Tag: investigative

  • How the House GOP’s investigative tag team navigates the ring

    How the House GOP’s investigative tag team navigates the ring

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    Republicans are betting the two can pull off a tag team straight out of Jordan’s wrestling days. But Democrats are watching closely, eager to eke out political advantage from any tension points and toe-stepping between the GOP duo.

    “We’re communicating. There’s always going to be some overlap, but it’s not a problem right now,” Comer said in a brief interview about their relationship.

    Jordan added that he and Comer “work together all the time” including coordinating when the House is in session and talking on the phone when it’s not.

    “He can do all the good work he is doing and he can work on some of the same things we’re working on. I don’t care one bit. … I think we make it too complicated. Let’s do our job,” Jordan said.

    The duo might appear not to work on paper: Though they vote together most of the time, they’re hardly in lockstep — breaking in recent years on the farm bill and marijuana banking legislation. Notably, Jordan supported Trump-backed challenges to the 2020 election and ignored a subpoena from the Jan. 6 select committee; Comer has highlighted that he voted to certify President Joe Biden’s win, despite his district going overwhelmingly for Trump in 2020.

    And they took significantly different paths to power. Jordan is a former Freedom Caucus chair who saw his stature rise in Washington through his ability to both antagonize and influence House GOP leadership, a bomb-throwing mentality that found favor during the Trump years.

    Comer’s ascension through the House GOP ranks was quieter, as he defeated conservative opponents to secure the party’s top spot on the Oversight Committee less than three years ago. But with an extensive political network back in Kentucky, which raises the perennial question of his next planned move, Comer was also no lightweight before taking the gavel.

    Comer quipped that Jordan, known for his rapid-fire dialogue, “gets more words per minute in than I do.” And he clarified that he doesn’t see himself as Jordan’s competitor, comparing the Ohioan to fellow Buckeye State native LeBron James while describing himself as “the kid lucky to be on the team.”

    “I think it’s good — everybody acts like it’s bad,” Comer said of their relationship. “Maybe I’m a gullible country boy.”

    Republicans back him up, however, chalking it up to a case of perceived opposites attracting.

    Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.), a member of both the GOP’s panel investigating government politicization and the Oversight Committee, acknowledged they have “very different personalities” but said they are “more effective together.”

    “It’s not good cop-bad cop, but it’s hard charging vs. a more laid-back personality,” he said.

    Predictably, the investigative buddy act has become a top target for Democrats, the White House and Biden-world allies, who view its ascendance as a sign of how Republicans will use their majority: by training all their firepower on the administration, despite lacking evidence for many of their claims. Democrats are particularly confident that Jordan and Comer’s investigations will create blowback for Republicans in purple and Biden-won districts.

    And Biden’s party feels it has plenty of material to work with already.

    Though Democrats have long scrapped with Jordan, it’s Comer who has caught early and fierce pushback from his cross-aisle colleagues. The Kentuckian has had a near-constant TV presence, prompting private Democratic questions about whether he’s trying to prove himself to a conservative base that’s already embraced Jordan.

    Most recently, Comer sparked days of headlines when he cited the late Beau Biden as an example that the U.S. attorney in Delaware had pulled punches on investigating the Biden family. The White House called Comer’s words “despicable.” The Oversight chair argued that his remarks were being widely mischaracterized and that he never said Biden’s son, who died of cancer, “should be indicted.”

    It’s not just Democrats who have criticized Comer’s and Jordan’s approaches. Some GOP pundits have recently questioned the pace of Jordan’s investigations, and Comer’s expansive to-do list has sparked media questions about whether he’s spread himself too thin.

    They have set up some clear lines of delineation: Jordan is handling a sweeping investigation into the Justice Department and the FBI, two prime targets for Republicans who grew increasingly antagonistic toward the federal law enforcement agencies during the Trump years. Comer, meanwhile, is digging into the botched U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, hunting for government waste broadly and digging into how trillions of dollars in coronavirus aid were spent.

    And true to their respective reputations, Jordan has publicly fired off a series of subpoenas for documents and interviews, while Comer issued his first three subpoenas with little fanfare. And Comer has seemed more willing to dive into subjects that won’t necessarily earn him headlines, like border contracts.

    But some lines have only grown blurrier: They’ve held back-to-back hearings on the border, with Comer using his to question administration officials, while Jordan called witnesses critical of the Biden administration. The Ohioan also held a field hearing in Yuma., Ariz., that was boycotted by Democrats, lending itself to more of a political-rally vibe.

    And while Comer has publicly talked about the impeachment of Biden officials, he’s careful in the halls of Congress to volley questions back in Jordan’s direction.

    Jordan is also a member of the Oversight Committee, a dynamic that staff and colleagues say help the two coordinate their strategy. But it’s a visual reminder of the overlap, with Jordan sitting next to Comer on the dais.

    Comer is taking the lead on most Hunter Biden-related investigations, but Jordan’s also probing a letter from former intelligence officials warning that a 2020 New York Post story on the president’s son’s laptop could be disinformation. And the Ohioan questioned why Attorney General Merrick Garland did not appoint a special counsel to look into Hunter Biden, whom DOJ has been investigating for years.

    The Oversight chief held a hearing last month with former Twitter officials where Republicans grilled them over the social media company’s decision to temporarily restrict the 2020 article. Jordan, meanwhile, held his second politicized-government hearing Thursday focusing on the “Twitter files” — reports conservatives purport show collusion between the FBI and company executives to quash the Post story.

    Comer and Jordan viewed those areas as examples of how they might dig into the same general topic but go at it from different angles. But Del. Stacey Plaskett (D-V.I.), the top Democrat on the Judiciary subpanel, used Thursday’s hearing to spotlight the overlap, noting that “three weeks ago House Oversight had this hearing with actual Twitter executives … and that didn’t go so well for the House Republicans.”

    The duo’s GOP colleagues, however, are willing to give them broad leeway — for now — as long as they don’t literally hold the same hearing back-to-back.

    “They’re good friends. They talk a lot,” said Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas). “If you have two competing hearings doing the same thing, that’s a problem, but I haven’t seen that so far.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Dems name former Trump impeachment officials to GOP investigative panel

    Dems name former Trump impeachment officials to GOP investigative panel

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    Plaskett, a former prosecutor, made history in the role as the first delegate to serve as an impeachment manager. Fellow impeachment manager Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), now the top Democrat on the Oversight Committee, was once her law professor at American University.

    Jeffries also nominated three members of the Oversight Committee for the select panel: Reps. Stephen Lynch (D-Mass.), Gerry Connolly (D-Va.) and Dan Goldman (D-N.Y.). Connolly and Lynch ran against Raskin for the top spot on that panel but fell short. And Goldman, a freshman, previously served as counsel for House Democrats during Trump’s first impeachment trial.

    Democratic Reps. Linda Sánchez (Calif.), Debbie Wasserman Schultz (Fla.), John Garamendi (Calif.), Colin Allred (Texas) and Sylvia Garcia (Texas) also got seats on the select subcommittee. Technically, McCarthy appoints all members of the panel, meaning he’ll need to sign off on the Democratic picks, but the California Republican has said he would let Democrats name their own members for the subcommittee.

    Jeffries, in the letter to his colleagues, said that the Democrats leading their party on the committees would need to “stand up to extremism from the other side of the aisle.” In addition to picking Plaskett as the top Democrat on the weaponization subcommittee, Jeffries also picked Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.) to be the top Democrat on the Intelligence Committee after McCarthy blocked Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), the longtime lead Democrat, from serving on the panel.

    The minority leader also tapped Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-Ill.) to head Democrats on a select committee on strategic competition between the United States and China and Rep. Raul Ruiz (D-Calif.) to be the party’s top official on a subcommittee on the coronavirus pandemic.

    “It remains my goal to prioritize and value input from every corner of the Caucus so we may unleash the full potential of our team. The members of the select committees reflect the tremendous experience, background and ability of the House Democratic Caucus, and authentically represent the gorgeous mosaic of the American people,” he added.

    Under a fix passed by the House earlier Wednesday, the select panel members were expected to include Reps. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) and Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.), who serve as chair and ranking member of the full Judiciary Committee, as well as an additional 19 lawmakers — no more than eight of whom would be Democrats. But Jeffries, in his announcement, said that Nadler would instead serve as an ex-officio member. The overall break down of the panel is 12 Republicans to 9 Democrats.

    Democrats on the subcommittee will be tasked with finding an offensive lane to counter the GOP investigations, with Republicans on the panel expected to expand the scope of their probes to include the intelligence community, the Department of Education, big tech and other targets.

    The minority party largely avoided naming any bomb throwers to the subcommittee, but their members are well-steeped in investigative tactics and procedural mechanisms Republicans may choose to deploy as they pursue their own favored probes.

    In addition to serving as an impeachment manager, Plaskett was also on the Ways and Means Committee in the last Congress, which was at the center of the fight for Trump’s tax returns. Sánchez is also a member of the tax writing committee.

    Connolly, in particular, also has a long history of tangling with Jordan and other GOP members of the panel through their time on the Oversight Committee.

    Kyle Cheney contributed to this report.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • McCarthy names GOP members to run sweeping investigative panel

    McCarthy names GOP members to run sweeping investigative panel

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    As part of the inner-conference haggling, conference heads also added language that gives the panel authority to get access to information shared with the Intelligence Committee and review “ongoing criminal investigations,” a prospect that’s likely to spark push back from the Justice Department.

    “As long as we keep it tight and know what we’re doing before we go in, which is where Jim Jordan comes into play — nobody’s better at this — we’ll be okay,” Rep. Kelly Armstrong (R-N.D.), one of the newly named members of the panel, told POLITICO on Tuesday.

    The panel’s newly named members represent the at times at-odds groups McCarthy has to balance within his conference. While putting Jordan in the driver’s seat and naming other allies to the panel could help McCarthy try to keep it in check, he also has to keep detractors like Reps. Chip Roy (R-Texas) and Dan Bishop (R-N.C.) happy to quell any rebellion before it begins. The swath of members also reflect that suspicion of political motives within the Justice Department and the FBI is far from fringe within the House GOP.

    It’s expected to be on the front lines of skirmishes with the Biden administration, particularly the Justice Department, as Republicans on the panel will be empowered to try to examine everything from Jan. 6-related investigations to the search last year of former President Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago residence. Republicans have signaled they could expand their investigative scope to include agencies and issues like the Department of Education and big tech.

    Some of McCarthy’s close allies snagged spots on the panel. Jordan was long expected to lead the group, and Reps. Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.) and Mike Johnson (R-La.), two members of the GOP leadership team, are also getting seats on the subcommittee, as well as Armstrong, a McCarthy backer who helped nominate him for speaker during a closed-door meeting last year. Stefanik and Rep. Chris Stewart (R-Utah) are also both members of the Intelligence Committee.

    Only two of McCarthy’s defectors-turned-supporters are getting a seat: Roy and Bishop. Bishop was an early advocate within the conference for a select committee, while Roy helped negotiate the deal that helped secure McCarthy the speaker’s gavel.

    Other GOP members of the committee will include Rep. Darrell Issa (R-Calif.), Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), Greg Steube (R-Fla.), Kat Cammack (R-Fla.) and Harriet Hageman (R-Wyo.). Hageman defeated former Rep. Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.), one of the two Republicans on the Democratic-led Jan. 6 committee.

    Democrats still need to recommend their own members to the panel. As part of the resolution that greenlit it, Rep. Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) automatically gets a seat, due to his perch as top Democrat on the Judiciary Committee.

    Additionally, the resolution laid out that McCarthy would name 13 members beyond Jordan and Nadler, including no more than five in consultation with House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries.

    Beyond Jordan, McCarthy’s list Tuesday night included 11 GOP members, filling most of the panel’s 13 available slots amid intense interest within his conference. But two aides familiar with the plan said McCarthy intends to pass a second resolution expanding the size of the panel, to account for the greater number of Republicans appointees. Democrats would get a proportional increase as well, the aides said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

    The panel, which the House approved earlier this month along a party-line vote, is already a lightning rod for Democratic criticism, the Biden administration and their allies, who view it as a vehicle for Republicans to use their new majority to enact political revenge.

    “Jim Jordan and Kevin McCarthy claim to be investigating the weaponization of the federal government when, in fact, this new select subcommittee is the weapon itself. It is specifically designed to inject extremist politics into our justice system and shield the MAGA movement from the legal consequences of their actions,” Nadler said in a recent statement about the panel.

    But Republicans have defended the decision to set up the panel as necessary to conduct oversight over the FBI and the Justice Department, two of the party’s biggest targets in recent years. They’ve also pointed to an inspector general’s report that found the FBI misused its surveillance powers to spy on a former Trump campaign adviser.

    McCarthy argued that Democrats used their past two years of unified control of Washington to “target political opponents.”

    “The government has a responsibility to serve the American people, not go after them,” he added.

    Olivia Beavers and Kyle Cheney contributed to this report.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )