Tag: Digital

  • Britain’s semiconductor plan goes AWOL as US and EU splash billions

    Britain’s semiconductor plan goes AWOL as US and EU splash billions

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    LONDON — As nations around the world scramble to secure crucial semiconductor supply chains over fears about relations with China, the U.K. is falling behind.

    The COVID-19 pandemic exposed the world’s heavy reliance on Taiwan and China for the most advanced chips, which power everything from iPhones to advanced weapons. For the past two years, and amid mounting fears China could kick off a new global security crisis by invading Taiwan, Britain’s government has been readying a plan to diversify supply chains for key components and boost domestic production.

    Yet according to people close to the strategy, the U.K.’s still-unseen plan — which missed its publication deadline last fall — has suffered from internal disconnect and government disarray, setting the country behind its global allies in a crucial race to become more self-reliant.

    A lack of experience and joined-up policy-making in Whitehall, a period of intense political upheaval in Downing Street, and new U.S. controls on the export of advanced chips to China, have collectively stymied the U.K.’s efforts to develop its own coherent plan.

    The way the strategy has been developed so far “is a mistake,” said a former senior Downing Street official.

    Falling behind

    During the pandemic, demand for semiconductors outstripped supply as consumers flocked to sort their home working setups. That led to major chip shortages — soon compounded by China’s tough “zero-COVID” policy. 

    Since a semiconductor fabrication plant is so technologically complex — a single laser in a chip lithography system of German firm Trumpf has 457,000 component parts — concentrating manufacturing in a few companies helped the industry innovate in the past.

    But everything changed when COVID-19 struck.

    “Governments suddenly woke up to the fact that — ‘hang on a second, these semiconductor things are quite important, and they all seem to be concentrated in a small number of places,’” said a senior British semiconductor industry executive.

    Beijing’s launch of a hypersonic missile in 2021 also sent shivers through the Pentagon over China’s increasing ability to develop advanced AI-powered weapons. And Russia’s invasion of Ukraine added to geopolitical uncertainty, upping the pressure on governments to onshore manufacturers and reduce reliance on potential conflict hotspots like Taiwan.

    Against this backdrop, many of the U.K.’s allies are investing billions in domestic manufacturing.

    The Biden administration’s CHIPS Act, passed last summer, offers $52 billion in subsidies for semiconductor manufacturing in the U.S. The EU has its own €43 billion plan to subsidize production — although its own stance is not without critics. Emerging producers like India, Vietnam, Singapore and Japan are also making headway in their own multi-billion-dollar efforts to foster domestic manufacturing.

    GettyImages 1244646864
    US President Joe Biden | Samuel Corum/Getty Images

    Now the U.K. government is under mounting pressure to show its own hand. In a letter to Prime Minister Rishi Sunak first reported by the Times and also obtained by POLITICO, Britain’s semiconductor sector said its “confidence in the government’s ability to address the vital importance of the industry is steadily declining with each month of inaction.”

    That followed the leak of an early copy of the U.K.’s semiconductor strategy, reported on by Bloomberg, warning that Britain’s over-dependence on Taiwan for its semiconductor foundries makes it vulnerable to any invasion of the island nation by China.  

    Taiwan, which Beijing considers part of its territory, makes more than 90 percent of the world’s advanced chips, with its Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) vital to the manufacture of British-designed semiconductors.

    U.S. and EU action has already tempted TSMC to begin building new plants and foundries in Arizona and Germany.

    “We critically depend on companies like TSMC,” said the industry executive quoted above. “It would be catastrophic for Western economies if they couldn’t get access to the leading-edge semiconductors any more.”

    Whitehall at war

    Yet there are concerns both inside and outside the British government that key Whitehall departments whose input on the strategy could be crucial are being left out in the cold.

    The Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) is preparing the U.K.’s plan and, according to observers, has fiercely maintained ownership of the project. DCMS is one of the smallest departments in Whitehall, and is nicknamed the ‘Ministry of Fun’ due to its oversight of sports and leisure, as well as issues related to tech.

    “In other countries, semiconductor policies are the product of multiple players,” said Paul Triolo, a senior vice president at U.S.-based strategy firm ASG. This includes “legislative support for funding major subsidies packages, commercial and trade departments, R&D agencies, and high-level strategic policy bodies tasked with things like improving supply chain resilience,” he said.

    “You need all elements of the U.K.’s capabilities. You need the diplomatic services, the security services. You need everyone working together on this,” said the former Downing Street official quoted above. “There are huge national security aspects to this.”

