Cruz ended up performing better than expected in the state’s delegate fight. And after the imbroglio, Trump brought in veteran Republican strategist Paul Manafort as part of an effort to bring a level of professionalism to his delegate operation. In the years since, he has told advisers: “I won the primary but lost the delegates.” And when he sat down with the Louisiana Republican Party leaders, the story of that delegate fight with Cruz was among the topics discussed, according to a person familiar with the conversation.
Now engaged in another delegate battle, Trump has been aggressively courting party leaders — in Louisiana and elsewhere — who are expected to be delegates at the party’s 2024 convention in Milwaukee. He’s been dining with them at Mar-a-Lago, chatting them up at party events and offering them endorsements. The effort will intensify in the weeks to come, with Trump expected to make appearances at state party events that will be filled with future national delegates.
The courtship illustrates Trump’s transformation as a presidential candidate — from the political newcomer of 2016 who oversaw a chaotic operation, to the experienced campaigner now playing the inside game.
“They’re very organized very early. They’ve been in touch with us a number of times,” said Rhett Davis, a consultant to the Louisiana GOP. “President Trump is in a much better position in Louisiana than he was in 2016. He’s extremely strong here.”
“No other presidential campaign or potential campaign has reached out to us,” Davis added.
Presidential primaries and caucuses don’t elect candidates, they elect delegates. Whichever candidate wins a simple majority of those delegates at the national convention next year will become the nominee.
While those delegates are bound to specific candidates at the beginning of the convention process, they can become unbound in the event of a contested convention or if their candidate releases them. That, in turn, makes them targets of wooing. State party leaders and others who are active in Republican politics typically become delegates — and Trump has lavished attention on them since leaving the White House.
During Trump-hosted rallies ahead of the 2022 midterm election, local Republican Party chairs were frequently given speaking time, and last year the former president spoke remotely to a meeting of the South Carolina GOP executive committee. He also has placed full-page ads in Iowa Republican Party publications. And when Trump launched his 2024 bid, his first campaign stop was at a meeting of the New Hampshire Republican Party.
Trump is also using the trappings of his gilded Mar-a-Lago estate to woo would-be delegates. In early March, the former president hosted roughly a dozen Nevada Republican Party leaders for a three-hour dinner. Over steaks and ice cream, Trump talked about the political landscape in the state, which traditionally hosts an early nominating contest.
When Trump isn’t with future delegates in-person, he is finding other ways to reach them. When the Missouri Republican Party met in February, Trump called the state party chair, Nick Myers, who put the former president on speakerphone so he could address the audience.
In Michigan, he has worked to ensure he is on smooth footing with Kristina Karamo, the state’s newly elected party chair. Trump had earlier endorsed a rival candidate in the February contest for Michigan Republican Party chair, but he personally congratulated Karamo when he saw her at the Conservative Political Action Conference in early March, according to a person familiar with the exchange.
Trump has used his much-coveted endorsement as a tool to win over would-be delegates. Early this year, the former president provided his support to Caleb Heimlich during his successful race for reelection as Washington State GOP chair. And, last month, the former president dove into a more local race — endorsing Bruce Parks in his ultimately successful bid for the chairmanship of Nevada’s Washoe County GOP.
Guiding Trump’s strategy is a team of advisers who are veterans of delegate fights. The group includes Brian Jack, Susie Wiles and Chris LaCivita — all of whom played key roles in the 2016 national convention. Also on the team is Clayton Henson, who served in the Trump White House and on the former president’s 2020 reelection campaign. Much of Trump’s team was present at the Republican National Committee gathering in Dana Point, Calif. earlier this year, where they met with party officials from a number of states.
Trump advisers believe their early outreach will give them a head start over rival candidates, who lack Trump’s long-standing connections to party officials.
“The Trump campaign … has spent the last eight years fine tuning its unmatched operation,” said Steven Cheung, a Trump campaign spokesperson. “For any other campaign to think they can come even close to what President Trump has built is laughable and delusional.”
What Trump’s campaign is trying to avoid is a rerun of the 2016 national convention, when Cruz waged a last-ditch effort to stop Trump from winning the nomination. While it ended up being unsuccessful, it was embarrassing to Trump.
Many of Cruz’s top alum are now serving on a super PAC bolstering Trump’s chief primary rival, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. The group includes former Virginia Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli, who in 2016 helped spearhead the anti-Trump push at the convention and at one point threw his credentials on the floor in protest.
Erin Perrine, a spokesperson for the pro-DeSantis group, Never Back Down, declined to comment directly on the group’s plans to engage in delegate outreach, but accused Trump of taking part in “Washington insider games” that “show he’s become the swamp he once vowed to drain.”
Still, there is little question, many state party leaders say, that Trump has a massive organizational head start over other candidates when it comes to wooing future delegates.
Mike Brown, the chair of the Kansas Republican Party, said he has had extensive conversations with Trump advisers about the state’s political landscape.
“They have done quite a bit in the way of staying in touch,” Brown said of the Trump campaign. “When it comes to the other campaigns, candidly, I haven’t heard from anybody.”
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
San Francisco: Elon Musk saw his wealth plummet by more than $12 billion in just a day as he faced chaos and disappointing news from across his companies — SpaceX, Twitter and Tesla.
According to Bloomberg’s Billionaires Index, this was the biggest drop in Musk’s wealth so far this year.
Tesla’s share price fell by 9.8 per cent after disappointing first quarter results.
Tesla’s operating income decreased 24 per cent to $2.7 billion in Q1 2023 as the Elon Musk-run EV maker continues to cut prices of its vehicles.
On the same day, SpaceX’s integrated Starship spacecraft experienced a “rapid unscheduled disassembly” four minutes into its first test flight.
SpaceX’s giant Starship rocket exploded after its launch from the US state of Texas on Thursday.
The rocket got off the launch pad in SpaceX’s Starbase in South Texas but exploded minutes later. The spacecraft failed to reach orbit.
Twitter also went into chaos after Musk removed legacy Blue check marks, leaving hundreds of celebrities in the doldrum.
Musk still remains the world’s second-richest person despite this latest tumble in net worth, behind French tycoon Bernard Arnault, reports The Verge.
Musk’s fortune once sat as high as $320 billion in late 2021. Later, he became the first person in history to lose over $200 billion.
SRINAGAR: As incidents of dog bites increase in Kashmir, there is a growing need for sterilization and proper waste disposal. According to doctors, sterilizing and vaccinating dogs can help control their population, prevent rabies, and reduce attacks. They emphasized that sterilization is the sole scientifically-proven method of controlling the stray dog population.
“Every day, a large number of people are falling prey to dog bites. The canines are storming streets, chasing cars, pulling down bicycle riders, and often attacking pedestrians and school children,” they said.
A few days ago, a minor boy was mauled by dogs in Beighpora Awantipora in Pulwama. Doctors treating him said that the wounds were so deep that even his lungs were injured, and the incident is enough to show the gravity of dog bite menace in Kashmir. They said that the minor boy was brought to SMHS Hospital in critical condition with multiple injuries, including injuries to the scalp, chest, shoulder, thigh, and other parts. There were deep wounds on his body, and his vitals were deranged when he was brought to the hospital, they said.
“The patient is stable now, and his multiple injuries have been stitched and repaired with the help of plastic and ENT surgeons, and we are hopeful that he will recover soon,” they said.
Parents of the minor said that he was attacked by the dogs in farmland when no one was there, but the main reason behind it is the improper disposal of waste that is luring dogs. They said that both the public and the government are responsible for the improper disposal of waste, but action needs to be taken immediately as today it has happened with us and tomorrow the same can happen with others.
Despite going through such a difficult phase, nobody from the administration has even called us, they said, adding that the government must take steps immediately to eradicate the growing dog bite menace.
An official from the anti-rabies clinic SMHS said that from 1st April 2022 till 31st March 2023, as many as 6,875 bite cases were reported to ARC SMHS, and most of them were from Srinagar. Giving details, he said that among animal bites in the last year, 4,912 animal bite cases were reported from Srinagar at ARC SMHS, 317 from Budgam, 201 from Baramulla, 134 from Kupwara, 168 from Bandipora, 301 from Ganderbal, 221 from Pulwama, 138 from Shopian, 147 from Kulgam, 85 from Anantnag, and 231 from other areas.
Rabies is an invariably fatal viral disease resulting in approximately 59,000 human deaths per year globally, with 95% of cases occurring in Africa and Asia. The only way to prevent a rabies death is vaccination of an animal bite victim. In Kashmir, the burden and characteristics of dog bites are not routinely captured by the health system in place. (KNO)
Pezzola would subsequently enter the Capitol — arriving at the precise moment that Sen. Chuck Grassley, then the third in line to the presidency, was being evacuated. And he would record a video celebrating the breach of the Capitol that has been a key piece of evidence for prosecutors in the seditious conspiracy trial against Pezzola and four Proud Boys leaders: Enrique Tarrio, Joe Biggs, Ethan Nordean and Zachary Rehl.
In addition to seditious conspiracy, the five men are charged with attempting to obstruct Congress’ proceedings that day and aiding in the destruction of government property.
Pezzola used the early portion of his testimony to separate himself from the group’s leadership.
“The craziest damn thing is I never even knew these guys before I met them at the courthouse,” Pezzola said.
Pezzola’s turn on the stand is a climactic moment for the trial, and potentially the last before the four-month-long trial goes to the jury. Prosecutors have portrayed the Proud Boys as a sinister force on Jan. 6, plotting to do whatever they could to disrupt the transfer of power from Trump — who they viewed as an ally — to President Joe Biden. Trump’s call for a “wild” protest in Washington, D.C. on Jan. 6 was the moment the group’s leaders decided to take measures to help Trump disrupt the incoming Biden presidency, prosecutors have alleged.
The group also took a sharp turn against police in mid-December 2020, when four members of the Proud Boys were stabbed outside a bar following a pro-Trump event and the alleged perpetrator was not apprehended, prosecutors contended.
The case relied heavily on thousands of Telegram messages sent among members of the group describing their intentions and coordinating rallies and protests related to the election results. They also showed ample video of the group’s movements in Washington D.C. on Jan. 6. The government’s key witness in the case, Proud Boy leader Jeremy Bertino, testified that he knew the group’s goal was to derail the transfer of power, even though there were no explicit plans relayed to the group’s broader membership.
The defense has contended that the group’s role has been inflated, that they’re more akin to a drinking club whose members use a lot of hyperbole and overheated language that they didn’t intend to back up.
Pezzola’s testimony — expected to last at least deep into Wednesday — continued in that vein. He said he viewed the Proud Boys as a forum for camaraderie and brotherhood, not a force for violence. He said that on Jan. 6, he never had any inkling of a plan or conspiracy to stop Congress from convening to count electoral votes.
He acknowledged trespassing and crossing police lines at least twice. And he admitted that he shattered “one pane of glass” of the Senate window. But after that, he said, he “wandered around lost with no idea where I was going, took some pictures.”
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
Washington: Joe Biden’s administration has defended its decision to pull American troops out of Afghanistan and blamed former US President Donald Trump for the chaotic withdrawal from the war-torn country.
The White House on Thursday released a 12-page document on the conditions that led to US’ exit from Afghanistan in 2021 and sent related classified documents to various Congressional committees.
The report places much of the blame on the previous Trump administration, saying President Biden was “severely constrained” by former president Trump’s decisions.
The Trump administration had negotiated a withdrawal agreement with the Taliban that Biden pledged to honour. But Thursday’s report criticised the former Republican president for a lack of planning to carry out the deal.
According to the report, when Biden took office on January 20, 2021, “the Taliban were in the strongest military position that they had been in since 2001, controlling or contesting nearly half of the country.”
At the same time, the US had only 2,500 troops on the ground, the lowest since 2001, and President Biden was facing Trump’s near-term deadline to withdraw all US forces from Afghanistan by May 2021, or the Taliban would resume its attacks on US and allied troops, it said.
It said Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin testified on September 28, 2021, “The intelligence was clear that if we did not leave in accordance with that agreement, the Taliban would recommence attacks on our forces.”
John Kirby, White House National Security Coordinator for Strategic Communications, told reporters here that the Biden administration was “proud” of its withdrawal from Afghanistan.
“The president’s very proud of the manner in which the men and women of the military, the Foreign Service, and the intelligence community conducted this withdrawal,” he said.
“I’ve been around operations my entire life, and there’s not a single one that ever goes perfectly according to plan,” he said.
Kirby said Biden’s choice was stark, either to withdraw all US forces or resume fighting with the Taliban.
“He chose the former, but even in doing so, secured extra time to conduct that withdrawal, stretching it out to August. Despite having his options curtailed, President Biden led a deliberate, rigorous and inclusive decision-making process that was responsive to facts on the ground,” he said.
Noting that the administration focused keenly on the need for proper planning, he said Biden directed his top national security leaders to begin planning for a withdrawal even before he had made the final decision to leave Afghanistan.
He ordered troop reduction plans, plans to turn over bases and equipment to the Afghan government as the previous administration had negotiated, plans to draw down the diplomatic presence and plans to evacuate both American citizens and Afghan allies alike, Kirby said.
The White House official said the evacuation planning started in the spring of 2021 and the president ordered additional military forces pre-positioned in the region by mid-summer in case they were ever needed.
Throughout, President Biden insisted that his team plan for worst-case scenarios such as the fall of Kabul, even though the intelligence community’s assessment when he was making the decision in early 2021, was that Taliban advances would accelerate only after the withdrawal of US forces, Kirby said.
The president repeatedly requested assessments of the trajectory of the conflict from his military and his intelligence professionals, he said.
The long-awaited report also cites intelligence failure in not predicting rapid Taliban victory.
Responding to a question on inaccurate intelligence assessment, Kirby said no agency predicted a Taliban takeover in nine days.
“No agency predicted the rapid fleeing of President Ghani who had indicated to us his intent to remain in Afghanistan up until he departed on the 15th of August,” he said.
The internationally backed Afghan government collapsed and then-President Ashraf Ghani fled the country in August 2021 as the Taliban took over the capital, Kabul, amid the withdrawal of US forces.
During the evacuation, a suicide bombing by the Afghanistan branch of ISIS killed at least 175 people, including 13 US service members.
“No agency predicted that the more than 300,000 trained and equipped Afghan National Security and Defense Forces would fail to fight for the country, especially after 20 years of American support,” Kirby said.
The mission that was originally sent into Afghanistan was accomplished a long, long time ago, he said.
“Remember, they were ordered under President Bush to avenge the 9/11 attacks and to go specifically after Osama bin Laden and al-Qaida. And decimating and degrading al-Qaida’s capability in Afghanistan was a mission that we accomplished a long, long time ago,” he said.
“Over time, the president has talked about this, the mission in Afghanistan morphed into something it wasn’t intended to originally be,” Kirby said.
The Biden administration has faced mounting criticism, especially from Republicans, over its withdrawal from Afghanistan.
In meetings with other wealthy businessmen, DeSantis has been even more explicit, portraying himself as an obvious choice for anyone frustrated by the former president Donald Trump’s legal troubles and antics.
In the case of Lauder, DeSantis’ audience was well-chosen. The businessman has not been shy about his frustration with Trump, whom he backed in past races.
Through a spokesperson, Lauder declined to comment.
DeSantis’ spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.
“I’m no drama. I’m no chaos,” one New York businessman said in paraphrasing the pitch the Florida governor made to other well-heeled New Yorkers. “I’m calm, cool and collected. Very focused.”
That businessman, who continues to support the former president and counts him as a friend, said DeSantis has reached out to New York real estate moguls who own property in Florida. To that end, both DeSantis and Trump attended the wedding of real estate investor Steve Witkoff’s son in Palm Beach last year.
In meetings, DeSantis emphasizes his military background and his record of getting “points on the scoreboard” as governor of the increasingly Republican state, said the person — who was granted anonymity to share details of private discussions.
“From what I’ve heard, he does not say President Trump is drama and chaos. He just says he’s not. So, what is that implying?” the person said.
The message mirrors DeSantis’ comments in a recent interview with Fox Nation’s Piers Morgan, during which he questioned Trump’s style and said: “I have what it takes to be president and I can beat Biden.”
The outreach by DeSantis provides a window into the early calculations he and his team have made as they ready themselves for a presidential run. The governor has made a name for himself castigating corporate America, while also leaning on top finance figures for financial support. His team sees New York donors as prime turf, not only for their deep pockets but also because many of them backed Trump out of convenience rather than a shared ideology with his MAGA base.
“Governor DeSantis is a conservative who is widely viewed as being far more electable than Trump in a general election. Given that he has the conservative policy minus the baggage, minus the legal problems, it’s no surprise that he would find some success among New York’s most important conservative donors,” Jon Reinish, a Democratic political consultant, said in an interview.
DeSantis, who plans to deliver remarks on Long Island Saturday evening, has recently been struggling with sagging poll numbers, news cycles dominated by Trump and an initial statement casting skepticism on support for the Ukraine war that disappointed some Republicans.
Just how big a draw DeSantis is for the New York crowd could be revealed in upcoming filings of super PACs that are boosting his expected candidacy, including one chaired by former Trump official Ken Cuccinelli. A filing for that committee is expected next month.
Interviews with six people across senior levels of Wall Street’s biggest banks revealed an intense desire for a GOP candidate who could deny Trump the nomination. While the finance industry appreciated Trump’s tax cuts — partially designed by former Goldman Sachs executive Gary Cohn during his time in Trump’s White House — they grew to loathe his protectionist trade policies, penchant for attacking individual companies and firing off market-shaking tweets. His unwillingness to forcefully condemn white nationalist groups further alienated him from the industry.
“Look there is no question that some of what he did was good for us,” a top executive at one of America’s largest banks said on condition of anonymity so as not to draw Trump’s fire. “But he’s bad for America. And ultimately that’s bad for us. And most of our employees can’t stand him.”
Ben White and Sam Sutton contributed to this report.
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( With inputs from : www.politico.com )
So, that plan. Everyone wants to see the plan, to see the world in a grain of sand, to see the nuts and bolts of a sophisticated modern footballing philosophy in a promising 15-minute spell either side of the break. The truth is, there is no plan yet. Just the kind of mid-tempo chaos you get when you are still at the thick end of one of the most audacious experiments ever seen in elite football. The bottom line is that Chelsea still can’t keep the ball and they still can’t keep it out. Everything else is bubbling test tubes and incomplete data.
There were 21 shots in the 1-0 defeat at Dortmund, which is at least something. João Félix probably should have had a couple of goals, Gregor Kobel made several fine saves for the hosts and, naturally for a Graham Potter team, the xG was off the charts. You might even argue that this was the sort of game Chelsea deserved to win. All the same, they keep failing to win them, largely because they keep doing the sort of things that teams do when they have no map, no structure to fall back on, no collective consciousness to drag them through the tough bits.
It was telling that with 20 minutes remaining, Potter reached for Marc Cucurella and Mason Mount: his tried and trusted toys. Mount made one fine tackle high up the pitch to create an opening; Cucurella, by contrast, wandered around like a man who had just stumbled out of a house fire. Booed when he came on and hounded every time he got the ball, there was a kind of pathos to him here: a £50m footballer who no longer really knows what any of this means, who no longer knows what the plan is here.
But of course these things work both ways. Opponents can’t really work you out if you don’t know what you’re doing yourself. If you’re a rival coach who wants to know how this Chelsea side combine with each other, how they react in certain situations, what do you do? What footage do you consult? And perhaps Chelsea’s best moments here were when the patterns broke down and they were forced to trust to pure individual quality at each end.
Thiago Silva heading away cross after cross. Mykhaylo Mudryk running at Marius Wolf on the left wing, losing it and inevitably getting it back again. Félix fluttering this way and that in the final third. Hakim Ziyech looking sharp in the second half. If you’re a coach with a vision and a blueprint, you take tactics over talent every time. But there are times when talent really doesn’t hurt.
The flip-side was the ease with which Dortmund could pass through Chelsea’s press, which at this stage of its gestation remains a largely theoretical thing. There are players in positions, certainly. Some of them running in a gutsy sort of way towards the ball. But virtually no concept of spacing or coordination just yet, no sense of a team moving as one, a system run by Zoom call. Can you communicate at all when the noise is this deafening and nobody really knows each other’s movements yet?
Graham Potter watches on as his Chelsea side lose the first leg of their last-16 Champions League tie with Borussia Dortmund 1-0 in Germany. Photograph: Paul Currie/Shutterstock
Perhaps the best example of this was at set pieces. Has a losing team ever taken as long over set pieces as this? Every free-kick seemed to involve a board-level summit, four or five players congregating on the ball while Silva waved his arms behind them. Goal-kicks were a similar story: as the centre-halves dutifully spread wide, Kepa looked up and realised that in the time he needed to set himself, every single teammate was marked. What’s the plan here, then?
And after that promising 15-minute spell, things fell apart in the most Chelsea way possible. Chelsea were offside at a corner, some players stopped, some players didn’t, and all of a sudden Karim Adeyemi was burning Enzo Fernández for pace, scoring the only goal of the game. If there was an irony here it was that the immaculately honed and structured Dortmund had struck Chelsea in just the way Chelsea were most likely to strike themselves: with a searing direct counterattack, a flash of individual brilliance, a finish that seemed almost prosaic in its assurance.
These are the sorts of things that happen when you are all cast and no movie. And as Dortmund cycled through their substitutes, there was perhaps another lesson for Chelsea here too. Dortmund have in many ways perfected a very similar model Chelsea are trying to follow: harvest Europe’s top young talent, develop it, nurture it, watch it swell in value. Adeyemi, a £30m summer signing from Salzburg, has been trusted through a torrid period by coach Edin Terzic, slowly learning his own game and Dortmund’s. Does Potter have the time to give a struggling young player that kind of leeway? Or does he simply shuffle in the next promising young card off the deck? What exactly is the plan here?
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Potter, for his part, seems like a coach second-guessing himself, torn between long-term renewal and short-term impact. The fans are already beginning to turn; desperate to see an A-list coach with this A-list squad. Chelsea still have a foot in this tie, which represents perhaps their last remaining thread to Champions League football next season. If it breaks, Potter may well end up being cut loose with it.
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( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )
By all accounts, including his own, David Crosby could be a tricky and difficult character. His career was regularly punctuated by angry arguments, bitter fallings-out, sackings, general discord. Joni Mitchell once waspishly suggested he was “a human-hater”. His former bandmate Roger McGuinn described his behaviour while a member of the Byrds as that of a “little Hitler”. Perhaps the best way to describe him was mercurial. He could be utterly charming and mischievously funny – fans gave him the affectionate nickname the Old Grey Cat – and incredibly generous to other musicians: Mitchell, among others, owed him a great deal. He could also be impossible: overbearing, mouthy, convinced of his own brilliance.
The thing was, he was right: Crosby genuinely was brilliant. He was blessed with a beautiful voice and an uncanny gift for harmony: in the early years, when the nascent Byrds were still blatant Beatles copyists called the Beefeaters, his vocals could make even their weakest material sparkle. He was a fantastic, forward-thinking songwriter. The jazz-influenced Everybody’s Been Burned sounded impressively sophisticated – a cutting-edge example of pop’s increasing maturity – when the Byrds recorded it in 1966. It turned out that Crosby had written it in 1962 while still a struggling folkie. Listening back to the multi-platinum albums of Crosby Stills & Nash (CSN), what’s striking is how original and idiosyncratic his songwriting contributions were.
Yet the Byrds had initially demurred from recording his material: it was hard to find room in among the souped-up folk songs and Dylan covers and the work of the band’s frontman McGuinn and chief songwriter Gene Clark. But almost as soon as Crosby got space on their albums, he changed the band. He forced his fellow Byrds to listen to a collection of Ravi Shankar ragas and John Coltrane’s Africa/Brass over and over again while touring the UK: the two albums inspired the groundbreaking Eight Miles High, widely considered to be the first psychedelic single ever released. He was also the Byrds’ most enthusiastic chronicler of the LSD experience, which informed the frantic I See You and the suitably dazed-sounding What’s Happening?!?! on 1966’s Fifth Dimension.
Emboldened, Crosby didn’t just fight for more room on its follow-up, Younger Than Yesterday, he insisted the band record some of his most adventurous and outre material: not just Everybody’s Been Burned but Mind Gardens, which ventured into freeform territory, “neither rhymed or had rhythm” in Crosby’s words, and, in truth, wobbled a little unsteadily along the line that separates adventurousness from self-indulgence. He successfully lobbied for his song Lady Friend to be released as a single: it was both a flop and a superb song, richly melodic, boasting an intricate brass arrangement and complex vocal harmonies. Crosby performed the latter alone, wiping his bandmates’ contributions and replacing them with his own multi-tracked voice.
Stephen Stills, David Crosby and Graham Nash AKA Crosby Stills & Nash. Photograph: JLS/AP
That didn’t go down terribly well with the other Byrds, becoming a symbol of increasingly strained relations between Crosby and the rest of the band. The others hated celebrity, remaining surly and taciturn in interviews. Crosby loved fame, rarely missing the opportunity to offer his lengthy thoughts on drugs, politics or free love to journalists or indeed live audiences. Then there was his increasingly domineering attitude in the studio: “I was,” Crosby later said, “a thorough prick.” The band fired him midway through the making of their next album, The Notorious Byrd Brothers, although tellingly they kept his songs: Draft Morning, Tribal Gathering and Dolphin’s Smile were all flatly brilliant, although clearly not brilliant enough for the band to endure his presence any longer.
Crosby seemed uncertain what to do next. He encountered Mitchell performing in a coffee shop and kickstarted her career, helping her land a recording contract and producing her debut album. And he stockpiled new songs, waiting for the opportunity that finally presented itself when the Hollies’ Graham Nash turned up at a house in LA where Crosby and Stephen Stills, formerly of the Buffalo Springfield, were jamming, and added a third harmony to the duo’s vocals.
Crosby Stills & Nash: Long Time Gone – video
Everything clicked perfectly on CSN’s eponymous 1969 debut. The trio’s harmonies, usually arranged by Crosby, were astonishing. All writers, they had a surfeit of great material: even in such exalted company, Crosby’s Guinnevere, an expansive product of his obsession with finding new tunings for his guitar, stood out. And the album’s sound and mood, relaxed even on rockier tracks such as Crosby’s Long Time Gone, fitted the moment: music to soothe listeners as the 60s party drew to a messy conclusion. It was a huge hit, establishing CSN as the premier example of that most late 60s of concepts, the supergroup. But there were issues. Relations in the band could be volatile, a state of affairs not much helped by their increasing enthusiasm for cocaine. They became more volatile still when Stills’ brilliant but erratic former Buffalo Springfield bandmate Neil Young joined, and Crosby’s girlfriend Christine Hinton was killed in a car accident: Nash opined that Crosby was “never the same” after identifying her body.
Still, for a while at least, the music continued to flow from him. Not just Crosby Stills Nash & Young’s (CSNY) multi-platinum album Déjà Vu – home to Crosby’s twitchily paranoid Almost Cut My Hair – but the frankly extraordinary 1971 solo album, If I Could Only Remember My Name: haunting, richly atmospheric, the vocals frequently wordless and, on closer I’d Swear There Was Somebody Here, authentically unsettling, it might be the fullest expression of Crosby’s restless sense of adventure.
Crosby pictured with Joni Mitchell, whose career he kickstarted. Photograph: Sulfiati Magnuson
Said adventurousness was there again on 1972’s Graham Nash David Crosby, recorded by the duo when CSNY proved incapable of holding together long enough to follow-up to Déjà Vu. The album’s poppier material was Nash’s work, while Crosby came up with more expansive and exploratory exercises in mood and atmosphere of which Games was a particularly great example. The duo would reconvene, making the beautiful Wind on the Water, after CSNY’s famously turbulent 1974 tour came to a premature conclusion. The quartet had been lured back together by the prospect of making vast sums of money, although the omens were there – they had already tried and failed to record a new album. Proceedings swiftly degenerated into a bacchanal of coked-out excess and off-key vocals that Crosby dubbed “the doom tour”.
But things were even more doom-laden than Crosby thought, or the sunlit tone of Wind on the Water suggested. His increasing addiction – he moved from snorting cocaine to freebasing and using heroin – began to affect his writing, at least in terms of quantity. A man who had battled the Byrds to get as many of his songs as possible on their albums managed only three compositions on 1977’s CSN, an album that sold 6m copies: if the sense of exploratory magic that sparkled throughout Crosby Stills and Nash’s debut had been replaced by solid professionalism, its sound fitted neatly with that year’s vogue for smooth, Californian rock (tellingly, it was at No 2 in the US charts when Fleetwood Mac’s Rumours was at No 1). Thereafter, he stopped writing almost entirely. He cobbled together a solo album from unreleased songs he had written in the 70s. Rejected by his record label, it nevertheless provided the source for his solitary contribution to CSN’s next album, 1982’s Daylight Again: that the implausibly lovely Delta was one of its scattered highlights only underlined the talent that Crosby seemed intent on throwing away.
Crosby Stills & Nash: Delta – video
Just how intent he was is laid out in his 1988 autobiography Long Time Gone, a book that spares few details in documenting his descent: the open sores that covered his face and body, the squalid conditions in which he and partner, Jan Dance, lived, the crowd of dealers and fellow addicts he surrounded himself with – so sinister that even the musicians still willing to work with him dubbed them “the Manson Family” – the endless string of drug and firearms busts. At one juncture, Crosby had a drug-induced seizure while driving a car at 65 miles an hour. At another, Dance was held hostage by a dealer to whom Crosby owed money while he was out on the road. His addiction was such that he refused to let go of his freebase pipe even when a policeman was arresting him backstage. Nash began publicly expressing the view that Crosby was going to die; Young responded to his plight with the scathing Hippie Dream, a song that depicted Crosby in his ruin, “capsized in excess”. His deterioration was made very publicly visible during a chaotic CSNY performance at Live Aid. Running unsteadily through their brief set, Crosby looked decades older than his fellow musicians. “A 14-year addiction to heroin and cocaine has left David Crosby looking like a Bowery bum,” wrote Spin magazine.
Backstage at Live Aid, Young had suggested he would consent to a new CSNY album if Crosby cleaned up. After Crosby emerged from a nine-month stretch in prison on drugs and weapons charges – a sentence that almost undoubtedly saved his life – Young proved true to his word. Soulless and stilted, American Dream was a largely awful album – Compass, which Crosby had written in prison, was a rare highlight among a dearth of decent material – and, if anything, the subsequent CSNY album Live It Up was even worse, a hopeless attempt to marry their harmonies to the booming drums and glossy synth production that was still mainstream US rock’s default setting. It was a problem that also afflicted his post-prison solo albums Oh Yes I Can and Thousand Roads, although anyone prepared to dig deep would find a scattering of songs suggesting his skills were undiminished – the reflective and rueful Tracks in the Dust, the wordless Flying Man on the former, the Mitchell co-write Yvette in English on the latter. And, as Crosby put it: “I was just glad to be there at all.”
Crosby with his wife, Jan Dance, in 2014. Photograph: Michael Nelson/EPA
Meanwhile, CSN remained a huge live draw – even more so when Young could be inveigled to join them – while Crosby’s solo career began to blossom. He formed the jazzy trio CPR with James Raymond, who had only found out he was Crosby’s son when he was 30. Raymond also worked on his father’s strong 2014 solo album Croz. Mischievous as ever, Crosby was an enthusiastic participant in CSNY’s confrontational 2006 Freedom of Speech tour, its setlist weighted in favour of Young’s recent Living With War, an album that protested against the George Bush administration and the conflict in Iraq. Their performances provoked boos and walk-outs from conservative fans, but Crosby remained gleefully unrepentant: “Who are these people who come to a CSNY show and complain that we’re political?”
Age and sobriety didn’t diminish Crosby’s capacity to cause trouble. A projected CSN album with Rick Rubin had to be abandoned because Rubin couldn’t get along with him. Next, he fell out very publicly with both Young and Nash – he criticised both for leaving their wives for younger women – which brought both CSN and CSNY to a permanent conclusion. Crosby occasionally expressed regret, but in reality seemed energised by the finality of their split.
Certainly there was a noticeable upswing in the quality of his music. Recorded with much younger musicians, 2018’s Here If You Listen was the best and certainly the most consistent album Crosby had made since the early 70s. On its opener Glory or the poignant Your Own Ride (“I’ve been thinking about dying, how to do it well,” sang Crosby, who was plagued by ill health) it suggested an artist enjoying an unexpected creative Indian summer, an impression underlined by last year’s Live at the Capitol Theatre, which melded CSN classics, songs from If I Could Only Remember My Name and more recent material into an impressive summation of his career.
He also became an enthusiastic user of Twitter – he was still tweeting the day before he died – on which he was variously funny, provocative, infuriating, generous, wilfully argumentative, clearly obsessed with music, and never above reminding the world of his own talent. He was still tweeting right up to his death: his anger about US politics and the environment, praise for photographs of particularly well-rolled joints, approving retweets of fans praising his music – and of an old quote from his former bandmate Stills, a final moment of consensus about their motivation: “The joy of making a wonderful noise together.”
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( With inputs from : www.theguardian.com )