In a pivotal 16-day hearing, India’s Supreme Court examined the intricate facets of Article 370, which governs the relationship between the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir and the rest of the country. Here’s a comprehensive overview of the arguments presented by the petitioners, emphasizing the enduring significance of Article 370.
In a riveting legal showdown, the fate of Article 370, a provision integral to Jammu and Kashmir’s unique constitutional status, hangs in the balance. A battery of legal luminaries, including names like Kapil Sibal, Gopal Subramanium, and Rajeev Dhavan, have passionately advocated for the petitioners, underscoring that the case holds far-reaching implications for the powers of state assemblies, Parliament, governors, and even the President.
The Supreme Court bench, comprising the Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud and Justices Sanjay Kishan Kaul, Sanjiv Khanna, BR Gavai, and Surya Kant, heard arguments over an extensive 16-day period. In this two-part series, we delve into the critical arguments presented by the petitioners, emphasizing that their intention is not to question India’s sovereignty, but to affirm that Jammu and Kashmir remains an integral part of the nation.
Key Points:
Unique Constitutional Framework: The framers of India’s Constitution envisioned a distinct association with Jammu and Kashmir, rooted in historical and geopolitical context.
Instrument of Accession (IoA): The circumstances leading to the IoA signed by Maharaja Hari Singh highlighted J&K’s distinctive accession process compared to other princely states.
Preservation of Autonomy: Article 370 safeguarded J&K’s autonomy, as there was no “merger agreement” akin to other states.
Territorial Integrity Pledge: J&K was assured territorial integrity, setting it apart from other states.
Constitutional Applicability: Over time, Indian laws were extended to J&K, leaving little to integrate, questioning the rationale behind Article 370’s abrogation.
Founding Intentions: J&K’s Constitution was crafted by its Constituent Assembly, aligning with the broader ideals of India’s Constitution.
Element of Permanence: The absence of changes recommended by the Constituent Assembly over six years implied a lasting intent for Article 370.
Constituent Assembly’s Role: Article 370 required concurrence from the Constituent Assembly, which ceased to exist, lending it a sense of permanence.
Synergy of Constitutions: India and J&K’s Constitutions coexisted, with Article 370 reflecting an asymmetric federal relationship.
Abrogation Process Scrutinized: The abrogation process was challenged for bypassing the collaborative approach mandated by Article 370.
Article 356 Intricacies: The executive act of invoking Article 356 was critiqued for sidestepping democratic principles, impacting federalism.
State to Union Territory Transformation: The transformation of J&K into Union Territories raised constitutional concerns, disrupting representative democracy.
Constitutional Democracy Upheld: It was argued that the Constitution doesn’t permit converting a state into two Union Territories without due process.
Historical Context of Borders: J&K’s geographical connection to India was established through a historical decision by Lord Cyril Radcliffe.
Special Dispensation for J&K: A unique arrangement was created for J&K, addressing both domestic and international considerations.
Limited Power: Parliament’s authority under Article 370 was seen as circumscribed, contradicting claims of absolute power.
Presidential Action and Council of Ministers: The President’s actions were viewed as contingent on the advice of the council of ministers, aligning with democratic principles.
Parchment of Pride: J&K’s Constitution was held as a cherished document, symbolizing the state’s integral role in the Indian Union.
In a landmark hearing, India’s Supreme Court examined the constitutional nuances of Article 370, shedding light on its enduring relevance in the context of Jammu and Kashmir. The arguments presented emphasized the unique historical and geopolitical backdrop that shaped this constitutional provision. The hearing will play a pivotal role in defining the powers of various state entities and reaffirming the values enshrined in India’s Constitution.
For further details, refer to the full report on the Supreme Court’s hearing on Article 370.
Summary:
The Supreme Court examines the enduring significance of Article 370 in a 16-day hearing.
Arguments highlight the distinctive historical and geopolitical context of J&K’s association with India.
The absence of a “merger agreement” and the IoA’s unique nature underscore J&K’s autonomy.
The Constitution’s applicability to J&K raises questions about Article 370’s abrogation rationale.
The hearing prompts a reevaluation of constitutional dynamics between J&K and the rest of India.
Disclaimer: The views and arguments presented in this article are based on the perspectives put forth by the petitioners in the ongoing legal battle over Article 370. The final judgment may provide further clarity on this complex constitutional issue.
SRINAGAR: Jammu and Kashmir’s Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha Wednesday said that Article 370 was the root-cause of disparity while the terror-eco system and militancy was strong to the extent that it claimed 45000 lives and left lakhs displaced.
Addressing the Y-20 Consultation meet at Jammu University, LG Sinha said that India has been bearing the brunt of terrorism sponsored by Pakistan.
“Article 370 has been the root-cause of disparity between the regions in J&K. Terrorism claimed 45000 lives and left lakhs of families displaced,” he said.
LG Sinha said that after August 5, 2019, a new J&K is emerging where youth are taking the front role.
Adding further he said narco-terrorism is the biggest challenge where youth and society are being targeted and steps to tackle it are being taken effectively.
He said that the youth are the biggest stakeholders in new JK and every day around 580 are youth become entrepreneurs and leading a change,” LG Sinha said.
Maintaining that every day around 580 young are emerging out as entrepreneurs, LG Sinha said,’ Individual as well as society’s aspiration can be fulfilled only in conditions of peace and young generation is eager to create a peaceful & prosperous present and future for the entire humanity.”
LG Sinha said that India under the leadership of PM Narendra Modi will lead the world to effectively address broader aspects of security challenges that also includes social, political, economic & environmental issues with the spirit of One Earth, One Family, One Future.
The LG said that it was the responsibility of the youth to use their collective strength for development and upliftment of humanity. “With common values, aspirations and commitment of selfless service, the youth will expand the horizons of peace, prosperity, friendship, cooperation and progress,” he said.
Youth power is the strength of Jammu Kashmir and they have dedicated themselves to rejuvenate the society and to drive inclusive development, the Lt Governor said.
In an apparent overdrive to reclaim the landed assets, encroached upon over the years, the Jammu and Kashmir administration moved bulldozers and created a series of images redefining the writ of the state. Within days more than half a million kanals were reclaimed including some patches from the influential and powerful. The scale of the operation triggered fear, chaos and a ferocious reaction. Masood Hussain reports the campaign, its consequences and the unseen flip side
A septuagenarian, Ramzan is one of the respected village elders. Considered a wise man, residents usually seek his advice on almost everything from village welfare to the marriages of their wards. Owing to orthopaedic problems, he rarely comes to pray at the mosque during winter. However, the 2023 Chilai Kalanwas proved different – he never missed the Jamaat, the join prayer.
“He is somehow managing to join prayers because he is in panic. His last purchase was a piece of land, a steep slope that he converted into a fine apple orchard,” one of his distant cousins, said. “Now, he is told that the man from whom he purchased the piece of land on a ‘power of attorney’ basis has been an encroachment on land by its earlier owner, somewhere in the late seventies.”
Apprehensive that he may book losses in the last major decision of his life, Ramzan barely misses a post-prayer sitting in the mosque Hamam. He listens to every bit of information that youth extract from their cell phones. He has visited the patwari many times but the apprehensions remain.
Unlike the panic in the city and towns is somehow getting to the small and big screens, the crisis that has inflicted the villages is like invisible cancer stem cells. In Poonch’s Surankot, a resident was reported dead from a heart attack a day after he was served an eviction notice.
“The revenue department issued a public notice on encroachments and I was shocked to see my 2.7 kanal patch of land in it,” a medical doctor from a south Kashmir village said. “When I visited the office with documents conclusively proving that the piece of land belonged to my family for at least a century and that we have been paying land revenue even decades before the partition of India, the officials said sorry. One senior official said they were in a panic because they were under tremendous pressure from high-ups to issue the list. They assured of correction but a week has gone by and the list is still in circulation.”
This doctor, who has served the government and society for almost half a century is facing the same crisis that Safia Abdullah, Dr Farooq Abdullah’s daughter, talked about after a “list” sent her to approach the High Court, only to be told that it was “fake”.
“For weeks we have been vilified in the public domain as encroachers,” Safia later said. “I went to court against the government and all I wanted was for our valid live lease to be acknowledged and for our three homes to be taken off the encroachment list. I achieved my aim.” Unlike Safia’s lease, the doctor has the inherited property land but may never go to court to get the same relief.
Roshni: Applications, Land, Transfer
Land Regularised
District
Applications (No)*
Land Involved (Kanals)*
Kanal#
Marla
Amount Recived (Rs Lakhs)#
Rajouri
25628
348300
6529
71.79
Ramban
8281
120242
18383
18
103.58
Reasi
8676
174357
13380
1
29.69
Kishtwar
6821
42169
10048
16
16.26
Samba
7539
78443
2537
7
213.6
Udhampur
10033
152416
10614
10
131.86
Doda
14212
145306
35425
2
59.94
Poonch
22700
129523
6597
5
6.63
Jammu
25009
164385
44912
12
1597.01
Kathua
18530
121843
10023
11
33.52
Total Jammu
147429
1476984
158448
2263.88
Anantnag
17069
33710
962
19
36.697
Srinagar
14467
39069
375
10
5217.21
Budgam
14403
4007
1929
39.688
Ganderbal
5725
12028
579
11
5.849
Pulwama
14145
47457
745
16
41.73
Baramulla
11950
52220
382
19
15.56
Kulgam
5283
14577
433
3
6.768
Shopian
5462
13180
386
2
5.54
Bandipore
7150
29488
6415
11
25.51
Kupwara
10701
31322
1520
9
32.64
Total Kashmir
106355
277058
13726
5427.192
Jammu Kashmir
253784
1790105
172244
7691.07
* Revenue Ministry in Jammu and Kashmir assembly on February 19, 2014
# Revenue Ministry in Jammu and Kashmir Assembly on January 30, 2018
The Campaign
Preventing encroachments and evicting encroachers has been a permanent feature of all successive governments. However, there was no total focus on it ever.
The ongoing campaign actually started in Pulwama in early 2020. As if in war, the administration would move with a bunch of bulldozers to specific markets, assemble the shop-owners, get them to empty their shops constructed on state land, and demolish them in a tight cordon of police and paramilitary forces. In one drive, 29 shops were razed to the ground for paving way for widening the road. In another one, that took place at 6:30 am on March 4, 2020, 50 shops were demolished in Tral. On November 10, as many as 17 structures were razed to the ground in Awantipora. All the shops were constructed illegally but no one got any chance to negotiate or justify the possession.
In Udhampur, a field with standing crops has now a state land sign broad installed. Image DIPR
The campaign, however, froze in Pulwama apparently after the security grid detected tensions having the potential of escalating around. Though demolitions are routine for the Lakes and Water Management Authority (LAWMA), the evictions and demolitions were revived at a much bigger scale only in December 2022 when the Jammu and Kashmir administration decided that all encroachments on state land will be removed within three months.
Directions were finally issued on January 9, 2023, asking the revenue officials to ensure full retrieval of encroached land by January 31, 2023. They were asked to submit daily reports so that the government will have a clear picture of the progress of the initiative. All allied departments were asked to help revenue officials to ensure the campaign’s success. The irrigation department and the Evacuees Department which also owns substantial land patches were also asked to reclaim their assets.
The directions came days after two specific exercises were carried out by the revenue department. In the first exercise, the landed properties in possession of the major separatists were scrutinised. In the second one, assets owned by unionist mainstreamers across Jammu and Kashmir were examined by revenue officials at ground zero.
The campaign got a huge morale booster on January 31, 2023, when a Division Bench of the Supreme Court comprising Justices MR Shah and BV Nagarathna refused to grant any relief to petitioners seeking a halt to counter encroachment campaign. “If we protect your possession, it will affect the entire Jammu and Kashmir encroachment!” the court observed.“At the most, we can grant you reasonable time to relocate.”
Waste Lands In Jammu and Kashmir
District
Kanals
Rajouri
125174
Ramban
27395
Reasi
39852
Kishtwar
99470
Samba
114445
Udhampur
204857
Doda
46548
Poonch
31219
Jammu
14314
Kathua
448272
Total Jammu
1151546
Anantnag
100824
Srinagar
0
Budgam
109136
Ganderbal
62488
Pulwama
71512
Baramulla
239736
Kulgam
0
Shopian
51664
Bandipore
0
Kupwara
410504
Total Kashmir
1045864
Jammu Kashmir
2197410
Source: Revenue Ministry Jammu and Kashmir response in assembly on March 8, 2012
The Outcome
Nobody in Jammu and Kashmir is offering details about the net outcome of the campaign so far. One newspaper report on February 6, reported that 15 lakh kanals of state and kahcharie land including seven lakh kanals from Kashmir has been retrieved even as seven lakh more is to be cleared in the coming days. A day later, another newspaper reported that only 3.89 lakh kanals of land – 2,16,683 kanals of state land and 1,72,907 kanals of Kahcharai – was retrieved from the encroachers mostly politicians, their relatives and retired bureaucrats from across Kashmir valley and 2.74 lakh kanals – 1,41,587 kanals of state land and 1,31,459 kanals of Kahcharai land is yet to be retrieved.
Regardless of the quantum of land retrieved, the names that appeared were only of those who are in public life. On the eve of Republic Day, NC leader Ali M Sagar’s Humhama mansion’s annexe housing his security detail was demolished. His wife owned 3.18 kanals but had encroached upon 2 kanals that the family did not own.
In January 2023, a bulldozer was in operation in Shopian where a shopping complex owned by an erstwhile minister was demolished. Authorities said it was illegal construction and the land was owned by the state.
On January 28, authorities demolished a 4-shop commercial complex owned by former lawmaker Ghulam Hassan Khan in Shopian. A day later, Kashmir economist and last finance minister, Dr Haseeb Drabu’s 15-kanal patch of land was retrieved. “How is it possible? I don’t know of any land in Shopian. There is something amiss. I don’t have any land — orchard or no orchard — in Shopian,” Drabu said. “If there was any land registered in my name, the government had to first send me an eviction notice. We would have checked the revenue records. I would have responded to their notice.” He called the officials who admitted there was no land in his name. They promised to make corrections but did not do anything.
On the same day, 3.14 kanal was retrieved from former lawmaker Prem Sagar Aziz in Plahi (Kathua), 9.15 kanals in Plakh from District Development Council Chairman, Kathua Col (retd) Mahan Singh, 6.8 kanals in Pretha from the son of a retired government servant. In Shopian 40 shops were sealed.
On January 30, the district administration in Anantnag took over an illegal commercial structure that NC lawmaker, Majid Larmi, had constructed over Shamilat land on the national highway. Part of the complex having 60 shops was demolished and the rest was taken over by the authorities.
Newspapers were told that another NC lawmaker, Altaf Kaloo (Pahalgam) had managed to temper with land revenue records for taking over more than 100 kanals of Shamilat land and rented it to the army for a garrison at Ashmuqam. He has been taking rent from the armed forces and now investigations are underway. The garrison spread over 458 kanals has only 51 kanals as the proprietary land and the rest is shamilat and Kaloo clan is taking the rent for more than 150 kanals.
On January 31, Baqar Hussain Samoon, an SSP rank officer, living in Humhama watched the bulldozer retrieving 1.18 kanals of Kahcharie from his possession.
On February 1, one kanals of land was retrieved from Congressman Peerzada Mohammad Sayeed at Arad Khoshipora after demolishing the boundary wall. In Dooru, 2.7 kanals of Shamilat land were retrieved from the possession of PDP leader Syed Farooq Andrabi at Shistergam. Around 15 kanals of Shamilat land was retrieved from the heirs of pre-1975 Chief Minister, Syed Mir Qasim.
In Pahalgam, authorities took over Green Acker, a guest house at Laripora that Bashir Ahmad Dar, Ex-EO MC Pahalgam and Manzoor Ahmad, ex-Secretary MC Pahalgam had constructed.
The same day, authorities moved bulldozers to the vast Nedoo’s Hotel premises and claimed retrieval of 40 kanals of land that had been encroached upon by the family of Micheal Adam Nedou, who introduced the first hotel in Srinagar in Gulmarg in 1900 after having one in Lahore. It proved to be a visual story as the family resisted with documents. Of the hotel’s 153 kanals of land, officials said 40 kanals were illegally occupied state land and the rest was leased land. They demolished a shed and the boundary wall.
State Land Encroachment
Kahcharaie Encroachmnet
District
Kanal
Marla
Kanal
Marla
Rajouri
392247
3495
13
Ramban
109629
15
514
10
Reasi
71201
8
2730
1
Kishtwar
62327
13
2648
5
Samba
25015
10
853
8
Udhampur
90089
5
9131
5
Doda
116174
362
Poonch
64552
2
4122
1
Jammu
32995
6
6609
18
Kathua
57215
17
3553
7
Total Jammu
1021444
34017
Anantnag
33710
13
25189
17
Srinagar
36394
16
23640
8
Budgam
27947
39534
Ganderbal
24533
16473
Pulwama
41011
12
33233
5
Baramulla
93426
5
40396
15
Kulgam
29114
23940
Shopian
34752
39136
Bandipore
47763
4
15647
13
Kupwara
55721
53743
16
Total Kashmir
424371
310931
Jammu Kashmir
1445815
344948
Source: Response of revenue ministry to assembly on March 6, 2012
In Karan Nagar, 12 kanals were retrieved from ML Dhar.
On February 2, Qazi Yasir’s double-storey complex was hit by a bulldozer. While the shop line was taken over by the municipality, the second storey was destroyed. Yasir is the son of Qazi Nisar and was dubbed a separatist leader.
In Qazigund, officials said they retrieved 1.18 kanal of land from the kin of NC leader, Peerzada Ghulam Ahmad Shah in Kurigam. From Mahataba, the widow of HD Dewegowda’s junior home minister Maqbool Dar, two kanals of land were retrieved from Nowgam (Shangus).
In Shopian, officials were sent in a snow-bound Sedow belt to retrieve 13.16 kanals of forest land grabbed by erstwhile lawmaker Taj Mohiuddin.
Earlier, the government said it retrieved 23.9 kanals from BJP’s former deputy chief minister Kavinder Gupta in Ghaink village. Authorities have issued notice to BJP’s Abdul Ghani Kohli Apni Party’s Zulfikar Chowdhary, both former lawmakers. Chowdhary claimed he had purchased nearly 12 kanals in 2006, and that the three kanals of it now claimed to be state land in Chowdi had exchanged hands 14 times earlier. It has been retrieved.
In Handwara’s Kachiwara on February 6, almost five kanals of land were retrieved from Zahoor Ahmad Watali, a top businessman who was earlier arrested by a federal investigator, NIA in a terror funding case.
Authorities did not use bulldozers everywhere. In most cases, the built-up properties were sealed and in certain cases, the constructions were taken over. In one district, a senior officer distributed the retrieved land among various departments for building their own infrastructure. A district retrieved a vast patch of land and gave it to horticulture for conversion into an orchard.
Mighty, Influential
Responding to the mass fear, the administration at different levels asserted that the move is aimed at the influential and the powerful who abused their authority to grab land.
“I want to assure the people that the administration will safeguard the habitations and livelihoods of the common man. Only influential and powerful people who misused their position and violated the law to encroach upon the state land would face the law of the land,” LG Manoj Sinha said after inaugurating Civil Services Officers Institute (CSOI) in Jammu. CSOIs are a sort of club for which the former MA Road residence of the erstwhile Chief Minister has been set aside in Srinagar. “Only those people who have grabbed land illegally are facing eviction. I have personally directed the deputy commissioners and senior superintendents of police to closely monitor (the drive) and ensure no innocent person is affected in any manner,” Sinha added.
Jammu Administration bulldozer at work on February 2, 2023. Pic DIPR
On February 3, Chief Secretary Arun Kumar Mehta directed the Deputy Commissioners to safeguard the habitations and livelihoods of the poor and downtrodden.
Kumar’s insistence came a day after Ghulam Nabi Azad met Home Minister Amit Shah in Delhi in which he was assured that small landholders will not be harassed. The campaign, he said in a statement, has the potential of triggering “serious unrest and uncertainty”. His immediate concern was the mounting tensions in areas of Jammu. He said the successive governments have provided road connectivity, supply of water and electricity, schools, Anganwadi centres and other welfare schemes including health-related facilities to these houses which implicitly indicate these habitations to be “recognized constructions.”
Assurances apart, the law and the constitution, as Omar Abdullah pointed out later, do not make a distinction between influential and non-influential. This was visible on the ground as well. Put together, all the lands retrieved from the influential and the powerful do not make even 2000 kanals. So who had occupied more than half a million kanals of land that the administration claims it has retrieved?
Aftaab Market Case
In Srinagar, February 3, was interesting as the authorities sealed the Aftaab market comprising a score-odd 20 shops, mostly dealing with white goods, in Lal Chowk. The closure came amid reports that the property was snatched away from a rightful owner illegally.
Srinagar was shocked as the city’s up-markets including Lal Chowk operate from leased lands. There were symbolic protests and emotional scenes dominating social media. A day later, the shop owners visited the officials and proved conclusively that they have been legal tenants of the Srinagar Municipal Corporation (SMC) for decades. Convinced officials broke the seals and the market burst back to life.
Had the officials met the shop owners before implementing a decision, the question of sealing might have never arisen. Did they? If not, why not? This explains how officials operate in a war-like environment permitting a “misunderstanding” to pave way for sealing a market!
Sunjwan Bathindi Case
Post 1990, Jammu expanded in length and breadth as it witnessed huge immigration from Kashmir. Apart from Kashmiri Pandits who migrated en masse, there were Muslims, Sikhs, a section of employees, traders and a section of people who wanted to raise their families away from a seriously disturbed home. Similar migrants took place from Chenab and Pir Panchal regions. These migrants invested their savings to make Jammu their second home. This led to the creation of various satellite habitations – Sunjwan and Bathindi after Sidhra, which are mostly Muslim localities.
“Notices were issued to a few houses asking them to vacate as their constructions are on state land,” a Jammu reporter privy to the developments, said. “All these families have some connection with politics.”
PDP actoivists protest against demolition drive in Srinagar in February 2023. KL Image Bilal Bahadur
As the news spread, the localities decided to support the families and went into a mass protest. “They believe that if the government somehow destroys the particular constructions, this will push the bulldozers in,” the scribe said, insisting that there is a firm belief among residents that these housing settlements are disliked by a section of the population.
Interestingly, the housing settlements of Bathindi, Sunjwan, Chanta, Ragura, Sidhra with almost half a million population were excluded when almost a score odd similar colonies were regularised by the government. Residents allege these localities are being singled out simply because a particular community lives there.
The tons of rubble and debris at the spot where MG Hector showroom exists in Malik market Jammu. After initial resistance, authorities made arrests and later sealed the area and undone the encroachment on state land in February 2023. KL Image: Special Arrangement
The Malik Market
On February 4, a number of bulldozers reached Jammu’s Malik Market and started demolishing a multi-storey showroom MG Hector. Hundreds of people watched the demolition and after some time it led to a serious law and order situation in which some cops survived injured. Cops fired tear smoke shells to stop stone pelting that had led officials to leave the bulldozers and flee to safety.
The showroom belongs to a Kashmir resident Sajad Ahmad Baig, whose family started a business in Jammu in 1990. He admits that part of his construction is on state land and he is willing to give propriety land in exchange.
The incident dominated social media and led the police to act. A case was registered and eight people including the showroom owner were arrested and many more are being questioned. However, it has halted the rolling bulldozers for the time being. Authorities in Jammu had to make extra efforts to ensure the tensions do not escalate.
“During the ongoing anti-encroachment drive, no landless person, family and small commercial units shall be targeted,” Jammu Divisional Commissioner Ramesh Kumar was quoted as saying. “But big encroachers will not be spared. People are requested to cooperate.” DC Jammu, Avny Lavasa added: “I want to clarify that the government has no intention to disturb the houses and small commercial properties of poor people on which their livelihood is dependent.”
Poor and Landless
Every time officials respond to the ongoing campaign, the poor population is a mandatory reference. How many people in erstwhile Jammu and Kashmir are poor?
The 2011 census suggests that 3064 families comprising 19047 people had no house. This means around 0.32 per cent of the population in Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh are houseless. Anybody lacking a house is automatically landless.
Jammu and Kashmir’s below-the-poverty-line (BPL) population has always been in dispute for one or the other reason. It was 10.35 per cent in 2017-18 – almost half of the national average. Now in 2020-21, it is 12.58 per cent.
Even the people owning lands exhibit an interesting trend that makes Jammu and Kashmir distinct in the entire subcontinent. In 2015-16, there were 1416509 land holdings registered with the government. Of them, 905792 (63.95 per cent) land holdings comprised an area of less than 10 kanals of land. The survey suggests that in Kashmir, these marginal holdings form 72.90 per cent of all holdings. If seen across Jammu and Kashmir, more than 64 per cent of the small holdings are in Kashmir. Interestingly, in Jammu alone, 1176 people have land possession exceeding the limits set by the erstwhile Agrarian Reforms Act.
The survey found 281095 land holdings (19.8 per cent) having 10 to 20 kanals; 159988 (11.29 per cent) had up to 40 kanals; 43698 (3.08 per cent) had somewhere between 40 to 60 kanls; 14404 (1.02 per cent) holdings comprised between 60 to 80 kanals; 5579 (0.39 per cent) were up to 100 kanals; 4424 (0.31 per cent) holdings fall in 100-150 kanal category; 995 (0.07 per cent) holdings had 200 kanals; 426 (0.03 per cent) were up to 20 hectors and only 108 (0.01 per cent) had more than 400 kanals of land.
Efforts to get the landless population data in Jammu and Kashmir failed. “If you have a very small homeless population among natives, it means some of them may be having land but might be lacking resources to construct a home,” one officer, who knows Jammu and Kashmir’s numerical sphere for a long time, said. “Still, I will try to locate if the number was ever generated.”
Encroachments: A Reality
This, however, does not mean that there have not been encroachments upon state land. Reasons apart, encroachments on state land, kahcharie and nazool land has been a perpetual feature almost everywhere. At least one government had to get bulldozers out to reclaim the main roads in Srinagar.
Data available with TheNewsCaravan suggest that almost 2107230 kanals of land were in unauthorised occupation of people in 2014. Earlier on March 6, 2012, the government informed the Jammu and Kashmir assembly that 1790763 kanals of land stands encroached upon across the state of which 1055461 kanals (59 per cent) stands in Jammu and 735302 kanals in Kashmir. While Jammu has more stand land in possession of unauthorised people, in Kashmir, it was the case in kahcharie. By 2014, when the same detail was tabled in the house, the land under occupation had gone up despite the counter-encroachment campaigns by successive governments.
On the same day, the government said 23002 people were in illegal possession of 9469.49 hectares land in 16 forest divisions of Jammu as 15408 individuals held 3890.6 hectares illegally in Kashmir. This meant 13360.1 hectares of forest land were occupied by 38410 individuals.
In March 2013, the government revealed that a total of 25948 kanals of land belonging to the Evacuees’ Property stands encroached upon. It included 8065 kanals of EP land in Kashmir and 12444 in Jammu.
Kahcharie in the twin cities of Srinagar and Jammu is called Nazool land and it is 25948 kanals of high-value commercial land. Jammu has 18049 kanals of Nazool land. Of Srinagar’s 7899 kanal, the BSF has already been given 5548.15 kanals at Pantha Chowk. Of the balance land, 1089 kanals are residential (189 kanals unauthorised); 1041 kanals are commercial (250 kanals unauthorised) and 220 kanals are with institutions mostly legal occupations.
Besides, there are a lot of wastelands that fall under diverse names in revenue records – Banjri QAdeem, Bajr-e-Jadeed, Gair Mumkin Khud, Zeri Saya, Bhedzar, Safedzar, Tootzar, Kaap, Ghairmumkin Khul. There are more than two million kanals across Jammu and Kashmir – 1084096 in Kashmir and 1151546 kanals in Jammu’s 10 districts. Only in a few cases has part of this land been used for any developmental activity but this is key to certain vital distinctions in horticulture production across the erstwhile state.
Roshni Racket
Part of these occupations was fresh and partly for 50 to 100 years. It was against this backdrop that the Jammu and Kashmir government in 2000 decided to regularise the occupation on a market rate basis and create a corpus of funds that will help JK Power Development Corporation (JKSPDC) to take up major power projects. The government expected no less than one lakh from every single kanal of land in unauthorised possession – a sum of Rs 20,000 crore.
Less than five years later – when a complete system was in place for raising these funds, the then Chief Minister, Ghulam Nabi Azad was advised by a group of officials, who were part of his kitchen cabinet, to bestow the ownership of these lands on people free of cost. The idea was to make him emerge as towering over Kashmir’s land-to-tiller initiator, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah. It reduced a scheme into a racket that is now detailed by CAG and various court orders.
Informing the assembly about the follow-up of the messed up scheme in March 2018, the government said that 253784 people had applied for regularisation of the encroachments they had made over 1790105 kanals – 313121 kanals in Kashmir (17.49 per cent) and 1476984 kanals (82.50 per cent) in Jammu’s 10 districts.
Eventually, the government approved the regularisation of only 172244 kanals – 13732 kanals (7.97 per cent) in Kashmir and 158512 kanals (92.02 per cent) in Jammu. The Jammu and Kashmir government raised Rs 76.91 crore from these regularisations.
Kashmir paid Rs 54.27 crore at an average of Rs 39522 per kanal. In Srinagar, it cost Rs 1391256 per kanal.
In Jammu, Rs 22.63 crore were raised by the sale. By an average, it cost Rs 1428 per kanal. In case of Jammu city where 44912 kanals – three times more than Kashmir’s 10 districts – was regularised, the average returns per kanal was Rs 3555.
With the entire Roshni scheme shelved and declared illegal by the administration and the court of law, it remains to be seen how will the government manage to compensate the people who availed a legal process to acquire property, invested in that and added to the State Domestic Gross Product (SDGP). The scheme was implemented in 2001 and discarded on October 9, 2020.
Motive and Method
After changing land laws, identifying issues with the land leases of recent years and opening the land resource for development and inviting investors, the Jammu and Kashmir administration finally announced that it will retrieve every inch of the land under unauthorised occupation. On expected lines, there was a fierce reaction.
Apart from protests that have been there in Srinagar, Jammu and Delhi, the political class has been talking tough. Civil liberty watchdogs also jumped in. While Amnesty International India called for an immediate halt in the demolitions, its UK Chapter even called the bulldozer maker company, JCB to invoke its rights and prevent abuse of the machine in Kashmir.
“Jammu and Kashmir was the only state or union territory where people did not sleep on the road, where people did not stand in line for free rations. Ever since the BJP came, the people living above the poverty line have also come below it. They want to make Jammu and Kashmir like Palestine and Afghanistan,” Mehbooba Mufti said. “Palestine is still better. At least people talk. Kashmir is becoming worse than Afghanistan the way bulldozers are being used to demolish homes of people.” She took the protests to Delhi where she was arrested.
Ms Mufti said the administration is hoodwinking the public. “They say that they are only targeting the rich and not touching the poor. But on the ground, even houses on three-marla land and under tin sheds are being demolished. Even people who have papers from Maharaja’s time are not being considered.”
Upholding the administration’s right to reclaim its assets, Omar Abdullah pointed out that due process is not being followed and bulldozer has become the first response to evict people from the lands they have been occupying.
“Due process has to be followed. Without issuing a single notice, they are directly sending bulldozers. If someone has occupied any property, issue them a notice, give them time to respond and then take action,” Omar said. “Bulldozers should be a measure of a last resort, not the first option.”
Comrade MY Tarigami said sees the anti-encroachment drive as a “war” against the people. “The ongoing so-called anti-land encroachment drive and eviction have generated fear psychosis among the common masses at the ground level in Jammu and Kashmir,” Tarigami said. “The selection of areas and individuals for bulldozing creates doubts regarding the real intentions of the administration. The eviction campaign seems selective and discriminatory.”
Terming the drive as “drama” of the Jammu and Kashmir administration, Apni Party leader, Altaf Bukhari said his party is aware of the intentions and motives. “There are no land sharks in Jammu and Kashmir,” Bukhari said. “Everyone who is behind the demolitions will be made accountable one day.”
Sajad Lone said he has no idea why the bulldozers are rolling. “Do they want to retrieve land or humiliate people? I think humiliation is more important to them,” Lone said. “I appeal to my Prime Minister. I had a misconception that you are everybody’s Prime Minister. Please tell me who my Prime Minister is. Who is the Prime Minister of the poor people you are bulldozing.”
Post Script
Authorities finally erased the Jammu showroom amid impressive security arrangements. In Srinagar and Jammu, authoroties issued notces to many localities asking them to vacate from the lands they have illgally occupied. In peripery of Kashmir, there are instances in which people have been asked to clear the lands from poplar, willow plantatons. There are instances in which people are volunatrily vacating from ceratin patches of land.
The Jammu and Kashmir government’s campaign to retrieve the state land encroached upon by individuals, institutions and communities is at its peak. Even though the assurance has been around that the marginal and weaker sections would stay untouched, the campaign seemingly makes no distinction, reports Yawar Hussain
On a wintery morning of January 19, 2023, Sultan Ahmad Dar, living on top of a Karewa in the Kanidajan area of Budgam was glued to his mobile phone disseminating the statement of Lt Governor Manoj Sinha that poor people with small patches of state land would not be evicted in the ongoing drive to be completed by the end of January 2023.
Sinha’s statement, however, didn’t bring a smile to Sultan’s face as he has been already dispossessed of the three kanal land a week ago on which his grandfather Mohiuddin Dar in 1959 had started growing apple trees, an orchard which now is the family’s main source of income.
While Sultan watched the LG speak in one corner of Jammu and Kashmir, it was another man, Naresh Singh in Jammu’s Kathua, who also stood and watched in coldness the speech which might have saved his four kanal piece of land, only if the statement had come earlier. His family had been sowing rice on the land for close to a decade now.
While the LG spoke on the government’s intent to only go after the “big fish”, who have since 1947 “usurped” the state land using their power and position, the Srinagar district administration’s encroachment list also put the four odd kanals of the Raj Bhawan in Cheshmashahi under the “encroachment” tab. In summers, the highest seat of power the Bhawan has housed the families of all the Governors and now LG’s of Jammu and Kashmir including LG Sinha’s.
These patches of land, along with lakhs of other people across Jammu and Kashmir, came into question following Revenue Secretary, Vijay Kumar Bhiduri’s circular, which sets out a daily 4 pm deadline for revenue officers at the divisional and district level to update the government at on day’s evictions details.
In districts, the Deputy Commissioners have set out their own targets for the Tehsildars. Credit goes to the revenue officials across Jammu and Kashmir who have literally mapped every inch of the erstwhile state and offered fraction-wise details of the current status of the land resource. They have located every single unauthorised construction or possession, including that of the government itself. Interestingly, the UN office in Srinagar is also an encroachment. This voluminous data is going to be a huge digital resource for future use or abuse.
The fulfilment of daily set targets is visible on the ground where the locals are also seen resisting the officials who have come to evict them.
In the Payer village of Pulwama, scenes of people physically stopping officials, who are cutting their trees, have come to the fore. These subordinate officials on the ground are walking an extra mile in the line of duty, to implement the orders.
“We are following the orders from the top. We too live in the same district but are helpless. Seniors would initiate action,” a lower-rung Revenue department official said.. “Where will we plead our case in these times.”
The retracting statement of Bidhuri’s that only commercial land is being retrieved from encroachers coupled with LG’s assurances have fallen flat on the ground as the Revenue officials across Jammu and Kashmir are evicting all.
In January 2023, a bulldozer was in operation in Shopian where a shopping complex owned by an erstwhile minister was demolished. Authorities said it was illegal construction and the land was owned by the state.
Excluding Poor?
The J&K Bharatiya Janata Party Chief Ravinder Raina, whose party represents the Reasi district in the Lok Sabha, said that the people with less than 4 kanals of state land wouldn’t be troubled.
However, in Kalimasta village of Gool Gulabgarh in Reasi district, Ghulam Mohammad Chopan’s mountainous single-storey house with just two kanals of land around it has been declared as state land.
The officials, he said, came and wrote on a big stone at the border of “his piece of land” that it belonged to the state. “This land only fetched me vegetables and some fruit along with maize. The family survived on it. We couldn’t produce enough to sell.”
Chopans have been living on the land for over a century now. No subsequent government has troubled them. “People only remember us when they need votes,” Chopan said. “Officials seldom come here when we need any service. Today, they have come but only to make our lives more miserable.”
In Boniyar in north Kashmir’s Baramulla district, the Executive Magistrate 1st Class issued a warning to the people stating: “If any person fails to remove the encroachment, the department would swing into action and people have to pay the charges of the same.” Similar warning circulars have been issued in other districts too.
The land of Sultan, Singh and Chopan is registered as state land in revenue records, but under the laws applicable before August 5, 2019, when the state’s special status was watered down, the family had rights to cultivate it.
Land Distribution
A revenue settlement during the last Dogra ruler Hari Singh’s time was recorded as Shri Sarkar Dulatmandar meaning ‘our government is wealthy and rich’ as it has enough land and can utilise it for common purposes of its citizens.
This laid the foundation, if not the relief, for the common masses who after the 1950s Land to Tiller started reaping the benefits.
In 1947, Jammu and Kashmir was dominated by landlords who were around 13,000 in number.
In the midst of a vast paddy field, a new concrete structure has emerged somewhere in the Kashmir periphery. The agricultural land is fast converted into orchards or housing units for the lack of adequate land for housing. Photograph: Social Media
Out of them, 396 were the biggest landlords, called jagirdars, to whom were alienated the land and other revenues. The area assigned to them was called jagir. The jagirdars were not owners of the land; they were, however, owners of the revenue of the areas assigned to them. Along with the alienation of land revenue, the state also transferred the people of the jagir to the control of the jagirdar.
The remaining 9000 landlords were owners of the land known as called chakdars, and the land owned by them was known as chak. All the villages suffixed Chak in their names were the Chak lands of yore. Besides the jagirdars and chakdars, there was also a class of cash grantees called mukarares, numbering 2,347. The number of landless peasants (called kashtkars) was around 300,000. Apart from this, 250,000 peasants cultivated a part of the land while the ownership rested with the jagirdars, maufidarschakdars.
It was these jagirdaris and chakdaris that the Jammu and Kashmir government ended from 1948 to 1950.
However, the land inherited by the State of Jammu and Kashmir from the Dogra Maharaja, whose family had bought the Kashmir valley from British under the infamous Treaty of Amritsar in 1846, became the property of the new government. The land came to be known as State land (Khalisa Sarkar, Nuzool and Shamilat), and Khacharie (Grazing land).
However, following the partition and subsequent accession of Jammu and Kashmir with the union of India, Evacuee property also became the property of the government of Jammu and Kashmir.
In the years leading up to ousting of the Dogra rule in Jammu and Kashmir and then partition’s migrations, the Evacuee property was encroached on in Jammu’s Kathua, Samba, Jammu, Udhampur and Rajouri districts.
In the succeeding years, the government under JK Evacuees (Administration) of Property Act came out with Order 578-C of 1954 read with order no 371 of 1971 declaring that 85 lakh kanals of evacuee land illegally occupied in the districts of Jammu, Udhampur, Kathua, Samba and Rajouri will not be disturbed and occupants thereof instead declared as local allottees, without any liability towards payment of rent let alone the premium.
Like evacuee land, state land too had been encroached upon by common peasants, who were still not completely out of the clutches of landlords to whom they were paying rent.
The state land encroached upon by the common masses was again given away by the government to poor people twice. Under LB-6 and LB-7 both dated 05.06.1958 and S-432 of 1967 the illegal occupants of state land were conferred initially with the rights of tenants-at-will followed by a grant of ownership rights.
Similarly, farmers took possession of state land and khacharie land under the agrarian reforms of 1950 and 1976, and a “Grow More Food Policy” under which cultivable wasteland was allotted to landless peasants with partial rights.
The Grow More Food Policy was introduced by the government to counter famines and fight the scarcity of food. The farmers were lured by the government of the time to cultivate the state land and use Khacharie land for grazing their cattle.
“The government back then and also the subsequent one’s assured our family that land wouldn’t be taken back but we were informed that we can’t sell the land. We never thought of it as our property but as a means of earning a livelihood,” Naresh Singh of Kathua said, adding that when the government can’t provide them jobs then why was it taking away their source of sustenance?
It is these promises of not ejecting people by the State of Jammu and Kashmir that are being undone in the current eviction drive.
The drive has the flip side too.
Former Law Secretary Muhammad Ashraf Mir said legally the land being taken away from the encroachers in the current drive is valid. “It is an issue where a humanitarian and compassionate view needs to be taken by the government. They aren’t bound by law,” he said.
The West Pakistan Refugees, who struggled for citizenship of Jammu and Kashmir since 1947, were elated on August 5, 2019, but now they too have been served notices by the government that the land held by them for cultivation is the state’s property. They have been asked not to cultivate the land after this season’s crop is harvested.
While the pathway for the current drive opened on August 5, 2019, the changes in land laws were affected a year later.
Changed Laws
In October 2020, the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation (Adaptation of Central Laws) Third Order and the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation (Adaptation of State Laws) Fifth Order, 2020, repealed 12 land laws that provided safeguards to farming communities.
Among them was the historic Big Land Estate Abolition Act 1950 (informally known as land to tiller), which paved the way for rural prosperity in the former state.
Lieutenant Governor, Manoj Sinha charing Administrative Council meeting at Srinagar on September 8,2022
The erstwhile Land to Tiller placed a ceiling of maximum of 22.75 acres on land holdings. Land that surpassed this limit was automatically transferred to the tiller, who was not required to pay any compensation to the ‘original’ owner.
These reforms were first envisioned and articulated in the Naya Kashmir (New Kashmir) Manifesto in 1944 by the National Conference under Shiekh Mohammad Abdullah.
According to research done by Dr Ashish Saxena in Jammu, during the 1950s-70s, out of the total surplus land of 672 kanals mainly taken away from Rajputs and Mahajans, 70.24 per cent was allotted to SC (Scheduled Caste) tenants predominantly Hindus. A radical inter-generational shift in the occupation pattern of the SCs in terms of landless agricultural labourers to land-owning peasants from grandfather’s generation (nil) to 47.1 per cent. The reforms also gave land to Muslim peasants in Kashmir where the jagirdaris of Kashmiri pandits and Dogra Hindus were ended.
Another significant law that was repealed in October 2020, was the Jammu and Kashmir Tenancy Act, 1980, which stayed all applications or proceedings relating to ejecting tenants.
The order also did away with the Jammu and Kashmir Common Lands (Regulation) Act, 1956, which regulated the rights of common land such as roads, streets, lanes, pathways, water channels, drains, wells, tanks or any other source of water supply to villagers.
The Jammu and Kashmir Alienation of Land Act, 1938 — a law related to the transfer of agricultural land for non-agricultural purposes —also ceased to operate.
The law that prohibited the conversion of land into orchards and existing orchard land for other uses, without prior government permission, termed the Jammu and Kashmir Prohibition on Conversion of Land and Alienation of Orchards Act, 1975, has also been repealed.
The other Acts that are no longer effective in are the Jammu and Kashmir Consolidation Of Holdings Act, 1962, the Jammu and Kashmir Flood Plain Zones (Regulation and Development) Act, the Jammu and Kashmir Land Improvement Schemes Act, the Jammu and Kashmir Prevention Of Fragmentation Of Agricultural Holdings Act, the Jammu and Kashmir Right Of Prior Purchase, Act, the Jammu and Kashmir Utilisation Of Lands Act and the Jammu and Kashmir Underground Public Utilities (Acquisition Of Rights Of User In Land) Act.
The government has also set up a new body called the J&K Industrial Development Corporation, under the Jammu and Kashmir Industrial Development Act, to speed up industrial development, invite investment, set up industrial units and promote corporate farming. The modified law permits the corporation to acquire land for setting up industrial units.
Gujjar hutments locally called Kotha’s demolition in interior Pahalgam. Some of these temporary structures predate partition. The photograph shows the credits of Aamir Reshi.
However, if it is unable to acquire the land by agreement, the government can order proceedings under the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013. Under this Act, a penalty is issued in case anyone obstructs any person with whom the corporation has entered into a contract.
Following this, JK State Industrial Development Corporation is retrieving 723 kanals of state land for new industrial clusters in the Buddhi area of Kathua which includes Barwal and Jandore villages.
“In adjoining Langate and Govindsar villages, many of the industrial units set up by SIDCO are inoperative. Clearly, the non-local investors are coming here to enjoy government subsidies and incentives,” Amrish Jasrotia, a local activist, said.
Also, the land being taken away in the current drive is in use for agriculture and horticulture.
Under the amended Jammu and Kashmir Land Revenue Act in 2020, the definition of agriculture and allied activities have been extended to raising crops including food and non-food crops, fodder or grass, fruits, vegetable, flowers, animal husbandry, dairy, poultry farming, stock breeding, fishery, and agro-processing related activities. The modified law disallows the sale as well as gift or exchange or mortgage of agricultural land to a non-agriculturist.
However, the law has carved out exemptions through which such a transfer can be permitted. A newly-formed revenue board will notify the detailed procedure, prescribe a form and fix the fee for conversion of agriculture to non-agricultural purposes.
The government can allow the transfer of agricultural land in favour of an eligible public trust established for charitable purposes and which is non-profitable in nature as well as for education and healthcare services.
It can also, via notification, allow the transfer of land to a person, institution or corporation, for industrial or commercial or housing purposes or agricultural purposes meant for the development of the UT. Non-agriculturists who have had the land transferred to them and intend to use it for non-agricultural purposes are required to now do so within five years.
Roshni Land
While lakhs of people encroached on the state and khacharie lands post the despotic rule, the legislature of Jammu and Kashmir in 2001 passed the Jammu and Kashmir State Land (Vesting of Ownership to the Occupants) Act 2001 which came to be known as the Roshni Act and more recently as the Roshni scam.
The law paved the way for transferring ownership of state land to its occupants for a fee with the objective of earning revenue to finance power projects.
High Court of Jammu and Kashmir
The law was a result of the Farooq Abdullah government’s failure to manage the financial closure of the ambitious Baglihar power project forcing the government to think of ideas that can generate capital locally. The Farooq-led government in 2001 decided to hand over rights to people occupying the state land in lieu of market costs. The capital would fund the power projects. The Roshni scheme continued and people started paying for the lands they held. In 2005, however, Ghulam Nabi Azad-led government decided to vest proprietary rights to anyone holding state land but without paying anything. In order to appease the land grabbers, Azad government made it mandatory for revenue officials to deliver the ownership papers on these lands to the people at their homes. It devoured the purpose from the scheme and reduced it to a historic racket. Comptroller and Auditor General did a scathing report on the scandal and eventually, in a series of petitions, the High Court found it to be in non-consonance with the principles of a fair law leading to the Act being declared null and void.
Subsequently, the revenue officials were directed to delete mutations in records done under the Roshni Act. The names of common people were deleted from revenue records and the land’s title again changed to state land.
Retrieving the encroached land started soon after the collapse of BJPDP government and the subsequent days witnessed the eviction drives taking place with vigour and consistency. In January 2022, the administration claimed to have retrieved 46,487.6 acres of state land, 13,814.4 acres of kacharai (grazing land), and 164.2 acres of common land from alleged encroachers across Jammu and Kashmir. The matter went to the Supreme Court, which stayed the evictions of former Roshni Act landholders. The government had also filed a review petition along with 70 other individual petitions.
Last year, the government through its Solicitor General informed the Apex Court that no “coercive” action would be taken against Roshni Act landholders till the court passes directions.
However, with vacations currently underway in court, the eviction drive was started targeting all the state land including Roshni and Khacharie lands. The petitioners filed a special leave petition in which the court didn’t stay the evictions but asked the UT counsel to verbally direct the administration to not demolish houses and also not disturb the Roshni Act landholders till the next hearing on January 31.
Retired Justice Muzafar Iqbal Khan, a petitioner in the Roshni case said that while a law passed by an assembly was declared null and void by a governor who had no authority, the government has been silent on paying back money to the people who got land regularised.
Cascading Effect
While the debates around legality and compassion rage on, Farooq Ahmad Ganie in the Rampora Rajpora area of Baramulla is worried about the financial loss he would have to bear after the three-kanal land has been taken away from his possession.
The land, part Khacharie and part state land, majorly housed hundreds of walnut trees he had sown which fetched him around Rs 7-8 lakhs every season.
Like Ganie, the majority of state and Khacharie landholders had employed the land for agriculture and horticulture, the mainstay of the Jammu and Kashmir economy.
With an estimated 30 lakh kanals of land being retrieved from the people, the Gross State Domestic Produce of Jammu and Kashmir is going to take a serious hit. Agriculture, interestingly, after remained stagnant for many years has started falling down as a contributor to GSDP.
Experts believe that the per capita income of Jammu and Kashmir is also going to be hit badly in the already volatile times kick-started by the August 5 and Covid-19-induced lockdowns.
Former J&K finance minister Haseeb Drabu in one of his write-ups post August 5, argues that the fact underlying Jammu and Kashmir’s better-than-national average human development indicators is that along with the land reforms, there was a massive debt write-off undertaken over a period of twenty years between 1951 and 1973. It is because of this that the incidence of indebtedness in Jammu and Kashmir is at the second lowest. Landless labour in the state is nearly absent and land ownership translating into economic empowerment has led to more than 25 per cent of the household earnings in Jammu and Kashmir coming from own cultivation. As a result, the incidence of poverty in the state is remarkably low with households living below the poverty line at 10 per cent against the all-India average of 22 per cent.
Reactions
National Conference vice president and former chief minister Omar Abdullah said that the government is trying to hide its failures under the pretext of land retrieval order, insisting the situation is going bad to worse with each passing day. “The retrieval of the land of Roshni scheme amounts to betrayal.”
Peoples Conference president Sajad Lone said the idea of retrieving state land in a rural setting is “dangerous”. Lone said that the administration cannot make people homeless and “when will these insane experiments backed by ugly muscularity end”. He added: “Occupation of State land in villages by inhabitants of a particular village is a generational practice and an irreversible reality. This practice is prevalent in the rest of the country. A sizeable percentage of the population is involved. You can’t make them homeless.”
While BJP President Ravinder Raina said the drive is a good step against land grabbers, his party colleague Yudhvir Sethi went all guns blazing against the government saying that they would hit roads and not allow the officials anywhere near the people’s lands.
The Democratic Progressive Azad Party, Jammu and Kashmir Apni Party and the Peoples Democratic Party have already hit the roads in protest along with protest marches by locals at a few places.
Herds grazing in Branwar. KL Image: Bilal Bahadur
PDP President and former chief minister Mehbooba Mufti said, “Laws are created for the welfare of the public, but in Jammu and Kashmir they are weaponised to dis-empower, humiliate and punish. This latest diktat was issued because despite the government of India misusing all the agencies at its disposal & unleashing draconian laws, aren’t getting the desired results,” she said. “The collective punishment & humiliation is this government’s way of keeping people of J&K on tenterhooks & fighting for mere survival so that they don’t have the energy to fight the onslaught against their identity.”
The District Development Council Ramban unanimously adopted a resolution to oppose the administration’s order to vacate “occupants” from the state land.
The resolution passed unanimously, appealed to the LG to issue directions to the concerned authorities for preventing any adverse action which is detrimental to the farmers/landless people residing in villages and are wholly and solely dependent on the state land which they were occupying for decades.
The DDC members, in their resolution, said, “Simply branding the occupants as land grabbers is not only unjustified but misleading as well. The historical aspect needs to be taken into consideration while deciding about such sensitive issues upon which the people have built the whole edifice of their lives and spent their hard-earned money over the years in constructing a shelter for their families.”
“The admin must prevent revenue authorities from demolishing or damaging all kinds of properties mentioned above. Also frame a policy to give ownerships to such occupants by charging reasonable amount depending upon the paying capacity,” reads the resolution.