    Referring to lower-level civil servants, the same person said that relying on “a few ‘Grade 6’ officials in DCMS — officials that don’t see the wider picture, or who don’t have either capability or knowledge,” is a mistake. 

    For its part, DCMS rejected the suggestion it is too closely guarding the plan, with a spokesperson saying the ministry is “working closely with industry experts and other government departments … so we can protect and grow our domestic sector and ensure greater supply chain resilience.”

    The spokesperson said the strategy “will be published as soon as possible.”

    But businesses keen for sight of the plan remain unconvinced the U.K. has the right team in place for the job.

    Key Whitehall personnel who had been involved in project have now changed, the executive cited earlier said, and few of those writing the strategy “have much of a background in the industry, or much first-hand experience.”

    Progress was also sidetracked last year by lengthy deliberations over whether the U.K. should block the sale of Newport Wafer Fab, Britain’s biggest semiconductor plant, to Chinese-owned Nexperia on national security grounds, according to two people directly involved in the strategy. The government eventually announced it would block the sale in November.

    And while a draft of the plan existed last year, it never progressed to the all-important ministerial “write-around” process — which gives departments across Whitehall the chance to scrutinize and comment upon proposals.

    Waiting for budget day

    Two people familiar with current discussions about the strategy said ministers are now aiming to make their plan public in the run-up to, or around, Chancellor Jeremy Hunt’s March 15 budget statement, although they stressed that timing could still change.

    Leaked details of the strategy indicate the government will set aside £1 billion to support chip makers. Further leaks indicate this will be used as seed money for startups, and for boosting existing firms and delivering new incentives for investors.

    GettyImages 1243963226
    U.K. Chancellor Jeremy Hunt | Leon Neal/Getty Images

    There is wrangling with the Treasury and other departments over the size of these subsidies. Experts also say it is unlikely to be ‘new’ money but diverted from other departments’ budgets.

    “We’ll just have to wait for something more substantial,” said a spokesperson from one semiconductor firm commenting on the pre-strategy leaks.

    But as the U.K. procrastinates, key British-linked firms are already being hit by the United States’ own fast-evolving semiconductor strategy. U.S. rules brought in last October — and beefed up in recent days by an agreement with the Netherlands — are preventing some firms from selling the most advanced chip designs and manufacturing equipment to China.

    British-headquartered, Japanese-owned firm ARM — the crown jewel of Britain’s semiconductor industry, which sells some designs to smartphone manufacturers in China — is already seeing limits on what it can export. Other British firms like Graphcore, which develops chips for AI and machine learning, are feeling the pinch too.

    “The U.K. needs to — at pace — understand what it wants its role to be in the industries that will define the future economy,” said Andy Burwell, director for international trade at business lobbying group the CBI.

    Where do we go from here?

    There are serious doubts both inside and outside government about whether Britain’s long-awaited plan can really get to the heart of what is a complex global challenge — and opinion is divided on whether aping the U.S. and EU’s subsidy packages is either possible or even desirable for the U.K.

    A former senior government figure who worked on semiconductor policy said that while the U.K. definitely needs a “more coherent worked-out plan,” publishing a formal strategy may actually just reveal how “complicated, messy and beyond our control” the issue really is.

    “It’s not that it is problematic that we don’t have a strategy,” they said. “It’s problematic that whatever strategy we have is not going to be revolutionary.” They described the idea of a “boosterish” multi-billion-pound investment in Britain’s own fabricator industry as “pie in the sky.”

    The former Downing Street official said Britain should instead be seeking to work “in collaboration” with EU and U.S. partners, and must be “careful to avoid” a subsidy war with allies.

    The opposition Labour Party, hot favorites to form the next government after an expected 2024 election, takes a similar view. “It’s not the case that the U.K. can do this on its own,” Shadow Foreign Secretary David Lammy said recently, urging ministers to team up with the EU to secure its supply of semiconductors.

    One area where some experts believe the U.K. may be able to carve out a competitive advantage, however, is in the design of advanced semiconductors.

    “The U.K. would probably be best placed to pursue support for start-up semiconductor design firms such as Graphcore,” said ASG’s Triolo, “and provide support for expansion of capacity at the existing small number of companies manufacturing at more mature nodes” such as Nexperia’s Newport Wafer Fab.

    Ministers launched a research project in December aimed at tapping into the U.K. semiconductor sector’s existing strength in design. The government has so far poured £800 million into compound semiconductor research through universities, according to a recent report by the House of Commons business committee.

    But the same group of MPs wants more action to support advanced chip design. Burwell at the CBI business group said the U.K. government must start “working alongside industry, rather than the government basically developing a strategy and then coming to industry afterwards.”

    Right now the government is “out there a bit struggling to see what levers they have to pull,” said the senior semiconductor executive quoted earlier.

    Under World Trade Organization rules, governments are allowed to subsidize their semiconductor manufacturing capabilities, the executive pointed out. “The U.S. is doing it. Europe’s doing it. Taiwan does it. We should do it too.”

    Cristina Gallardo contributed reporting.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )

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  • ‘A Hard Sell’: Can Biden’s DOJ really shatter Google’s grip on digital ads?

    ‘A Hard Sell’: Can Biden’s DOJ really shatter Google’s grip on digital ads?

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    While ambitious, the latest Google case fits squarely under current antitrust law, said Bill Kovacic, a former Federal Trade Commission chair and current professor at the George Washington University Law School. “These aren’t strange concepts,” he said. “The case has a coherent story, and it’s zeroing on missed opportunities from the past.”

    Kovacic led the FTC during its review of Google’s acquisition of DoubleClick, the ad tech company Google bought in 2007. DoubleClick was the initial centerpiece of Google’s then-burgeoning digital ad empire, and the FTC agreed at the time to let the deal through without conditions. The deal gave Google the ability to help websites sell ad space, as well as an exchange matching websites and advertisers. But in hindsight, Kovacic said he would have sought to block it. Separately from DoubleClick, the FTC also declined to bring an antitrust case against Google over some of the same conduct currently being scrutinized, but Kovacic left the FTC by the time that decision was made.

    Kovacic said that had the FTC tried to block the deal in the late Bush or early Obama years, even if it ultimately lost, “we would not be having the same conversation we’re having now about whether antitrust regulators blundered so badly in dealing with tech.” Even an unsuccessful case would have sent a message to Silicon Valley that regulators were watching, and would have also given the public a better understanding of competition in complex tech markets, he said.

    While Tuesday’s case was filed by the Biden administration’s antitrust division, led by progressive Assistant Attorney General Jonathan Kanter, it’s the continuation of work started under a department run by former Attorney General Bill Barr. It also largely tracks a case brought by Republican Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton in December 2020.

    Tuesday’s lawsuit seeks to break up Google’s ad tech business, forcing divestitures of key components. Google owns many of the most widely-used tools that advertisers and publishers use to sell space and place ads online. It also owns AdX, one of the most widely used exchanges that match advertisers and publishers in automatic auctions occurring in the milliseconds it takes to load a webpage.

    Both the DOJ and Texas-led cases accuse Google of conflicts of interest by working on behalf of publishers and advertisers as well as operating the leading electronic advertising exchange that matches the two, and selling its own ad space on sites like YouTube.

    Google rejects the assertion that it’s an illegal monopolist. In a blog post published Tuesday, Dan Taylor, Google’s vice president for global ads, claimed the DOJ is ignoring “the enormous competition in the online advertising industry.” Taylor pointed to evidence suggesting that Amazon’s ad business is growing faster than Google’s, and suggested that Microsoft, TikTok, Disney and Walmart are all rapidly expanding their own digital ad offerings.

    Not everyone agrees that the DOJ’s newest Google case falls squarely under traditional antitrust law. “The (Google) complaint alleges some traditional concerns like acquisitions and inducing exclusivity, and others like deception where there’s clear room to extend the law,” said Daniel Francis, a former deputy director of the FTC’s Bureau of Competition who’s now a law professor at NYU. “But it also includes some allegations, like self-preferencing, that — at least on traditional views — don’t seem to violate existing law.”

    “To a generally conservative and skeptical judiciary, that’s going to be a hard sell,” he added.

    Francis played a key role in shaping the FTC’s ongoing lawsuit to unwind Meta’s deals for Instagram and WhatsApp, which initially included allegations the company favored its products over rivals that rely on its platform, a practice known as self-preferencing. A judge threw out the self-preferencing allegations in the Meta complaint.

    In addition to allegations that Google broke antitrust law by preferencing its own products over those of its competitors, the DOJ claims that instances where the company refused to conduct business with rivals also constitute antitrust violations. Tech platforms self-preferencing and refusing to work with rivals are both issues that lawmakers unsuccessfully attempted to address last Congress. While current antitrust law can be used to police such conduct, the cases are difficult and rarely brought by regulators. That makes for a challenging road for the DOJ and states — though that’s not necessarily a bad thing, particularly if it means greater insight into how federal courts may approach competition issues in the digital space.

    Francis compared the new Google case to the FTC’s recent challenge to Microsoft’s takeover of video game maker Activision Blizzard, saying the former is much more on the outer bounds of antitrust law. While some questioned FTC Chair Lina Khan’s decision to bring the case, Francis said that complaint “asserts a traditional theory of harm: it’s just a bit light on details of how that theory applies.”

    Given some of its more novel claims, Francis said the new Google case is likely to be instructive regardless of its outcome. “[T]his new case is going to teach us about the meaning of monopolization in digital markets,” Francis said.

    It’s not so out there

    Florian Ederer, an economics professor at Yale University who specializes in antitrust policy, disagreed with the notion that judges will scoff at the DOJ’s latest push. “It has a trifecta of antitrust concerns,” he said: allegations against Google’s business conduct in the digital market, evidence of a pattern of supposedly anticompetitive acquisitions and signs that Google sought to block emerging competitors.

    In fact, Ederer specifically called out the FTC’s cases against both the Activision Blizzard deal and Meta’s purchase of virtual reality firm Within as closer to the boundaries of antitrust law, given that they are trying to preserve competition in markets that barely exist yet (cloud gaming and virtual reality, respectively). The FTC is “swinging for the fences’’ in those cases, Ederer said. Not so for the DOJ’s new ad tech case against Google, which Ederer said is “very economics-based.” It’s “not based on newfangled theories [such as] killer acquisitions,” he said, referring to the concept of companies buying competitors solely to eliminate a threat. Ederer himself is a proponent of such newfangled theories on killer acquisitions.

    “That doesn’t mean it will be easy to win,” Ederer said. “It’s big, it’s ambitious, but it’s not a Hail Mary.”

    No easy solution

    Google is now facing five different antitrust lawsuits in the United States, including challenges to its internet search engine and its mobile app store. Those cases are in four different courts before four different judges. Two are set for trial later this year.

    Each case is in a different federal circuit court before different judges as well, including the DOJ and Texas advertising cases (Texas is the Second Circuit Court of Appeals, and the DOJ is the Fourth Circuit), meaning different case law would apply to similar conduct.

    Despite the lawsuits stretching back to 2020, Google has just begun its factual arguments in court, with motions to throw out the search-related cases. No judge has ruled on the underlying merits of any of the cases.

    If the ad tech cases ever reached the point of divestiture, breaking up the business would be a difficult task that would likely take years, especially since Google will likely litigate each step, Ederer said. Plus, “Who is going to buy it that would not also run into antitrust hurdles?” Furthermore, figuring out remedies for Google’s separate but related search and mobile business at roughly the same time tees up even more hurdles, he said. “It’s really unprecedented.”

    In an effort to settle the DOJ case, Google offered to separate its advertising business from the rest of the company, while still keeping it under the Alphabet parent company. But that was rejected by the government, according to a person with knowledge of the matter.

    It will take years for the myriad Google cases to make their way through U.S. courts, Kovacic said. “And of course Google is being chased around by a whole host of foreign governments as well. There’s a form of regulatory swarming taking place,” he said.

    In Europe, Google is facing the Digital Markets Act, which when fully enforced in 2024 will make much of the conduct challenged in the various U.S. lawsuits illegal, full stop. EU regulators also have their own ongoing antitrust investigation of Google’s advertising business.

    “It’s a tremendous distraction from running the company, even for one with Google’s resources,” Kovacic said. “If you are Google, you begin to wonder what is the way out of this swamp?”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

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  • Google accused of monopolizing $250B U.S. digital ad market

    Google accused of monopolizing $250B U.S. digital ad market

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    It is the first major antitrust lawsuit against a tech company in the Biden administration, continuing efforts started under former President Donald Trump.

    It’s also the latest in a barrage of antitrust lawsuits against Google. It’s both the DOJ’s second case, and the second case targeting its ad business. The DOJ and a group of state attorneys general sued in October 2020 over Google’s dominance in web searches, and a Texas-led group of state attorneys general challenged its advertising business later that year. Yet another case was filed by a Utah-led group of states in 2021 over Google Play, its mobile app store.

    “Today’s lawsuit from the DOJ attempts to pick winners and losers in the highly competitive advertising technology sector,” said Google spokesperson Peter Schottenfels. “It largely duplicates an unfounded lawsuit by the Texas Attorney General, much of which was recently dismissed by a federal court. DOJ is doubling down on a flawed argument that would slow innovation, raise advertising fees, and make it harder for thousands of small businesses and publishers to grow.”

    Progressives applauded the case. “As the Justice Department’s suit meticulously documents, Google is a buyer, broker, and digital advertising exchange with pervasive conflicts of interest,” said Matt Stoller with the American Economic Liberties Project. “Google regularly abuses this power, manipulating markets, muscling out any form of competition, and inspiring fear across the commercial landscape.”

    Filed in a Virginia federal court with a reputation for speedy resolutions, the lawsuit contends that Google’s dominance in all facets of online advertising, which it achieved in part through a series of acquisitions dating back nearly 15 years, gives the company too much control over tools used to buy, sell, and display ads. Those tools are the primary source of revenue for much of the web.

    According to data from eMarketer, a digital advertising data service, Google is the largest company in the digital ad market that’s estimated to be worth nearly $280 billion in 2023. That’s up from $250 billion for 2022.

    Google’s dominance allows the company to collect 30 cents for every dollar advertisers spend through its tools that place ads across the web, according to Tuesday’s case, which cites internal Google documents.

    “New York consumers and small businesses are paying the price of Google’s actions,” said Attorney General Tish James. “When website publishers get less ad revenue because of Google’s monopolies, they have to either lower the quality of their website, or pass on costs to consumers.”

    The new lawsuit is similar to the Texas case, which is also focused on so-called display advertising, or the images, text and videos that often run on news, sports, and smaller ecommerce websites and some blogs. Google owns many of the most widely-used tools that advertisers and publishers use to sell space and place ads online. It also owns AdX, one of the most widely used exchanges that match advertisers and publishers in automatic auctions occurring in the milliseconds it takes to load a webpage.

    Both the DOJ and Texas-led cases use high speed electronic stock trading as an analogy to describe Google’s business. The cases accuse Google of conflicts of interest by working on behalf of publishers and advertisers as well as operating the leading electronic advertising exchange that matches the two, and selling its own ad space on sites like YouTube.

    “The analogy would be if Goldman [Sachs] or Citibank owned the New York Stock Exchange,” Jonathan Kanter, head of the DOJ’s antitrust division said Tuesday at a press conference.

    Google has previously said the online ad market is intensely competitive, and pointed to a number of startups and tech giants like Amazon, Meta and Microsoft that all compete in the sector.

    Citing the U.S. Army an advertiser, including for recruitment ads, Kanter said the federal government itself is a victim of Google’s conduct. This allows the department to seek damages, something that it’s not typically able to do in civil antitrust cases.

    Some parts of the Texas-led case were dismissed last year by a federal judge in Manhattan, but much of the case is continuing.

    “In the complaint, the department alleges that Google engaged in 15 years of sustained conduct that had and continues to have the effect of driving out rivals diminishing competition, inflating advertising costs, reducing website publisher revenues, stymieing innovation and flattening our public marketplace of ideas,” Kanter said at the press conference.

    Google’s online advertising operations were largely pieced together through a series of acquisitions, which is a key focus of Tuesday’s case. DOJ’s case goes into more exhaustive detail about Google’s acquisition history, calling out specific businesses it wants sold off, including Google’s advertising exchange, which matches publishers and advertisers in real time for the billions of ads across the web.

    The deals date back to Google’s 2008 acquisition of DoubleClick, which helps websites sell ad space. In 2011 it bought AdMeld, another tool used by websites. In 2010 it bought Invite Media, used by large companies for placing online ads, and in 2009 it acquired mobile ad company AdMob.

    Through this extensive control of the market, DOJ said Google is able to manipulate advertising prices to its advantage and steer publishers and advertisers to use its ad tools. Google then is able to take an outsize cut of the money, raising costs for advertisers, and lowering revenue for publishers.

    Google’s supporters however called the case misguided.“Google’s online ad market share is now at an all time low, and it just laid off 12,000 employees in the midst of a declining advertising market — so this DOJ case seems pretty disconnected from economic reality,” said Adam Kovacevich, CEO of the tech-funded Chamber of Progress. “As the tech sector and advertising industry shed jobs, the Biden administration should be looking for ways to support these sectors rather than undermine what’s left.”

    Tuesday’s suit, in the works since 2019, is just the latest piece of the global backlash against the market power of the world’s largest technology companies — one of the rare issues in recent years that garners broad bipartisan support. Google, Apple, Meta’s Facebook and Amazon are facing investigations and lawsuits on six continents. European lawmakers recently passed legislation designed to curb the companies’ dominance and pressure is building in the U.S. for Congress to pass similar laws.

    “The harm is clear,” the new complaint states. “[W]ebsite creators earn less, and advertisers pay more, than they would in a market where unfettered competitive pressure could discipline prices and lead to more innovative ad tech tools that would ultimately result in higher quality and lower cost transactions for market participants.”

    Josh Gerstein contributed to this report.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )