Tag: crisis

  • Hochul issues emergency order for migrant crisis

    Hochul issues emergency order for migrant crisis

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    The city and the state are preparing for another wave of migrants when the federal Title 42 immigration policy lifts.

    “It is a crisis situation, especially with the suspension of Title 42 on Thursday,” Hochul told reporters Tuesday on Long Island. “It’s no surprise that there will literally be thousands of more individuals coming across the border and ultimately finding their way to the state of New York.”

    Hochul’s order might also seek to quell frustration in the suburbs after Adams’ announcement Friday that he would look to move some migrants to other counties to alleviate overcrowding and strained city resources.

    The Republican county executives in Orange and Rockland issued state of emergency orders that will try to bar hotels from contracting with the city to house migrants, setting up a showdown among local governments.

    Hochul seemed Tuesday to try to calm the fervor, suggesting she would work to find new locations, perhaps state-owned facilities, for the asylum-seekers in the city or with municipalities willing to accept them.

    “We are in communication with the mayor’s team and also helping him find locations within the city limits, opening up state property and talking to other counties that are interested in having people come,” she told reporters when asked about the counties’ concerns.

    The state budget approved last week included $1 billion to help the city with the surge as Adams has urged more outside resources, criticizing the federal government for not doing more.

    Hochul said that the state had already deployed about 1,000 members of the National Guard to help the city, and the executive order will allow the state more easily buy food and supplies for the migrants.

    She said one of the main obstacles is getting the migrants the approvals necessary to start working legally. She noted that farmers in New York, in particular, need about 5,000 more workers.

    “The number one priority for those here is to be able to get a job,” Hochul said. “We want them to get employment, but there’s constraint at the federal level as far as their designation.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Y20 Consultation At KU A Historical Event, Youth Main Stakeholders In Fight Against Climate Crisis: KU VC

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    SRINAGAR: Vice-Chancellor University of Kashmir Prof Nilofer Khan on Monday said that the upcoming Youth20 Consultation meet on climate change at the University of Kashmir on May 11 is a historical occassion and an event of global importance. She said it is a great opportunity to showcase our youth as active contributors in fight against climate change.

    Prof Nilofer made the remarks while addressing a pre-event press conference organised regarding the Youth20 Consultation being held on the theme “Climate Change and Disaster Risk Reduction: Making Sustainability A Way of Life”.

    “It is a historical occasion for the University of Kashmir to be organising this event under India’s G20 Presidency. The University considers it as an event of national and global importance and has put in place all necessary logistical and other arrangements well in advance. Our faculty members, officers, research scholars and students have been actively involved in making this event a great success,” she said.

    The event will be attended by dignitaries from the Central Government, J&K UT Administration, 17 international delegates, 4 international speakers, 12 national speakers and 26 national delegates, the Vice-Chancellor said.

    “To make the event more inclusive and result-oriented, we have invited participants from universities across the Union Territories of J&K and Ladakh. We also have participation of students from the school education department and higher education department,” the VC said, adding that four panel discussions on important aspects of climate change will be held during the technical deliberations.

    Highlighting the importance of the theme, the VC said, “We have chosen this theme deliberately in view of its high importance for the country in general, and our youth in particular. Because this engagement and involvement of youth in the conversation and dialogue on climate change is one big intervention that India’s G20 Presidency has made. It is therefore an occasion for our youth to come forward and share their ideas on how they can contribute to addressing and mitigating the impacts of climate change.”.

    These ideas will eventually be taken to the G20 platform and shall contribute to policymaking in its critical areas, she said, adding: “We have also opted for this theme in view of enormous research work which our University has been Conducting in the area of climate change. The research work done In this University on climate change has been published and acknowledged globally”.

    Third important reason for choosing this theme is the fact that we live in the Himalayan region, Which is prone to various natural disasters like landslides, flooding and avalanches. The J&K UT also falls In Seismic Zone-V and is therefore vulnerable to earthquakes.

    “The Youth20 Consultation therefore offers Us an opportunity to deliberate upon these important aspects and see how best our youth can contribute to mitigating the climate change impacts in the region using ‘youth power’ as a means to achieve this goal,” the VC said.

    This mega event reflects our deep commitment to further tread the path of academic excellence with great determination and sustained focus, she said.

     

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    ( With inputs from : kashmirlife.net )

  • Y20 Consultation at KU a historical event, youth main stakeholders in fight against climate crisis: KU VC

    Y20 Consultation at KU a historical event, youth main stakeholders in fight against climate crisis: KU VC

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    Srinagar, May 8 (GNS): Vice-Chancellor University of Kashmir Prof Nilofer Khan on Monday said that the upcoming Youth20 Consultation meet on climate change at the University of Kashmir on May 11 is a historical occasion and an event of global importance. She said it is a great opportunity to showcase our youth as active contributors in the fight against climate change.

    Prof Nilofer made the remarks while addressing a pre-event press conference organised regarding the Youth20 Consultation being held on the theme “Climate Change and Disaster Risk Reduction: Making Sustainability A Way of Life”.

    “It is a historical occasion for the University of Kashmir to be organising this event under India’s G20 Presidency. The University considers it as an event of national and global importance and has put in place all necessary logistical and other arrangements well in advance. Our faculty members, officers, research scholars and students have been actively involved in making this event a great success,” she said as per GNS.

    The VC thanked the Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Honourable Minister of Youth Affairs and Sports Anurag Thakur and Chancellor Manoj Sinha for choosing the University of Kashmir for the mega event.

    The event will be attended by dignitaries from the Central Government, J&K UT Administration, 17 international delegates, 4 international speakers, 12 national speakers and 26 national delegates, the Vice-Chancellor said.

    “To make the event more inclusive and result-oriented, we have invited participants from universities across the Union Territories of J&K and Ladakh. We also have participation of students from the school education department and higher education department,” the VC said, adding that four panel discussions on important aspects of climate change will be held during the technical deliberations.

    Highlighting the importance of the theme, the VC said, “We have chosen this theme deliberately in view of its high importance for the country in general, and our youth in particular. Because this engagement and involvement of youth in the conversation and dialogue on climate change is one big intervention that India’s G20 Presidency has made. It is therefore an occasion for our youth to come forward and share their ideas on how they can contribute to addressing and mitigating the impacts of climate change.”

    These ideas will eventually be taken to the G20 platform and shall contribute to policy making in its critical areas, she said, adding: “We have also opted for this theme in view of enormous research work which our University has been conducting in the area of climate change. The research work done In this University on climate change has been published and acknowledged globally”.

    Third important reason for choosing this theme is the fact that we live in the Himalayan region, which is prone to various natural disasters like landslides, flooding and avalanches. The J&K UT also falls in Seismic Zone-V and is therefore vulnerable to earthquakes.

    “The Youth20 Consultation therefore offers Us an opportunity to deliberate upon these important aspects and see how best our youth can contribute to mitigating the climate change impacts in the region using ‘youth power’ as a means to achieve this goal,” the VC said.

    This mega event reflects our deep commitment to further tread the path of academic excellence with great determination and sustained focus, she said.

    “This event will further encourage our faculty, research scholars and students to pursue their academic goals with greater vigor. The University will also use this occasion to further collaborate in research with our sister universities in the UTs of J&K and Ladakh, and other institutions of national and international repute in the country.

    This is indeed a moment of great celebration for all of us, especially our young students,” the VC said, seeking cooperation of the media in amplifying the message of the Youth20 event. (GNS)

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    ( With inputs from : thegnskashmir.com )

  • Why McConnell and McCarthy locked arms on the debt crisis

    Why McConnell and McCarthy locked arms on the debt crisis

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    McConnell’s move helps McCarthy’s negotiating position — and perhaps just as importantly, it boosts his own standing within a Senate Republican conference that has shifted rightward, a lurch that sparked the first-ever rebellion against his leadership last fall.

    McConnell said Biden isn’t the first president he’s pushed to work with a House controlled by the opposing party.

    “This is the very same advice I gave Donald Trump after the Democrats took the House. It wasn’t the first thing on their mind to negotiate with Nancy Pelosi. But they did,” McConnell said. “My advice in private is the same as I’ve been saying publicly … quit wasting time here. And in the end, the deal will be made between McCarthy and Biden.”

    Five months ago, it was impossible to imagine the reserved McConnell on the same page with the chummy McCarthy. During Biden’s first two years in office, they split on everything from gun safety to infrastructure to the billions of dollars in Ukraine aid tucked into a bipartisan spending deal. McCarthy quickly moved to repair his relationship with Trump after the Jan. 6 Capitol riot, while McConnell never spoke to Trump again.

    Their rifts created deep tension between House and Senate Republicans, who at times seemed at polar ends of the GOP as McCarthy positioned himself to win the speakership and McConnell steered the party away from Trump. Democrats privately believe McConnell will jump in to help save the day on the fast-approaching debt deadline, but conservatives see him as joined with McCarthy “until hell freezes,” as Sen. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyo.) put it.

    So when lawmakers get to the White House on Tuesday, expect McCarthy to do most of the talking for Republicans.

    Asked if she anticipated a quiet McConnell during their slated meeting, Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa) replied: “Yes. He’s like: ‘I’m here to support McCarthy.’”

    As McConnell and McCarthy set up Tuesday’s meeting during separate phone calls with Biden, the two Republicans spoke several times to coordinate their message, according to a person with direct knowledge of their talks.

    Andrew Bates, a White House spokesperson, replied to questions about McConnell’s call with Biden by stating the administration does not comment on private discussions with congressional leaders. He added, however, that “avoiding default is a critical priority for our economy — one that presidents from both parties have acknowledged is non-negotiable.”

    Despite McConnell’s and McCarthy’s clear personality differences, Republicans argue that the two are more alike than not: Both are political animals focused on their legacies who maintain a close read on their party and members. McConnell drolly surmised that McCarthy “has an interesting set of players” to deal with in the House, from the conservative Freedom Caucus to moderates.

    McCarthy’s closest allies see his relationship with the Senate leader maturing. Financial Services Chair Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.) described “a better line of communication now. And that has made a big difference.”

    “Where the McConnell and McCarthy teams have come to an understanding is first with communication — better communication — and a mutual recognition of their different challenges,” McHenry said.

    And Rep. Andy Barr (R-Ky.), who once interned for the Senate Republican leader, recalls a longtime McConnell-ism: that being a Senate leader is “kinda like being the undertaker at a cemetery.”

    “You’re over everyone, but nobody’s listening,” Barr recounted, describing McConnell as “empathetic to Speaker McCarthy’s job, which is also about the difficulty of bringing together a lot of independent-minded people.”

    The duo is converging on the crucial issue of Ukraine aid, too, following a rocky stretch. After McCarthy rebuked a Russian reporter over the war during an overseas trip, McConnell even took to the Senate floor to praise the Californian.

    Scott Jennings, a Kentucky-based GOP strategist and longtime McConnell confidante, said that gesture was a sign of “respect and support.”

    McConnell has navigated past fiscal fights where the political odds looked stacked against him, but Republicans who are close with both leaders say that mutual destruction would result if he steps out of line with McCarthy now. In fact, McCarthy could lose his gavel, causing chaos in the House, if McConnell were to negotiate a side deal with Democrats.

    “Whether it’s political ideology or pure pragmatism, [Senate leaders] recognize that a deal that’s not good with House conservatives is not making it through,” said first-term conservative Sen. J.D. Vance (R-Ohio).

    McCarthy’s House already passed a package of blunt spending cuts coupled with a one-year debt ceiling increase that Republicans are using as leverage against Democrats who vow they’ll only accept a straightforward hike. Tuesday’s meeting with Biden, McCarthy, McConnell, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries will be this spring’s first tangible move to break the deadlock.

    “If there is a path forward, it’s going to require serious and swift cooperation with Sens. Schumer and McConnell, Leader Jeffries and Speaker McCarthy. And that’s partly why I think there’s so much anxiety about the possibility of default,” said Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.), a close Biden ally.

    Republicans are almost universally insistent that, in light of the House GOP’s passage of its plan, the next step is Biden’s to take. They’re feeling especially confident after McCarthy proved he could corral his party, with only a handful of votes to spare, in favor of raising a borrowing limit that many promised never to touch.

    McCarthy may feel a squeeze if the Democratic-controlled Senate sends back its own legislation, but that would require nine or more GOP votes to break a filibuster.

    Despite the growing McConnell-McCarthy warmth, House conservatives still harbor strong suspicion of the Senate GOP leader due to his opposition to Trump and support for multiple bipartisan bills last Congress. That group of McConnell skeptics includes some of the same members who initially blocked McCarthy’s path to the speakership.

    “Nothing McConnell does surprises me; his actions are against everything [and] everyone who promotes conservatism,” Rep. Ralph Norman (R-S.C.) wrote in a text message.

    Others in the bloc of 20 who voted against McCarthy during the speaker race, such as Reps. Chip Roy (R-Texas) and Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.), bashed McConnell in the wake of the Senate’s approval of a $1.7 trillion spending bill in December. In light of that display, some Senate Republicans also believe it’s McCarthy turn to take arrows for cutting a tough deal, according to one person familiar with the Kentucky Republican’s thinking.

    McConnell was blunt in seeing no upside to working with Biden on a side agreement, even after steering his party out of similar debt ceiling impasses just two years ago.

    Any such accord with the president, McConnell said in the interview, “would produce nothing. Because the House of Representatives is not going to pass a bipartisan debt ceiling deal negotiated, presumably, with Joe Biden and Chuck Schumer.”

    So does McConnell have any advice for McCarthy on future negotiation with Biden, whom McConnell served with for decades?

    “[McCarthy] doesn’t need any advice from me about how to handle himself. I just think that the solution here is so obvious,” McConnell said. “This is going to be decided when the speaker and the president reach an agreement.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • The First Step to Solving the Housing Crisis Might Be Simpler Than You Think

    The First Step to Solving the Housing Crisis Might Be Simpler Than You Think

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    Other forms of housing loss are even more of an enigma. For example, foreclosures for not paying property taxes are almost never tracked or studied. Yet in Detroit, one of the few places where this phenomenon has been studied, Detroit News reporters found that between 2008 and 2020, one third of city properties had been tax foreclosed.

    And, because we have no idea how big the housing loss problem really is, America lacks a coordinated approach to fixing it, and no unified benchmarks to hold leaders accountable for their role in addressing it. By contrast, the monthly unemployment rate attracts rampant attention from the media, researchers and policymakers, and is tracked closely by the public — not only because it’s an accessible bellwether for the state of the economy, but also because it’s often viewed as a referendum on local and federal politicians’ progress in office.

    If we want to tackle housing loss, we need to understand how large the problem is, where it’s occurring, and who is affected. Similar to how the unemployment rate is the most commonly used metric to gauge the state of the economy, a national housing loss rate would provide a baseline whose rise and fall reflects on the housing stability of American families. It would have to encompass the various ways that American families lose their homes each year — from eviction and foreclosure to the displacement caused by homes destroyed by natural disasters. Collecting data on each type of housing loss would require coordination between local and federal entities, since much of this data is generated at the local level.

    What could a Housing Loss Rate look like? The unemployment rate is a good model.

    Every month, the Bureau of Labor Statistics conducts a high-quality survey of the American population, asking whether in the previous month, people have been affected by a layoff, quit for some other reason, or are working part time but want to work full time. Similarly, a national Housing Loss Rate could start with a rigorous survey of the number of people who lost their homes the prior month.

    Tracking who lost their home through a survey is not without precedent. The American Housing Survey, sponsored by HUD and fielded by the U.S. Census Bureau every other year, asks about eviction and foreclosure. The U.S. Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey asks tens of thousands of Americans each week how confident they are in their ability to pay rent or their mortgage the following month (during much of the pandemic, between a quarter and a third of renters nationwide said they weren’t confident in being able to pay next month’s rent). The Annual Social and Economic Supplement of the Current Population Survey — also fielded by the U.S. Census Bureau and the Bureau of Labor Statistics — collects data on who, why, and how often household members have relocated in previous years.

    At the same time, it’s important to measure housing loss not just on a national level but locally — city, county and state leaders need real-time information to develop responsive housing policies, deliver targeted financial and legal assistance, and assess the impact of existing housing loss programs just as they do for job loss. The work of developing a national housing loss rate must include helping localities build and improve local housing loss databases of their own, including generating or standardizing this data in places where it does not exist.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Bangladesh President seeks effective Indian assistance over Rohingya crisis

    Bangladesh President seeks effective Indian assistance over Rohingya crisis

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    Dhaka: Newly-elected President Mohammed Shahabuddin on Tuesday urged India to take more effective steps in persuading Myanmar to take back the Rohingyas who were forced to take refuge in Bangladesh to evade persecution in the neighbouring country.

    “The President made the request when Indian High Commissioner to Bangladesh Pranay Kumar Verma met him at Bangabhaban,” a presidential palace spokesman told reporters here.

    Shahabuddin, 73, was sworn in as the 22nd president of Bangladesh on April 24. He succeeded Abdul Hamid whose tenure ended on April 23.

    MS Education Academy

    Verma paid a courtesy call on President Shahabuddin and conveyed to him warm greetings from President Droupadi Murmu and Prime Minister Narendra Modi and discussed recent bilateral developments, the Indian High Commission in Dhaka tweeted.

    During the meeting, President Shahabuddin said that Bangladesh has sheltered the Muslim ethnic minority community for humanitarian reasons, and their prolonged stay is creating problems not only for the South Asian country but for the entire region, in an apparent reference to the escalating security risks including terrorism.

    Nearly one million Rohingya Muslims fled a crackdown by Myanmar’s military in 2017 in Rakhine state and are living in camps in Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh.

    India has always called for the sustainable and speedy return of displaced persons to the Rakhine state of Myanmar. India has worked with Bangladesh and Myanmar to resolve this issue.

    Shahabuddin said Bangladesh attaches highest importance to its relations with India which is so closely linked by geographical proximity, shared history and sacrifices.

    He termed the existing bilateral ties as “strong and unique”.

    Shahabuddin, himself a Liberation War veteran, also recalled the training he received during his stay in India in 1971 during the independence struggle.

    He said the prime ministers of Bangladesh and India recently visited each others’ capitals and their “visits have opened a new chapter in the relationship between the two countries”.

    Shahabuddin said Bangladesh gave India access to Chittagong and Mongla seaport for transporting goods from the mainland to its north-eastern states. He expected the move would significantly cut time and cost needed to transport goods to India’s northeastern states and West Bengal and push regional connectivity in Bay of Bengal.

    He also noted that Dhaka and Delhi signed the ACMP (Chittagong and Mongla Port) agreement in 2018 and the deal would accelerate the socio-economic development of the two countries along with the increase in trade and commerce.

    The President hoped that the two countries’ unresolved issues, including the water distribution agreement, would be resolved soon through mutual cooperation and discussion.

    The high commissioner said India attaches highest importance to the relationship with Bangladesh.

    “Connectivity between the two countries has grown tremendously in the last one and a half decades. As a result, the people of both countries are enjoying its benefits,” Verma added.

    “The connectivity between the two countries has increased manifold over the last 15 years. People of both countries are enjoying this.”

    The Indian envoy informed his country’s appreciation for Bangladesh’s “Zero Tolerance Policy” against terrorism and said it resulted in stability in the region which is contributing positively to the economic development of both countries.

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    ( With inputs from www.siasat.com )

  • A new portrait of American teenagers in crisis

    A new portrait of American teenagers in crisis

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    Broadly, the national survey, which is conducted biennially, revealed two important shifts in high school student demographics: Just over 49 percent of respondents identified as being part of a racial or ethnic minority group, compared to 48.9 percent in 2019 and 46.5 percent in 2017, and about 25 percent of students identified as LGBQ+, compared to just over 11 percent of students who identified as lesbian, gay or bisexual in 2019 and 10.4 percent in 2017.

    Researchers also asked students several questions for the first time, including how much their parents or adults at home knew about their whereabouts, how connected they felt to people at school, the stability of their housing situation, their exposure to violence outside the home and their mental health during the pandemic.

    While the number of male students who said they had considered, planned or attempted suicide was stable between 2019 and 2021, females reported a significant increase in all three, with 30 percent having seriously considered suicide in the last year, 24 percent having made a suicide plan, and 13.3 percent having attempted suicide.

    Black female students were more likely than white female students to report having attempted suicide, and American Indian/Alaska Native and Black male students were more likely to report having attempted suicide than white male students.

    Students also reported higher rates of sexual violence and higher rates of having been forced into sex at some point in their life, with female students experiencing overall higher rates of interpersonal violence than their male counterparts.

    Just under 3 percent of students said they had recently experienced unstable housing, with Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander, American Indian or Alaska Native, Black and LGBQ+ students more likely to report housing insecurity than their peers.

    Though the number is relatively small, those students were dramatically more vulnerable. Kids experiencing housing insecurity were three times more likely to have used illegal drugs and 19 times more likely to have injected drugs in the last month. They were also significantly more likely to have experienced physical and sexual violence.

    Similarly, experiencing community violence had negative impacts on kids. Researchers found that for the 1 in 5 students who said they witnessed community violence, it was “consistently associated” with increased odds of “gun carrying, substance use, and suicide risk for both males and females and when comparing Black, White, and Hispanic students.”

    There were a few bright spots.

    The number of students who said they were currently using alcohol, marijuana or binge drinking was down from 2021, though about 1 in 3 still reported having used a substance in the previous 30-day period.

    In the first national assessment of parental monitoring, more than 86 percent of students said that their parents or other adults in their family “know where they are going or with whom they will be all or most of the time.” Students who said their parents knew where they were going, and with who, had fewer sexual risk behaviors, less substance use, less experiences with violence, less mental health challenges, and fewer suicide attempts.

    And 62 percent of kids said they felt “connected” to others at school, which also had positive impacts on their health, with a lower prevalence of poor mental health, prescription opioid misuse, experiencing forced sex, and missing school because of feeling unsafe.

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • Senate still not a savior in debt crisis

    Senate still not a savior in debt crisis

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    Tillis and his 48 Senate GOP colleagues are nonetheless praying that Speaker Kevin McCarthy can muscle through his opening pitch to give their party a modicum of leverage over the coming weeks. A McCarthy failure would make it much harder for 10 or more Republican senators to extract any concessions at all from the president as a condition for raising the borrowing limit.

    Yet basically every Senate Democrat, save West Virginia centrist Joe Manchin, says there’s no negotiation to be had no matter what transpires in the lower chamber this week. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer declared the House’s proposal the “DOA Act” for its grim prospects of becoming law and reiterated that he would only accept a “clean” debt ceiling hike.

    The yawning gap between the parties in the Senate highlights the high degree of uncertainty over just how Congress and the White House are going to get out of this particular jam. It’s undoubtedly the most consequential topic of 2023 and perhaps the entire two-year session, with massive economic and political stakes for both parties heading into a presidential election year.

    Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) pointedly argued that the House’s GOP’s eleventh-hour horse-trading alone invalidates their negotiating position: “This very public display of dysfunction is a clear indication of how disastrous a negotiation would be. I mean, these guys can’t negotiate amongst themselves.”

    Murphy advised House Republicans to pick a fiscal austerity fight, if they want one, during talks over funding the government in the fall: “They’ll lose that fight with the American public, but at least it’ll do a lot less damage,” he said. “My sense is a lot of Senate Republicans think the House strategy is super dumb and politically toxic.”

    A growing number of House Democrats want Biden and McCarthy to sit down and negotiate, but that will likely depend on what can pass the House this week. On the other side of the aisle, moderate Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) advised Biden to “take a good look at” what the speaker can pass, then start haggling.

    Whenever that phase starts — if it does at all — all eyes will be on the Senate and its track record of getting Washington out of jams with bipartisan solutions. Yet right now there’s very little cooking in the chamber’s dealmaking kitchen.

    “We should be able to sit down and talk like grown-ups,” said Manchin, who has met with McCarthy and faces a difficult reelection campaign. “Everybody should be involved.”

    The current standoff is inextricably linked to the precedent its resolution might set for the next debt limit fight. Republicans think they can’t fold on this debt crisis without inciting a rebellion by their base, while Democrats believe opening the door to negotiation creates an endless loop of face-offs with the GOP.

    Senate GOP leaders bent twice in 2021 to avoid a debt limit breach, and Democrats envision that ultimately that will happen once again. But the Republican-controlled House’s actions thus far have made even that result hard to imagine, as McCarthy digs in on a matter that could determine the future of his speakership.

    This explains why Senate Republican leaders are continuing to squash any possibility that Minority Leader Mitch McConnell might be ready to step in and cut a deal amid the staring contest between McCarthy and Biden, who have not met on the topic in nearly three months.

    Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.) said her party is “gonna continue to support what the House has done,” adding that Schumer might step in after the House votes “but I think it’s still going to be McCarthy and Biden” agreeing on a debt solution.

    While Republicans worry about allowing another clean debt ceiling increase and sparking another internal fight, Democrats fear a damaging redux of 2011 — when the tea party-influenced House GOP played hardball with then-President Barack Obama and Vice President Biden. The two parties eventually cut a deal to extend the debt ceiling which culminated in significant spending caps.

    In retrospect, Democrats view that episode as a mistake that cannot be repeated. Rather than entertaining dealmaking with McCarthy, centrist Sen. Jon Tester (D-Mont.) said simply: “The solution is to not default on the debt.” Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.) was just as succinct: “I don’t think there’ll be negotiations on a budget.”

    “It’s difficult to understand what the House is going to do. They can’t pass a signable bill unless they bring Democrats into the process. So I think on our side, we’ll try to work with Republicans to see what we can do,” Cardin said, adding that McConnell “understands the seriousness of this.”

    McConnell, however, once again aligned with McCarthy this week and suggested Biden join the speaker at “the grown-ups table.” The Senate GOP leader has taken great pains to show little daylight with the California Republican after a number of splits last year raised questions about how the two men would govern their party together.

    So despite Democrats’ hopes, there’s little sign McConnell or his lieutenants are ready to lift a finger at this point.

    The House bill “forces the administration to come to the table,” Senate Minority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.) said. “The pressure really ought to be on the White House.”

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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.com )

  • EU to deploy mission to Moldova to combat threats from Russia

    EU to deploy mission to Moldova to combat threats from Russia

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    The EU will send a civilian mission to Moldova to help the Eastern European nation combat growing threats from abroad, officials have confirmed, following a string of reports that the Kremlin is working to destabilize the former Soviet Republic.

    In a statement issued Monday, the bloc’s top diplomat, Josep Borrell, said that the mission, under the Common Security and Defence Policy, would step up “support to Moldova [to] protect its security, territorial integrity and sovereignty” against Russia.

    Officials confirmed that the mission will focus on “crisis management and hybrid threats, including cybersecurity, and countering foreign information manipulation and interference.”

    In February, the president of neighboring Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, said Kyiv’s security services had intercepted Russian plans to “break the democracy of Moldova and establish control over Moldova.” The country’s pro-EU leader, President Maia Sandu, later alleged that “the plan included sabotage and militarily trained people disguised as civilians to carry out violent actions, attacks on government buildings and taking hostages.”

    According to Vlad Lupan, Moldova’s former ambassador to the U.N. and a professor at New York University, Brussels’ move comes after “multiple signals Moldova would not be able to deal with Russian influence operations alone.” He told POLITICO that the mission would now have to focus on “communicating why the EU’s rule of law and democracy brings both respect and prosperity to the people compared to the Russian autocratic model.”

    Home to just 2.6 million people, Moldova was for decades one of Moscow’s closest allies, and 1,500 Russian troops are currently stationed in the breakaway region of Transnistria. Elected in 2020, Sandu has repeatedly condemned the Kremlin for invading Ukraine and called for the withdrawal of its forces from her country. In June last year, EU leaders announced Moldova, as well as Ukraine, would be granted candidate status, beginning the process for its accession to become a new member state.

    However, Moscow still maintains a significant hold on the country, operating several popular Russian-language state media outlets and supplying almost all of its natural gas. After the Russian energy giant Gazprom announced last year it would raise prices, as well as turn off the taps unless past debts were paid in full, Moldova, one of the Continent’s poorest countries, has turned to Brussels for support in diversifying its supplies.



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    ( With inputs from : www.politico.eu )

  • ‘I feel like I’m selling my soul’: inside the crisis at Juventus

    ‘I feel like I’m selling my soul’: inside the crisis at Juventus

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    On 20 January this year, the Italian football association shocked fans throughout the world by docking 15 points from its most iconic club, Juventus, in the middle of the season. Juventus suddenly dropped seven places in the Serie A table. The club was accused of falsely inflating the value of players in transfer dealings and, in a separate case, of lying to shareholders. The Italian football association (FIGC) accused Juventus of “repeated violations of the principle of truth”.

    In a country renowned for provincialism, Juventus is a uniquely national team. Based in the northern city of Turin, it has about 8 million supporters, far more than its nearest rivals Milan and Inter. But in the wake of repeated scandals, the club has also become a symbol for the downfall of Italian football.

    At the centre of the club’s current crisis were a series of suspicious transfer deals. In 2021, the regulatory body overseeing Italian football had raised concerns with the FIGC about 62 player transfers between clubs in Italy and abroad; 42 of those involved Juventus. The club is accused of having relied on a system whereby two clubs swapped players for exactly the same amount and magically improved their balance sheets – without actually spending or banking any money. The value of the players being exchanged was allegedly inflated by both sides of the deal to show “plusvalenze” or capital gains (the profit on the sale of an asset).

    The points deduction, which Juventus immediately challenged, was just the latest crisis to hit the club. Two months earlier, the entire board of directors, including the chairman, Andrea Agnelli, and the former player Pavel Nedvěd, had resigned because criminal charges were pending. There are now two on-going cases involving Juventus: one overseen by the sporting magistrature regarding capital gains, the other a criminal case in which Juventus is accused of false accounting, market manipulation, obstructing inspectors and fraudulent financial statements.

    Meanwhile, a wider challenge looms. In 2022, Juventus’s revenues slumped 8%, while its operating costs increased 7.6%. In the past five years, the club has asked shareholders for cash injections of €700m (£619m) to cover losses of €612.9m. “It’s as if there’s been a sinkhole,” Giovanni Cobolli Gigli – chair of Juventus between 2006 and 2009 – told me. “There has been this continuous chasing of revenues when what they should have been doing was limiting the disproportionate and senseless costs.”

    The plusvalenze scandal didn’t involve Juventus alone. The €70m transfer from Lille to Napoli of Victor Osimhen, the star of this season’s Serie A, is also mired in controversy: the four minor Napoli players traded for Osimhen are alleged to have been massively overvalued at €19.8m in order to offset the cost. Yet while Juventus wasn’t the only club moving players around like chess pieces merely for accounting purposes, the allegations, if proven, would show that the club took the practice to new levels. One Juventus executive, recorded by investigators looking into the club’s murky finances, said: “I feel as if I’m selling my soul.”

    In the 1980s and 90s, Serie A was the richest and most glamorous league in the world, where players received the best salaries and fans enjoyed the best football. Now it has become the poor relation of the other major European leagues, with many clubs sinking into the quicksand of debt. According to the latest report from the FIGC, the accumulated debts of Italian football currently stand at €5.3bn.

    In mid-April, Juventus’s 15 point deduction was rescinded, pending a retrial, and the club sprang back up the table to third place. But that judgment only added to the sense that Serie A is a creaking product, with the position of the league’s most famous club dependent on legal, not sporting, results. The Juventus scandals are a window into not just the wider crises in Italian football, but the rot at the heart of the sport.


    To Italians, Juventus has long evoked both aristocratic glamour and a reputation for chicanery. It was founded in 1897 by a group of rich kids from Turin who gave the club its fancy Latin name (meaning “youth”) and a kit that featured pink shirts with black bow ties. It was seen as the team of the upper classes, whereas the workers tended to support the city’s other club, Torino. This image was sealed when Juventus was acquired in 1923 by Giovanni Agnelli, a businessman who had made a fortune through armaments, aviation, shipping, ball-bearings, textiles, cement, steel and retail stores. (By then, Juventus had swapped its pink shirts for its iconic vertical black-and-white stripes: there were links between the textile industries of Nottingham and Turin, and when players wrote to order a new kit from England, they received the Notts County strip with black and white stripes.)

    For the past century, the story of Juventus has also been the story of the Agnellis. They have often been described as the Italian version of the Kennedy clan: a royal family within a republic whose name evokes mystique and tragedy. Edoardo Agnelli, who Giovanni had installed as Juve chair, was killed in a plane accident in 1935; his wife – mother to his seven children – died in a car crash in 1945. One of the couple’s sons died in a psychiatric unit in 1965; a grandchild died of cancer aged 33, another killed himself in 2000.

    There was romance and success, too. Gianni Agnelli, Giovanni’s grandson, became Juventus chairman in 1947; he was described by Vanity Fair as the “godfather of style” and an “international playboy” who hung out with Prince Rainier of Monaco, Errol Flynn and Rita Hayworth. He also had an affair with Winston Churchill’s daughter-in-law Pamela. The family’s company, Fiat, dominated the industrial landscape of postwar Italy, and those who supported Juventus felt they were touched by that cosmopolitan Agnelli gold dust. It wasn’t just the team of the bosses, but of those who aspired to be like them.

    Andrea Agnelli at the Allianz Stadium in 2021.
    Andrea Agnelli at the Allianz Stadium in 2021. Photograph: Massimo Pinca/Reuters

    To its detractors, the club’s unofficial motto sums up its dubious mentality: “Winning is not important; it’s the only thing that matters.” The slogan was coined by Giampiero Boniperti, a former Juve player who went on to become chairman. Between 1946 and 1961, Boniperti scored 178 goals for Juventus but, because of the Italy-wide cap on salaries, his pay packet didn’t reflect his true value. To circumvent the regulations, Gianni Agnelli offered to give Boniperti, the son of farmers, a cow for every goal he scored. One day, the farmer who sold the cows to Agnelli phoned him to complain: Boniperti always chose a cow that was in calf. Typical Juventus.

    There have been many other crises and scandals. In 2004, the club doctor was found guilty of having supplied performance-enhancing drugs to players during the late 1990s, years in which the club was spectacularly successful (the conviction was overturned on appeal). In 2006, it was revealed that Juventus was the ringleader in a system of influencing referees that involved several top teams (a scandal known as Calciopoli). The club was duly relegated to Serie B. Ten years later, the suicide of the club’s supporter liaison officer, Ciccio Bucci, led to an investigation that revealed Juventus had been supplying tickets to hardcore fans, or ultras, despite their links to organised crime.

    Italy is divided between those who see Juventus as arch-cheaters and those who believe the club is always singled out by resentful and biased magistrates. As Herbie Sykes writes in his book, Juve!: “Italian football is essentially binary, so there’s a Juventus version and an anti-Juventus version.” The debate was precisely summarised by an exchange I overheard in a bar in January, on the day the points deduction was announced.

    “It wasn’t only Juventus,” said a fan, referring to the plusvalenze scandal.

    “No,” his friend replied. “But it is always Juventus.”


    After the Calciopoli scandal in 2006, Juventus fought their way back to Serie A. In May 2010, Andrea Agnelli, grandson of Edoardo, became chairman and he slowly took the club back to the summit of Italian football. Key to the club’s resurgence was Agnelli’s decision to hire Beppe Marotta as CEO and sporting director. Marotta arrived from stints at smaller Serie A clubs, where he’d gained a reputation for brilliance in the transfer market and in managing the interpersonal dressing room dynamics on which successful squads are built. Soon afterwards, Antonio Conte became manager and under his guidance, followed by that of Max Allegri, sporting triumphs ensued. Starting in the 2011-12 season, Juventus won Serie A nine times in a row.

    Agnelli appeared even more successful on the financial side. A new stadium had been opened in 2011, with naming rights sold for €75m before construction had even begun, in 2008. (In 2017, naming rights were sold again to the German finance giant Allianz.) Agnelli believed that the club could bring in fresh sources of revenue if it reinvented itself as a lifestyle brand, whose signature would be the letter J. Near the stadium, the club built the J-Museum, the J-Medical and began further developments under the J-Village Property Fund, which oversaw a J-Hotel, the J-TC, a training centre, and so on. In 2012, Jeep became the club’s most important sponsor. In 2017, the club unveiled a distinctive new logo: two black lines on a white background forming a stylised J. During those heady years, supermarkets, school playgrounds and sports centres were full of J-slippers, J-backpacks and J-shorts.

    Agnelli was also a rising political power in European football. In 2017, he became president of the European Club Association, an organisation representing 234 member-clubs across the continent. Among other things, the ECA was in constant negotiation with Uefa, the governing body of football in Europe, to wring out more cash for clubs involved in the Champions League. As Agnelli talked with his Uefa counterpart, the Slovenian Aleksander Čeferin, the two developed a friendship. They became so close that Agnelli asked Čeferin to be godfather at his daughter’s baptism in the Vatican.

    But in the summer of 2018 Agnelli made a decision that would have catastrophic consequences for the finances of his club. In April, Juventus had lost at home to Real Madrid in the Champions League. Cristiano Ronaldo had scored two goals, one an overhead kick so gravity-defying it was applauded by the entire stadium. Juve had reached the Champions League final in 2015 and 2017, and Agnelli was fixated on winning it. He decided the only way was to bring Ronaldo to Juventus. He convinced himself that investing €116m to buy Ronaldo made both sporting and financial sense. Marotta, the man responsible for the club’s transfer policy, fiercely disagreed. He was wary of wages getting out of control and feared Ronaldo’s domineering personality would upset the dynamic in the changing room. Agnelli got his way. In July 2018, Ronaldo arrived at Juventus and, a few months later, Marotta left.

    Agnelli gives Cristiano Ronaldo a T-shirt in December 2020 for the 750 goals of his playing career.
    Agnelli gives Cristiano Ronaldo a T-shirt in December 2020 for the 750 goals of his playing career. Photograph: Daniele Badolato/Juventus FC/Getty Images

    Ronaldo’s time at Juventus wasn’t unsuccessful: he scored 101 goals in 134 appearances, winning Serie A twice. But the Champions League remained elusive, and the financial effect on the club was devastating. “It was a huge error,” Cobolli Gigli told me. “An example of a system being drugged by money in order to chase sporting results, which are always subject to chance.”

    “That was the sliding doors moment,” says an executive of an Italian football club who asked to remain anonymous. “There was an inflationary effect on wages.” Ronaldo’s gross salary cost Juventus €54.24m a year, a sum that surpassed the entire wage bill of many smaller Serie A clubs where players earn €1m-2m a year. The effect was exactly as Marotta had predicted. According to a report by Deloitte, the percentage of Juve’s revenue spent on wages shot up from 66% in 2018 to 84% in 2022. Another estimate, from the influential football-and-finance site Swiss Ramble, suggests that, by different calculations, that ratio is now as high as 92%.

    “The biggest problem in football finances,” says Roger Mitchell, founding CEO of the Scottish Professional Football League and now a sports-brand consultant based in Italy, “isn’t the top line, it’s the cost line, the player-wages line. And 92% is at least 20% higher than where it should be.”

    With revenues bound to fluctuate according to results and qualification for lucrative competitions like the Champions League, such a high wage bill was an obvious hostage to fortune. And when the pandemic arrived, Juventus was especially vulnerable.

    “The pandemic was a tragedy for everyone,” Alessio Secco, a former Juventus sporting director, told me. “But for those who had toyed a little with fate, it created enormous difficulties. The knots,” he said, using a phrase that implies chickens coming home to roost, “came to the comb.”


    In November 2018, Marotta’s protege had taken over as the club’s sporting director. Fabio Paratici had been an itinerant player in the lower leagues, starting out in the Piacenza youth team and eventually playing for 12 different clubs. He was a man who had endured adversity. In 1994, he suffered career-threatening injuries in a car crash but he recovered and continued to play for another decade.

    But it was only after his playing career ended that Paratici’s football career took off. His luck turned in 2004, when he was appointed by Marotta to be head scout at Sampdoria. Surrounding himself with dozens of TVs that showed games from around the world, Paratici built a youth team that won “the triple” in the 2007-08 season: the youth-team Scudetto, the Italian Cup and the Supercup. In 2010, he moved to Juventus with Marotta, and when his mentor left in 2018, Paratici was the obvious successor. “He was very charismatic,” a Juventus insider told me, “very sociable. He was a fun guy, smiling all the time. You could tell he enjoyed the high life, being part of the glitterati, surrounded by beautiful women.”

    The good times came to an end in the spring of 2020, when Covid struck. Between 9 March 2020 and 20 June there were no matches in Serie A, meaning no matchday revenue through ticket sales. Even worse from a financial point of view, broadcasters began demanding renegotiations, or rebates, on TV deals. With Juventus’s wages now devouring so much of the club’s dwindling revenue, Paratici asked players to take a pay cut. On 28 March 2020, Juventus formally announced that its playing staff had renounced four months of wages, implying a saving for the publicly quoted company of around €90m. But before the announcement was made, the club and its captain, Giorgio Chiellini, secretly signed an agreement whereby the club promised to pay in full three of those four months at a future date. In a bilingual message to the players’ WhatsApp chat, Chiellini explained this smoke-and-mirrors trick to his peers: “Juventus will make a press release where it will say that we are waiving four months’ salary to help the club, I reiterate to communicate only this in the press … For stock market legislative reasons … you’re asked not to speak in interviews about the details of this [private] agreement.”

    Fabio Paratici at a Juventus game in February 2020.
    Fabio Paratici at a Juventus game in February 2020. Photograph: Alessandro Sabattini/Getty Images

    Now that Covid had created a hole in the Juventus accounts, Paratici began systematically using player exchanges to increase the revenues of the company without actually receiving any money, an accounting technique called plusvalenze incrociate (exchanged or crossed capital gains). The system worked because, as with modern art, it’s notoriously difficult to put an accurate figure on the value of a football player. If two clubs could agree to sell to each other players that were officially, on the balance sheet, worth €1m for 10 times that amount (for €10m), each could record a capital gain of €9m, and add to their books a new asset reportedly worth €10m. It might have been questionable, but it wasn’t illegal: who was to say that a young player hadn’t increased in value ten-fold? After all, the market undervalues emerging players all the time.

    Plusvalenze was not new – it had been a common practice throughout Italian football prior to Covid. In his book Il Calcio del Futuro (The Football of the Future), Carlo Diana, a former Juventus marketing manager, writes of Italian football being “close to declaring bankruptcy”, and describes how the industry “has been sustaining itself for years thanks only to plusvalenze”. The pressure to disguise losses through inflated capital gains seemed to have come from the very top: in an email to Paratici, and other colleagues, on 22 February 2020, Andrea Agnelli urged his staff to “contain losses” through “corrective actions”.

    But after the Covid crisis, Paratici began incessantly swapping players with other clubs for allegedly inflated amounts. In the transfer window of the summer of 2020, the Bosnian midfielder Miralem Pjanić moved from Juventus to Barcelona for €60m, while the Brazilian midfielder Arthur Melo moved the other way for €72m. Both figures seemed to hugely overestimate the players’ value. These kinds of deals, of which there were many more, seemed to be win-win. As Paratici said in a wire-tapped phone call to the director general of Pisa in September 2021: “If all goes well, there will be loads of money for everyone.” The practice had become so embedded that, in wiretapped conversations, Juventus directors began asking their auditors advice about how to supercazzolare (befuddle) inspectors at the national Italian stock-exchange.

    The transfers often seemed to have nothing to do with football. In some cases, Juventus are accused of having decided the value of capital gains required and only then chosen which player suited the sum. In the words of the FIGC’s initial judgment, Juventus “systematically planned the realisation of capital gains regardless of the identity of the subject to be exchanged, often indicated with a simple ‘X’ in place of the name of the Juventus player to be sold”. The judgment also recorded surprise that almost everyone at the club appears to have known about the practice.

    In May 2021, the public prosecutor in Turin opened a secret investigation – known as Prisma – into the club’s finances. The investigation discovered that Juventus had undisclosed debts to various clubs, players and agents. One club executive admitted to investigators: “There’s €7m in debt with Atalanta that has never been entered in the balance sheet.” One agent was owed €400,000. The club’s debts to players who were owed months of salary became a form of “credit bondage” whereby the money owed could be used as an incentive to stay, with unpaid salaries being rewritten as a “loyalty bonus”. A secret document was unearthed in which Paratici, in July 2021, had written an IOU to Ronaldo for a figure believed to be €19.9m for another round of secretive salary payments during the 2020-21 season.

    In response to a list of questions put to Juventus for this article, the club said that it would not be possible to interview Agnelli, and sent over links to its press releases on these matters. In a press release dated 12 April 2023, Juventus announced that “the company believes that it has correctly applied the relevant international accounting standards and that it has acted in full compliance with the principle of fair play”.


    By 2021, it was clear that Juventus was struggling to keep afloat. For years the club had enjoyed cheap credit as interest rates were near zero, but as inflation and borrowing costs rose, the debt-ridden club found itself in ever-greater difficulty. There was, thought Agnelli, a quick fix: if Juventus and other European so-called super-clubs could create a “super league”, revenue might not only increase but actually be guaranteed. Instead of the exciting jeopardy of Champions League qualification, in a putative European Super League the 12 founding members – including six from England: Liverpool, Tottenham Hotspur, Manchester City, Manchester United, Arsenal and Chelsea – would never be knocked out. With a €3.5bn loan from JP Morgan to be shared among the clubs, the plan would have instantly blown away Juve’s cashflow problems.

    News of the Super League broke in April 2021 and it quickly became a PR disaster for Agnelli, Juventus and just about everyone else involved. The secrecy of the plan made it seem sneaky, and the closed-shop nature of competition, albeit with six additional places up for grabs each year, made the clubs appear arrogant. “When you’re making change in sport,” says Roger Mitchell, “the trick is humility. You need to say you respect the past and so on. But with the Super League, the comms were horrible.”

    Since the proposed Super League would have ended outright Uefa’s iconic competition, the Champions League, it was a direct assault on Uefa – and Čeferin felt personally wounded by his friend’s betrayal. In a hastily arranged press conference in April 2021, Čeferin denounced the “disgraceful, self-serving proposal” and talked about the clubs’ “greed, selfishness and narcissism”. He compared Agnelli to a “snake” and, later, a “vampire”.

    The very public spat between Uefa and the Super League became a personal battle between their respective figureheads, Čeferin and Agnelli. The former had been brought up in humble surroundings in Slovenia. A lean strategist, Čeferin easily out-manoeuvred Agnelli, playing the part of the common man to perfection. “We will not allow them to take football away from us,” he said, encouraging fan protests across the continent. By contrast, Agnelli appeared privileged and elitist. “He looked like a trust-fund baby,” says Mitchell.

    Within days of its midnight launch, the Super League brand had become toxic. Wavering clubs – Paris Saint-Germain and Bayern Munich – backed Uefa, and the English clubs began hastily withdrawing and apologising to their fans. For years Agnelli had exuded an aura of patrician professionalism, but now he appeared incompetent. A spray-painted picture of him stabbing and deflating a football in Rome was widely shared on social media: to his critics, he was the man who wanted to kill the sport.

    A mural seen in Rome around the time of Juve’s links with the European Super League, depicting Agnelli stabbing a football.
    A mural seen in Rome around the time of Juve’s links with the European Super League, depicting Agnelli stabbing a football. Photograph: Andrew Medichini/AP

    For those who had worked at Juventus, the Super League fiasco was no surprise. According to various sources who spoke to me on condition of anonymity, the workplace was always dysfunctional. “Agnelli thinks he’s a visionary,” one former executive told me, “but he’s a sociopath. A complete control freak.”

    With the prospect of Super League cash gone, Agnelli was desperately trying to find ways to generate income. In September 2021, he hosted a power-lunch for the bosses of the FIGC, Serie A and of various other clubs in an attempt to persuade them to create a media company to handle the broadcast rights for Serie A. “I hope something emerges from this,” he confided to the director general of Atalanta after the meeting, in a wiretapped conversation, “otherwise I don’t know what to do … we’re slowly going to crash.” Shortly afterwards, the club was forced to return to shareholders for a recapitalisation: having already sought a cash injection of €298m in December 2019, in December 2021 they raised a further €400m from shareholders.

    There was also increasing disquiet within the club about plusvalenze. One executive was recorded by investigators saying: “I swear, I’ve had evenings in which I go home and I feel sick just thinking about it.” The practice of buying and selling players purely for bookkeeping reasons was taking its toll on the team, too. The team’s manager, Max Allegri, was furious at the incessant churn: “Last year’s transfers were only about plusvalenze, and so it was a fucked-up market,” he complained in a wiretapped conversation.

    “With Fabio [Paratici] there’s no reasoning,” one executive said to a colleague in another recording. “For as long as Marotta was there he could put brakes on him, but once he left, Fabio had carte blanche. He could wake up in the morning and sign €20m without anyone saying anything.” Paratici, who declined to be interviewed for this article, eventually left Juventus in May 2021.


    In the immediate aftermath of Agnelli’s resignation last November, Juventus announced that it had revised its accounts, admitting that it had underestimated losses for the 2020-21 year by €21m, bringing its official losses to €226.8m. “The financial statements of Juventus,” the FIGC wrote in its ruling against the club in January, “are simply not reliable.”

    Agnelli was banned from involvement in Italian football for two years; Paratici, the man at the centre of the scandal, was banned for two and a half. Fifa, the governing body of global football, has since extended that ban worldwide. (After losing his appeal earlier this month, Paratici resigned from his role as managing director of football at Tottenham Hotspur, the club he joined in summer 2021.) Juventus has announced that the company “trusts it will be in a position to demonstrate the correctness of its conduct” at the plusvalenze retrial, which will take place at the end of May.

    There is no possibility that Juventus will go bust: 63.8% of its shares are held by the financial giant Exor, which is owned by the Agnelli family and which enjoyed a net income in 2022 of €6.2bn. But the crisis is likely to become even more acute in the coming months. The next hearing into the criminal case will take place on 10 May and Uefa might also intervene, with powers to impose transfer embargos, financial penalties or even exclusion from Uefa competitions.

    Those who defend Juventus point out that it is subject to far more scrutiny, not just because it is the country’s most famous club but because, as one of only two publicly listed companies in Serie A (the other being Lazio), it is subject to different rules and increased scrutiny. “It’s a real encumbrance to have to work in a publicly traded club,” said Secco. “All the other football clubs that are not publicly listed companies have a greater freedom of action, and a big advantage, compared to those that are.” Most observers feel it’s inevitable that Juventus will be delisted in coming months to avoid such restrictions and burdens; but buying out all other shareholders is likely to be an extremely expensive operation for Exor.

    In February, Juventus supporters complaining of bias were given extra ammunition when footage emerged from 2019 in which Ciro Santoriello, who would go on to become one of the Prisma investigators, joked about being a Napoli fan who “hates Juventus”. “If the system wants to bring down a protagonist it can always create a scandal,” Carlo Diana, the former Juventus marketing manager, told me wearily.

    Juventus’s club crest outside its stadium.
    Juventus’s club crest outside its stadium. Photograph: Massimo Pinca/Reuters

    Many Juventus insiders believe that, although he came up with the wrong answers, Andrea Agnelli was actually asking the right question: how can Italian football increase revenue to make it competitive once more? Juve’s crisis lays bare the financial predicament in which most Italian football clubs now find themselves. There’s a vicious circle of low investment, which makes it hard to attract or retain the very best players, which makes it impossible to sell media rights at top rates, which means there is low investment, and on and on. “The product just looks awful,” says Mitchell. “The stadiums are dreadful, the empty stands look horrible, the football is two gears slower than in Spain or England.” A law that limits the sale of broadcast rights to short-term deals means that investors have no incentive to nurture the long-term development of the product.

    The collapse of TV rights sales has brought many Italian clubs to the brink of bankruptcy. In the 2021-24 cycle, the foreign rights to Serie A were sold for $658m (£529m) compared with (in the 2022-25 period) the Premier League’s $6.55bn or (for the 2018-24 period) La Liga’s €4.48bn. With current income from foreign media rights now so low, Serie A clubs are exploring selling a share of future revenues to investors. In June 2022, Barcelona, another club caught up in the spending arms race and now €1.1bn in debt, sold 25% of the club’s TV rights until 2047 to an investment firm.

    Football finance experts are aghast at the prospect, likening the move to taking out a second mortgage. “It’s always jam today, pay tomorrow,” says Mitchell. Like many others, he uses the language of addiction to describe clubs’ desperate search for cash. “These deals,” he wrote recently on his consultancy business’s website, “are like giving a junkie 10 bags of cash with the request that they go and get a hot meal. You know what is really going to happen.” Rather than investing in infrastructure, the money will go on players and agents in the never-ending quest for sporting success.

    Secco, the former Juventus sporting director, points to subtle, almost anthropological reasons for the current crisis: “Football in Italy,” he says, “has always been a party, something that allowed you to escape the conditions of your life. Football was outside all the stipulations for other activities, it was never given to accounting rigour. It wasn’t even a business. Deals are still done in a hotel or a restaurant, and that’s part of the conviviality that is in Italians’ nature.” Until very recently, football teams in Italy were consciously un-businesslike: they were loss-making clubs subsidised by a local entrepreneur or, in Juventus’s case, a global one.

    The Juventus crisis illustrates the fraught and evolving relationship between sport and finance. It was once a point of principle that all sport was amateur, “more Corinthian than capitalist”, as Mitchell says. Precisely what made sport appealing – its ludic scorn for worldly concerns, its relishing of risk and uncertainty and underdog surprises – rendered it unappealing to investors who demand predictable returns. The traditional European model – embodied by the Agnellis – was patrician largesse: when winning championships was “the only thing that matters”, no one cared how much money they lost. The most generous interpretation of Andrea Agnelli’s downfall is that, despite his best efforts, he remained an amateur in a sport that is now peopled by pros. A less generous one is that, like a profligate aristocrat, he never learned to cut his coat according to his cloth, and when he realised the scale of the problem he faced, his solutions only led his club further into the mire.

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    ( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )