bid

    Austin huddles with leaders in Sweden as momentum builds for NATO bid

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    “We encourage our allies, Türkiye and Hungary, to ratify Sweden’s accession as soon as possible,” Austin later said at a joint press conference with Jonson in front of the Visby-class corvette Härnösand, a new class of ships designed for stealth and countering undersea mines and submarines. “Sweden’s membership in NATO is going to mean a stronger alliance and a more secure Europe.”

    There are other signs the logjam is breaking. After Finland officially joined NATO, the U.S. this week approved Turkey’s request to purchase upgrades for its existing fleet of American-made F-16 fighter jets. Ankara has rejected any link between its request for F-16s and NATO votes. A larger $20 billion deal to sell 40 F-16s to Turkey is still stalled in Congress.

    “It’s important to all of us that they make the decision sooner rather than later, because we look forward to having a very capable Sweden sitting at the desk beside us in Vilnius,” Austin said.

    Turkey and Hungary ratified Finland’s membership bid in March — but left Sweden hanging. The decision, officials and experts say, is linked to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s strategy ahead of elections scheduled for May 14.

    Helsinki and Stockholm have both introduced policy changes to address Turkish concerns on support for Kurdish groups and limitations on arms exports.

    But Ankara raised more qualms with Sweden than Finland — and tensions with Stockholm escalated following a Quran burning at a protest this year. At the same time, there is speculation that Erdoğan is using the holdup as a negotiating chip in other discussions with allies.

    Turkish officials insist that they support NATO expansion in principle and will ratify Sweden’s bid as soon as Ankara determines that Stockholm has met its commitments under a trilateral deal reached between Turkey, Sweden and Finland last summer.

    “We have joined all the other allies in inviting Sweden and Finland to become a member of this alliance in Madrid,” said one Turkish official who, like others for this story, was granted anonymity to discuss sensitive internal matters or to speak ahead of official announcements. “That showed our commitment to open door policy.”

    At NATO, meanwhile, officials still hold out hope that Turkey’s parliament will sign off on Sweden’s bid ahead of the alliance’s planned July leaders’ summit — and that Hungary will quickly ratify once Ankara signals that it will move.

    “My aim remains that after the Turkish elections, but before the Vilnius summit, we can also have the ratification of Sweden,” Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg told POLITICO last month.

    Until the issue is resolved, Austin is eager to show support for the Nordic country located on NATO’s northern flank.

    “The Sweden trip is in order to make very clear U.S. support for Sweden’s application for membership in NATO, to reassure not just the government but the people of Sweden that the United States strongly supports Sweden’s accession to NATO,” a senior Defense Department official said.

    A Swedish official called the secretary’s visit “very significant” due to both the country’s ongoing NATO bid and Russia’s aggression in Ukraine.

    Both Sweden and Finland, which shares an 830-mile border with Russia, have long championed a neutral military and foreign policy. But when Russia invaded Ukraine last year, public opinion shifted almost overnight toward support for NATO members.

    “Russia’s invasion of Ukraine changed everything,” Luke Coffey, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute think tank, wrote last week.

    Austin and his delegation, which included Ambassador to Sweden Erik Ramanathan and Ambassador to NATO Julianne Smith, met with Jonson and Gen. Micael Bydén at the Muskö base on Wednesday. After their meeting, they visited the Maritime Operations Center.

    The delegation then took the Härnösand across the Stockholm archipelago to Berga Naval Base. Austin watched from the deck as two combats boats filled with Swedish marines conducted a mock amphibious landing on one of the islands in the archipelago. Two Swedish fighter jets flew overhead.

    The U.S. regularly exercises with Sweden in the sea and air in the Baltic region. Once Sweden is a member of NATO, the country’s “extraordinary advanced military capabilities” will “significantly enhance NATO’s military capability, particularly in the north,” the senior DoD official said.

    Russia has a significant presence in the Baltic Sea, including a fleet of stealthy submarines that patrol the northern waters. However, the official said they were not aware of any heightened risk right now in the region “beyond the normal Russian presence and operations.”

    Sweden has provided 1.9 billion euros in support for Ukraine’s fight against Russia, including 1.5 billion euros in military aid. In recent months, the U.S. has ramped up military cooperation with Sweden, including increasing the number of ship and bomber task force visits, as well as high-level engagements.

    “Sweden feels more secure now after we became invited to NATO,” Jonson said.

    Lili Bayer contributed to this report from Brussels.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • George Santos launches 2024 reelection bid

    George Santos launches 2024 reelection bid

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    Rep. George Santos is running for reelection in 2024, the embattled freshman announced on Monday — despite recent filings showing his congressional campaign lost money during the first quarter of 2023.

    “I am proudly announcing my bid for re-election for #NY03. This is about TAKING BACK our country and restoring greatness back to New York,” the New York Republican wrote on Twitter, linking to his campaign donation website.

    “Good isn’t good enough, and I’m not shy about doing what it takes to get the job done,” Santos said in a statement. “I’m proud to announce my candidacy to run for re-election and continue to serve the people of NY-3.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Biden’s poll numbers look grim as he preps for reelection bid

    Biden’s poll numbers look grim as he preps for reelection bid

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    According to FiveThirtyEight, Biden’s average approval rating stands at 43 percent, about 9 points lower than his 52 percent disapproval rating. That’s only 1 point higher than Trump’s FiveThirtyEight approval rating on April 15, 2019, at the same point in his one-term presidency.

    Determining the extent to which Biden’s poor job rating endangers his likely reelection bid is not just an academic exercise. A deep dive into the numbers reveals Biden isn’t just struggling with independents and near-unanimous disapproval among Republicans. He’s also soft among Democrats and left-leaning demographic groups, a weakness that suggests a diminished enthusiasm for his candidacy — though something that could be papered over by partisan voting patterns in the general election.

    That’s because the possible “alternative” to Biden next November could be Trump, whose personal favorability ratings are generally worse than Biden’s. Even as Trump has expanded his lead in the GOP presidential primary, he remains less popular than his Oval Office successor.

    For Biden, the polling presents both serious warning signs and reasons to think his peril may be overstated. Here’s why:

    Biden’s tenuous place in history

    Biden’s 43-percent approval rating at this juncture of his term puts him roughly even with past presidents who have both won — Barack Obama (43 percent), Ronald Reagan (41 percent) — and lost, like Trump (42 percent) and Jimmy Carter (40 percent).

    But to underscore how things can change between mid-April of the year before the election and the next November, both George H.W. Bush and his son, George W. Bush, sported high approval ratings at this point. George H.W. Bush was just a couple of months removed from the successful Operation Desert Storm and had an approval rating of 77 percent in mid-April, according to Gallup, which maintains the deepest archives of presidential job ratings.

    The elder Bush would go on to win only 37 percent of the vote in a three-way race with Bill Clinton (43 percent) and independent Ross Perot (19 percent), owing to economic woes that overshadowed the credit he’d gotten from the first Iraq war.

    George W. Bush had a 75 percent approval rating in a Gallup poll in mid-April 2003 — about a month into the second Iraq War. He won reelection, though by just 2 percentage points over Democrat John Kerry.

    For Biden, not only is 18 months a long time, but he faces challenges both foreign and domestic, including slowing-but-persistent inflation and a possible economic recession.

    Trouble with swing voters

    Biden ousted Trump from the White House thanks to a coalition that combined the entire Democratic base with key swing groups who don’t identify with either party. But now both blocs show significant cracks in their approval of Biden.

    Among independents, a group Biden won by double digits in 2020, the president is now underwater by a roughly 2-to-1margin, according to two polls released in late March from Fox News and Quinnipiac University.

    In the Fox News poll, only 35 percent of voters approved of the job Biden is doing, while 65 percent disapproved. In the Quinnipiac poll, Biden’s numbers with independents are even worse: just 26 percent approve, and 67 percent disapprove.

    Biden is 17 points underwater among suburban voters in the Fox News poll and 23 points in arrears in a Pew Research Center survey from late March and early April. Swingy suburban voters are a group Biden won narrowly over Trump in both the network exit poll (Biden +2 among suburban voters) and AP Votecast (Biden +10), a voter survey commissioned by The Associated Press and Fox News.

    Biden won self-described moderates by 20 to 30 points in 2020, but the same group is evenly split on his job approval, according to the Fox News poll: 47 percent approve and 51 percent disapprove.

    Softness among Democrats and core constituencies

    Perceptions of Biden’s job performance are uniquely tepid among base voters — Democrats and other left-leaning demographic groups — in ways that his most recent predecessors, Trump and Barack Obama, never experienced. Even as they inspired enmity among members of the opposite party, both Trump and Obama won the same level of approval from their own party.

    But that’s not happening with Biden. Virtually all Republicans say they disapprove of his job performance — 90 percent or greater in each of the three polls referenced above — but Democrats aren’t answering with their own approval.

    In the Fox News and Quinnipiac polls, approval of Biden’s job performance among Democrats is around 80 percent. The Pew Research Center survey combines Democrats with independents who say they lean more toward the Democratic Party — still a must-win group for Biden — and finds his approval rating lower, at 67 percent.

    Moreover, Biden is struggling with key subgroups of the Democratic base. He won around 9-in-10 Black voters in 2020, but only 59 percent of Black respondents to the Pew Research Center poll said they approve of how Biden is handling his job as president.

    So far, Biden isn’t facing a credible threat for the presidential nomination within the Democratic Party. Should he enter the race, the only announced challengers with any degree of name ID he’d face are Marianne Williamson, who dropped out of the 2020 race before voting began, and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the son of the senator whose most prominent public advocacy in recent years has been against vaccinations (according to the latest Kaiser Family Foundation polling, only 8 percent of Democrats say they won’t receive the Covid vaccine, underscoring how difficult it will be to sell primary voters on an anti-vaccination platform).

    Still, Biden faces a distinct — and without recent precedent — lack of enthusiasm for his candidacy among Democrats. In a CNN poll from last month, only 68 percent of Democrats said Biden deserves to be reelected next year.

    In this way, Biden’s approval rating might actually overstate his electoral position: Around 1-in-10 Americans who say they approve of Biden’s job performance, 11 percent, say they don’t think he deserves to be reelected. In other words, they think he’s doing a good job, but harbor doubts about another term.

    CNN noted that the 11 percent is a greater share than the overlap between Trump and Obama approvers and those who thought they deserved second terms. Those numbers were 3 and 5 percent for Trump and Obama, respectively.

    But there’s also reason to believe Democrats will come home next November. Even as his approval rating and reelection numbers lag, Biden is still running neck-and-neck with Trump and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis in general-election matchups — and winning most Democrats in the process.

    In the Quinnipiac poll, despite his 80 percent approval rating with Democratic voters, Biden wins 93 percent of Democrats in a head-to-head with Trump and 94 percent in a faceoff with DeSantis.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • McCarthy prepares his opening debt-limit bid — and it’s full of potential pitfalls

    McCarthy prepares his opening debt-limit bid — and it’s full of potential pitfalls

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    The party’s list of potential demands — which includes an across-the-board cut to discretionary spending and stricter work requirements on programs like food stamps — is likely to change as House Republicans hash out a formal bill over the coming weeks. One big flashpoint: They’re proposing to raise the debt limit for just one year, triggering another battle over the federal purse in the middle of the 2024 presidential primaries.

    The Republican lawmaker close to the talks, who spoke candidly on condition of anonymity, called leadership’s forthcoming proposal “just an opening salvo” and said there’s no specific whip count of support underway yet.

    But McCarthy and members of his leadership team are hard at work behind the scenes. That includes two months of rank-and-file “listening sessions” with House Majority Whip Tom Emmer (R-Minn.) — six to 10 members at a time — and broader talks led by McCarthy and Rep. Garret Graves (R-La.) among various factions within the conference, designed to solicit ideas.

    “Certainly leadership wouldn’t put this on paper … without having spoken to a number of people,” Republican Study Committee Chair Kevin Hern (R-Okla.) said, estimating that he had been in no less than 10 of those meetings in the last few months.

    “This is a culmination of all the conversations from leadership, from speaker from majority leader from the whip, talking to so many people over the last … 85 days about what they’d like to see in a debt limit deal. And that’s why you’re seeing this,” he added.

    The stakes couldn’t be higher for McCarthy. The California Republican must avoid a misstep that would weaken his speakership — which any single frustrated member could force a vote to terminate. And unlike other GOP agenda items, which satisfy the party base despite their slim chances of becoming law, any debt-ceiling moves are bound to draw internal criticism while possibly exacting economic consequences.

    McCarthy is slated to deliver a speech Monday at the New York Stock Exchange that’s expected to focus on the debt limit. The flurry of new activity comes as the nation’s borrowing power to pay its bills is set to run out as soon as this summer.

    Privately, Democrats close to party leadership said the entire GOP list is a nonstarter. President Joe Biden’s party continues to insist it will accept nothing other than a clean debt limit lift.

    In addition, McCarthy will have to contend with several cooks in his own financial kitchen. No less than four factions within his conference are already floating their own ideas as they try to shape McCarthy’s initial bid.

    The more centrist Main Street Caucus, in a letter to McCarthy on Thursday, reiterated its support for the California Republican, while outlining its own debt priorities. Those include clawing back unspent coronavirus relief cash, reversing Biden’s student loan relief moves and forming a commission that would propose ways to shore up Medicare and Social Security without cutting benefits.

    “This letter outlines those proposals that have garnered the most support from our caucus, and we have every confidence they can secure 218 votes in the U.S. House of Representatives,” Main Street Chair Dusty Johnson (R-S.D.) and Vice Chair Stephanie Bice (R-Okla.) wrote. Some of their ideas are also included in GOP leadership’s draft proposal.

    The bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus has also presented its own ideas to members in Zoom meetings over the recess.

    Meanwhile, Hern has not only put out a debt “playbook” for the Republican Study Committee, but is now pushing for a specific timeline. He added that while leadership had to be wary of “deal killers,” Republicans are well-positioned to be able to hold a vote by the end of this month.

    To bolster his push to hold a debt vote quickly, Hern is delaying the release of his group’s balanced budget proposal, which he had previously vowed would be out by April 15, until May.

    The Republican Study Committee moves are in addition to those by the ultra-conservative House Freedom Caucus, which sparked grumbles from across the conference when it publicly outlined its thinking on the debt ceiling — though its chair, Rep. Scott Perry (R-Pa.), stressed that the group wasn’t making “demands.”

    Republicans involved in the talks said their members understand the need to coalesce behind a single debt measure. Their goal: Convince Democrats that they’re serious about slashing spending.

    “We need to get to 218 votes, get it passed with the most conservative 218 votes in the conference and get it sent to the Senate — and then let the president and the Democrats in the Senate tell the American people why they didn’t want to change the direction of the spending that’s caused the inflation that we’re seeing today,” Hern said.

    The GOP’s list, which is widely circulating on K Street, does not include not everything that will go into the debt limit bill, according to a half dozen people close to Republican leadership.

    While the party hasn’t formally decided how much in across-the-board spending cuts to support, Republicans are clear that they plan to pare back large chunks of discretionary spending to fiscal year 2022 levels. The GOP’s proposal includes a 1 percent uptick each year after that, though some Republicans have called for more stringent spending cuts.

    Others in the GOP conference are agitating for caps on defense spending, too, creating another likely conflict with colleagues who don’t want to trim the Pentagon.

    What’s not included in the emerging GOP proposal: A conservative push to claw back $80 billion for tax enforcement that was included in Democrats’ tax, climate and health bill last year. Also left out are border policies pushed by Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) and others on the right.

    Caitlin Emma, Meredith Lee Hill and Olivia Beavers contributed.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )